Chapter I: Part 1

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PUBLICATIONS OF
THE ESSEX BOOK AND PRINT CLUB

No. I

NEW-ENGLANDS
PLANTATION
&c.

New-Englands
PLANTATION

WITH

_The Sea Journal and
Other Writings_

By REV. FRANCIS HIGGINSON

_First Minister of the Plantation at_ SALEM
_in the_ MASSACHUSETTS BAY _Colony_

THE ESSEX BOOK AND PRINT CLUB
_SALEM MASSACHUSETTS_
1908

ONE HUNDRED AND SEVENTY-FIVE COPIES
PRINTED AT THE RIVERSIDE PRESS
CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS
FOR THE ESSEX BOOK
AND PRINT
CLUB

Introduction

“New-Englands Plantation,” a tract published in London early in 1630, contains the earliest printed account of the colony established by Endecott in 1628, at Neihum-kek, now Salem. A description of the natural conditions surrounding the new settlement is also preserved, the narrative presenting, in the quaint phrase of the original, “a short and true description of the commodities and discommodities of that countrey.” The tract was written by the Reverend Francis Higginson, who came in the emigration following Endecott, and who was eminently fitted, both by education and profession, to prepare for the friends in England a faithful account of the life in the new country, not only to gratify a natural curiosity, but also to attract a further emigration.

Francis Higginson probably was born in Claybrooke Parish, Leicester, England, in 1587-88. He received his degree of M.A. in 1613 at Jesus College, Cambridge, and two years later he was settled over Claybrooke Parish, where he preached with distinction until at last his nonconformity brought him into danger of imprisonment. About that time “The Governor and Company of the Massachusetts-Bay in New England” obtained a charter from Charles I, and Higginson was invited to join the party which was being organized to make the first settlement in the new country. As minister he was to have equal political authority with the members of the governing council. He accepted the invitation, and with his family landed safely at Neihum-kek, now Salem, Massachusetts, on June 30, 1629, and on the 6th of August following, was ordained teacher of the church, with Samuel Skelton as pastor. By virtue of his office he became not only a spiritual guide but a leader among his people, more especially during the trying winter and spring following the arrival of the ships. The exposure and the privations endured during that time proved too severe, and consumption laid hold upon him. He died August 6, 1630, “in the prime of his life and on the threshold of a great career,” leaving a widow and eight children, one of whom also became a minister and served the Salem church for nearly fifty years.

The manuscript of “New-Englands Plantation” probably was sent home to England upon the return of one of the vessels that had brought over the planters. It was received in London before November 20, 1629 (see Young’s “Chronicles of the Colony of the Massachusetts Bay,” pp. 107, 242). Higginson had not expected that it would be printed, as it was written for “the satisfaction of loving friends” who had requested a letter upon his arrival, giving some account of the voyage across the Atlantic and of the newly settled country. Only the latter part of this letter was printed, the earlier portion, describing the voyage, not being deemed of sufficient importance to be thus preserved. Three editions were published, all bearing date of 1630. The author’s name appears on the title-pages of the second and third editions. In 1634 was published William Wood’s “New Englands Prospect,” which gave much detailed information regarding the country and the settlements in the Massachusetts Bay. This superseded the earlier account by Higginson, and the latter dropped out of sight and in time became very rare. In 1792 it was reprinted in the Massachusetts Historical Collections. In 1836 it was included in Force’s “Tracts,” and in 1846 in Young’s “Chronicles of the Colony of the Massachusetts Bay.”

The several editions may be described as follows:

FIRST EDITION

Small 4to. 21 unnumbered pages. Collation: Title (1), reverse
blank; To the Reader, signed M. S. (1), reverse blank; New-Englands
Plantation (17); ends “Finis.” Signatures, B- (D on last page).

SECOND EDITION

Small 4to. 27 unnumbered pages. Collation: Title (1), reverse
blank; To the Reader, signed M. S. (1), reverse blank; New-Englands
Plantajon (23); ends “Fjnjs.” Signatures, B (beginning with
“New-Englands Plantajon”)-D(4)

THIRD EDITION

Small 4to. 23 numbered pages. Collation: Title (1), reverse, To
the Reader, signed M. S. (2); New-Englands Plantation (3-17);
[Ornament] A Letter sent from New-England, by Master Graues,
engynere now there resident (18-19); A Catalogue of such needfull
things as euery Planter doth or ought to Prouide to go to
New-England, etc. (20-21); The names of the most remarkable places
in New-England (22-23); ends “Fjnjs.” Signatures, A7; 1 leaf, B-D
in 4s.

Copies of the several editions are preserved in the following libraries:

_First Edition._

Harvard University Library.

Essex Institute Library, Salem, Mass. (This copy has title-page and
last leaf in fac-simile.)

John Carter Brown Library, Providence, R. I.

New York Public Library (Lenox Library).

New York State Library, Albany, N. Y.

Library of Congress.

Library of E. D. Church, Brooklyn, N. Y.

Library of a Collector, Brooklyn, N. Y.

Library of Frederick R. Halsey, New York City.

Library of Edward E. Ayer, Chicago, Ill.

_Second Edition._

Boston Public Library.

New York Public Library (Lenox Library).

Library of E. D. Church, Brooklyn, N. Y.

Library of a Collector, Brooklyn, N. Y.

Library of Henry Huth, London, Eng.

_Third Edition._

Boston Public Library.

Massachusetts Historical Society Library.

John Carter Brown Library, Providence, R. I.

New York Public Library (Lenox Library).

Philadelphia Library Company. (This copy has title-page of the
first edition bound with text of the third edition.)

British Museum Library.

Library of Edward E. Ayer, Chicago, Ill.

In the following pages the first edition of “New-Englands Plantation” is reproduced in fac-simile from a copy in the John Carter Brown Library, at Providence, R. I., through the courtesy of the Librarian, Mr. George Parker Winship. The third edition also has been reprinted from a copy in the library of the Massachusetts Historical Society for purposes of comparison and to preserve the additional matter that it contains. The account of the voyage to Neihum-kek and other writings of Higginson are from the manuscript formerly in the possession of Governor Hutchinson and now preserved by the Massachusetts Historical Society.

CONTENTS

PAGE

“NEW-ENGLANDS PLANTATION,” by
Rev. _Francis Higginson_, London,
1630. Fac-simile of the first edition 15

“GENERALL CONSIDERACONS” for the
planting of New England 39

THE AGREEMENT BETWEEN MR. HIGGINSON
AND THE NEW ENGLAND
COMPANY 49

A TRUE RELATION OF THE LAST VOYAGE
TO NEW ENGLAND IN 1629 by Mr.
_Higginson_ 55

“NEW-ENGLANDS PLANTATION,” London,
1630. The third edition 85

A LETTER THAT MR. HIGGINSON SENT
TO HIS FRIENDS AT LEICESTER 115

NOTES 123

INDEX 127

NEW-ENGLANDS PLANTATION

NEW-ENGLANDS
PLANTATION.

OR,
A SHORT AND TRVE
DESCRIPTION OF THE
COMMODITIES AND
DISCOMMODITIES
of that Countrey.

Written by a reuerend Diuine now
there resident.

LONDON,
Printed by _T. C._ and _R. C._ for _Michael Sparke_,
dwelling at the Signe of the _Blew Bible_ in
_Greene Arbor_ in the little _Old Bailey_.

1630.

To the Reader.

_Reader, doe not disdaine to read this Relation; and looke not here to haue a large Gate and no building within; a full-stuffed Title with no matter in the Booke: But here reade the truth, and that thou shalt find without any frothy bumbasted words, or any quaint new-deuised additions, onely as it was written (not intended for the Presse) by a reuerend Diuine now there living, who onely sent it to some Friends here, which were desirous of his Relations; which is an Epitomy of their proceedings in the Plantation. And for thy part if thou meanest to be no Planter nor Venturer, doe but lend thy good Prayers for the furthrance of it. And so I rest a well-wisher to all the good designes both of them which are gone, and of them that are to goe._

M. S.

NEW ENGLANDS _PLANTATION_.

Letting passe our Voyage by Sea, we will now begin our discourse on the shore of _New-England_. And because the life and wel-fare of euerie Creature here below, and the commodiousnesse of the Countrey whereas such Creatures liue, doth by the most wise ordering of Gods prouidence, depend next vnto himselfe, vpon the temperature and disposition of the foure Elements, Earth, Water, Aire and Fire (For as of the mixture of all these, all sublunarie things are composed; so by the more or lesse inioyment of the wholesome temper and conuenient vse of these, consisteth the onely well-being both of Man and Beast in a more or lesse comfortable measure in all Countreys vnder the Heanens) Therefore I will endeauour to shew you what _New-England_ is by the consideration of each of these apart, and truly endeauour by Gods helpe to report nothing but the naked truth and that both to tell you of the discommodities as well as of the commodities, though as the idle Prouerbe is, _Trauellers may lye by authoritie_, and so may take too much sinfull libertie that way. Yet I may say of my selfe as once _Nehemiah_ did in another case: _Shall such a Man as I lye?_ No verily: It becommeth not a Preacher of Truth to be a Writer of Falshood in any degree: and therefore I haue beene carefull to report nothing of _New-England_ but what I haue partly seene with mine owne Eyes, and partly heard and enquired from the Mouthes of verie honest and religious person, who by liuing in the Countrey a good space of time haue had experience and knowledge of the state thereof, & whose testimonies I doe beleeue as my selfe.

First therefore of the Earth of _New-England_ and all the appurtenances thereof: It is a Land of diuers and sundry sorts all about _Masathulets_ Bay, and at _Charles_ Riuer is as fat blacke Earth as can be seene any where: and in other places you haue a clay soyle, in other grauell, in other sandy, as it is all about our Plantation at _Salem_, for so our Towne is now named, _Psal._ 76.2.

The forme of the Earth here in the superficies of it is neither too flat in the plainnesse, nor too high in Hils, but partakes of both in a mediocritie, and fit for Pasture, or for Plow or Meddow ground, as Men please to employ it: though all the Countrey be as it were a thicke Wood for the generall, yet in diuers places there is much ground cleared by the _Indians_, and especially about the Plantation: and I am told that about three miles from vs a Man may stand on a little hilly place and see diuers thousands of acres of ground as good as need to be, and not a Tree in the same. It is thought here is good Clay to make Bricke and Tyles and Earthen-Pots as needs to be. At this instant we are setting a Bricke-Kill on worke to make Brickes and Tyles for the building of our Houses. For Stone, here is plentie of Slates at the Ile of Slate _Masathulets_ Bay, and Lime-stone, Free-stone, and Smooth-stone, and Iron-stone, and Marble-stone also in such store, that we haue great Rockes of it, and a Harbour hard by. Our Plantation is from thence called Marble-harbour.

Of Minerals there hath yet beene but little triall made, yet we are not without great hope of being furnished in that Soyle.

The fertilitie of the Soyle is to be admired at, as appeareth in the aboundance of Grasse that groweth euerie where both verie thicke, verie long, and verie high in diuers places: but it groweth very wildly with a great stalke and a broad and ranker blade, because it neuer had been eaten with Cattle, nor mowed with a Sythe, and seldome trampled on by foot. It is scarce to be beleeued how our Kine and Goats, Horses and Hogges doe thriue and prosper here and like well of this Countrey.

In our Plantation we haue already a quart of Milke for a penny: but the aboundant encrease of Corne proues this Countrey to be a wonderment. Thirtie, fortie, fiftie, sixtie are ordinarie here: yea _Iosephs_ encrease in _Ægypt_ is out-stript here with vs. Our Planters hope to haue more then a hundred fould this yere: and all this while I am within compasse; what will you say of two hundred fould and vpwards? It is almost incredible what great gaine some of our English Planters haue had by our Indian Corne. Credible persons haue assured me, and the partie himselfe auouched the truth of it to me, that of the setting of 13 Gallons of Corne he hath had encrease of it 52 Hogsheads, euerie Hogshead holding seuen Bushels of _London_ measure, and euerie Bushell was by him sold and trusted to the _Indians_ for so much Beauer as was worth 18 shillings; and so of this 13 Gallons of Corne which was worth 6 shillings 8 pence, he made about 327 pounds of it the yeere following, as by reckoning will appeare: where you may see how God blesseth husbandry in this Land. There is not such great and beautifull eares of Corne I suppose any where else to be found but in this Countrey: being also of varietie of colours, as red, blew and yellow, &c. and of one Corne there springeth foure or fiue hundred. I haue sent you many Eares of diuers colours that you might see the truth of it.

Little Children here by setting of Corne may earne much more then their owne maintenance.

They haue tryed our _English_ Corne at new _Plimouth_ Plantation, so that all our seuerall Graines will grow here verie well, and haue a fitting Soyle for their nature.

Our Gouernour hath store of greene Pease growing in his Garden as good as euer I eat in _England_.

This Countrey aboundeth naturally with store of Roots of great varietie and good to eat. Our Turnips, Parsnips and Carrots are here both bigger and sweeter then is ordinarily to be found in _England_. Here are also store of Pumpions, Cowcumbers, and other things of that nature which I know not. Also, diuers excellent Pot-herbs grow abundantly among the Grasse, as Strawberrie leaues in all places of the Countrey, and plentie of Strawberries in their time, and Penyroyall, Wintersauerie, Sorrell, Brookelime, Liuerwort, Caruell and Watercresses, also Leekes and Onions are ordinarie, and diuers Physicall Herbes. Here are also aboundance of other sweet Herbes delightfull to the smell, whose names we know not, &c. and plentie of single Damaske Roses verie sweet; and two kinds of Herbes that beare two kind of Flowers very sweet, which they say, are as good to make Cordage or Cloath as any Hempe or Flaxe we haue.

Excellent Vines are here vp and downe in the Woods. Our Gouernour hath already planted a Vineyard with great hope of encrease.

Also, Mulberies, Plums, Raspberies, Corrance, Chesnuts, Filberds, Walnuts, Smalnuts, Hurtleberies & Hawes of Whitethorne neere as good as our Cherries in _England_, they grow in plentie here.

For Wood there is no better in the World I thinke, here being foure sorts of Oke differing both in the Leafe, Timber, and Colour, all excellent good. There is also good Ash, Elme, Willow, Birch, Beech, Saxafras, Iuniper Cipres, Cedar, Spruce, Pines & Firre that will yeeld abundance of Turpentine, Pitch, Tarre, Masts and other materials for building both of Ships and Houses. Also here are store of Sumacke Trees, they are good for dying and tanning of Leather, likewise such Trees yeeld a precious Gum called White Beniamen, that they say is excellent for perfumes. Also here be diuers Roots and Berries wherewith the _Indians_ dye excellent holy day colours that no raine nor washing can alter. Also, wee haue materials to make Sope-Ashes and Salt-Peter in aboundance.

For Beasts there are some Beares, and they say some Lyons also; for they haue been seen at Cape _Anne_. Also here are seuerall sorts of Deere, some whereof bring three or foure young ones at once, which is not ordinarie in _England_. Also Wolues, Foxes, Beauers, Otters, Martins, great wild Cats, & a great Beast called a Molke as bigge as an Oxe. I haue seen the Skins of all these Beasts since I came to this Plantation excepting Lyons. Also here are great store of Squerrels, some greater, and some smaller and lesser: there are some of the lesser sort, they tell me, that by a certaine Skin will fly from Tree to Tree though they stand farre distant.

_Of the waters of_ New-England _with the things belonging to the same_.

_New-England_ hath Water enough both salt and fresh, the greatest Sea in the World, the _Atlanticke_ Sea runs all along the Coast thereof. There are abundance of Ilands along the Shore, some full of Wood and Mast to feed Swine; and others cleere of Wood, and fruitful to beare Corne. Also we haue store of excellent harbours for Ships, as at Cape _Anne_, and at _Masathulets_ Bay, and at _Salem_, and at many other places: and they are the better because for Strangers there is a verie difficult and dangerous passage into them, but vnto such as are well acquainted with them, they are easie and safe enough. The aboundance of Sea-Fish are almost beyond beleeuing, and sure I should scarce haue beleeued it except I had seene it with mine owne Eyes. I saw great store of Whales, and Crampusse, and such aboundance of Makerils that it would astonish one to behold, likewise Cod-Fish aboundance on the Coast, and in their season are plentifully taken. There is a Fish called a Basse, a most sweet & wholesome Fish as euer I did eat, it is altogether as good as our fresh Sammon, and the season of their comming was begun when we came first to _New-England_ in _Iune_, and so continued about three months space. Of this Fish our Fishers take many hundreds together, which I haue seene lying on the shore to my admiration; yea, their Nets ordinarily take more then they are able to hale to Land, and for want of Boats and Men they are constrained to let a many goe after they haue taken them, and yet sometimes they fill two Boats at a time with them. And besides Basse we take plentie of Scate and Thornbacke, and aboundance of Lobsters, that the least Boy in the Plantation may both catch and eat what he wil of them. For my owne part I was soone cloyed with them, they were so great, and fat, and lussious. I haue seene some my selfe that haue weighed 16 pound, but others haue had diuers time so great Lobsters as haue weighed 25 pound, as they assured me. Also here is aboundance of Herring, Turbut, Sturgion, Cuskes, Hadocks, Mullets, Eeles, Crabs, Muskles and Oysters. Beside there is probabilitie that the Countrey is of an excellent temper for the making of Salt: for since our comming our Fishermen haue brought home verie good Salt which they found candied by the standing of the Sea water and the heat of the Sunne, vpon a Rock by the Sea shore: and in diuers Salt Marishes that some haue gone through, they haue found some Salt in some places crushing vnder their Feet and cleauing to their Shoes.

And as for fresh Water the Countrey is full of daintie Springs, and some great Riuers, and some lesser Brookes; and at _Masathulets_ Bay they digged Wels and found Water at three Foot deepe in most places: and neere _Salem_ they haue as fine cleare Water as we can desire, and we may digge Wels and find Water where we list.

Thus we see both Land and Sea abound with store of blessings for the comfortable sustenance of Mans life in _New-England_.

_Of the Aire of_ New-England _with the Temper and Creatures in it_.

The Temper of the Aire of _New-England_ is one speciall thing that commends this place. Experience doth manifest that there is hardly a more healthfull place to be found in the World that agreeth better with our English Bodyes. Many that haue beene weake and sickly in old _England_, by comming hither hane beene thoroughly healed and growne healthfull and strong. For here is an extraordinarie cleere and dry Aire that is of a most healing nature to all such as are of a Cold, Melancholy, Flegmatick, Reumaticke temper of Body. None can more truly speake hereof by their owne experience then my selfe. My Friends that knew me can well tell how verie sickly I haue been and continually in Physick, being much troubled with a tormenting paine through an extraordinarie weaknesse of my Stomacke, and aboundance of Melancholicke humors; but since I came hither on this Voyage, I thanke God I haue had perfect health, and freed from paine and vomitings, hauing a Stomacke to digest the hardest and coursest fare who before could not eat finest meat; and whereas my Stomacke could onely digest and did require such drinke as was both strong and stale, now I can and doe oftentimes drink _New-England_ water verie well; and I that haue not gone without a Cap for many yeeres together, neither durst leaue off the same, haue now cast away my Cap, and doe weare none at all in the day time: and whereas beforetime I cloathed my selfe with double cloathes and thicke Wastcoats to keepe me warme, euen in the Summer time, I doe now goe as thin clad as any, onely wearing a light Stuffe Cassocke vpon my Shirt and Stuffe Breeches of one thicknesse without Linings. Besides, I haue one of my Children that was formerly most lamentably handled with sore breaking out of both his hands and feet of the Kings Euill, but since he came hither he is verie well ouer hee was, and there is hope of perfect recouerie shortly, euen by the verie wholesomnesse of the Aire, altering, digesting and drying vp the cold and crude humors of the Body: and therefore I thinke it is a wise course for all cold complections to come to take Physicke in _New England_; for a sup of _New-Englands_ Aire is better then a whole draft of old _Englands_ Ale.

In the Summer time in the midst of _Iuly_ and _August_ it is a good deale hotter then in old _England_: and in Winter, _Ianuary_ and _February_ are much colder as they say: but the Spring and Autumne are of a middle temper.

Fowles of the Aire are plentifull here, and of all sorts as we haue in _England_ as farre as I can learne, and a great many of strange Fowles which we know not. Whilst I was writing these things, one of our Men brought home an Eagle which he had killed in the Wood: they say they are good meat. Also here are many kinds of excellent Hawkes, both Sea Hawkes and Land Hawkes: and my selfe walking in the Woods with another in company, sprung a Partridge so bigge that through the heauinesse of his Body could fly but a little way: they that haue killed them, say they are as bigge as our Hens. Here are likewise aboundance of Turkies often killed in the Woods, farre greater then our English Turkies, and exceeding fat, sweet and fleshy, for here they haue aboundance of feeding all the yeere long, as Strawberries, in Summer all places are full of them, and all manner of Berries and Fruits. In the Winter time I haue seene Flockes of Pidgeons, and haue eaten of them: they doe flye from Tree to Tree as other Birds doe, which our Pidgeons will not doe in _England_: they are of all colours as ours are, but their wings and tayles are farr longer, and therefore it is likely they fly swifter to escape the terrible Hawkes in this Countrey. In Winter time this Countrey doth abound with wild Geese, wild Duckes, and other Sea Fowle, that a great part of winter the Planters haue eaten nothing but roastmeat of diuers Fowles which they haue killed.

Thus you haue heard of the Earth, Water and Aire of _New-England_, now it may be you expect something to be said of the Fire proportionable to the rest of the Elements.

Indeed I thinke _New England_ may boast of this Element more then of all the rest: for though it be here somthing cold in the winter, yet here we haue plentie of Fire to warme vs, and that a great deale cheaper then they sell Billets and Faggots in _London_: nay, all _Europe_ is not able to afford to make so great Fires as _New-England_. A poore Seruant here that is to possesse but 50 Acres of Land, may afford to giue more wood for Timber and Fire as good as the world yeelds, then many Noble Men in _England_ can afford to doe. Here is good liuing for those that loue good Fires. And although _New-England_ haue no Tallow to make Candles of, yet by the aboundance of the Fish thereof, it can afford Oyle for Lampes. Yea our Pine-Trees that are the most plentifull of all wood, doth allow vs plentie of Candles, which are verie vsefull in a House: and they are such Candles as the _Indians_ commonly vse, hauing no other, and they are nothing else but the wood of the Pine Tree clouen in two little slices something thin, which are so full of the moysture of Turpentine and Pitch, that they burne as cleere as a Torch. I haue sent you some of them that you may see the experience of them.

Thus of _New-Englands_ commodities, now I will tell you of some discommodities that are here to be found.

First, In the Summer season for these three months _Iune_, _Iuly_ and _August_, we are troubled much with little Flyes called Musketoes, being the same they are troubled with in _Linconshiere_ and the Fens: and they are nothing but Gnats, which except they be smoked out of their Howses are troublesome in the night season.

Secondly, In the Winter season for two months space the Earth is commonly couered with Snow, which is accompanied with sharp biting Frosts, something more sharpe then is in old _England_, and therefore are forced to make great Fires.

Thirdly, This Countrey being verie full of Woods and Wildernesses, doth also much abound with Snakes and Serpents of strange colours and huge greatnesse: yea there are some Serpents called Rattle Snakes, that haue Rattles in their Tayles that will not flye from a Man as others will, but will flye vpon him and sting him so mortally, that he will dye within a quarter of an houre after, except the partie stinged haue about him some of the root of an Hearbe called Snake weed to bite on, and then he shall receiue no harme: but yet seldome falles it out that any hurt is done by these. About three yeeres since an _Indian_ was stung to death by one of them, but we heard of none since that time.

Fourthly and lastly, Here wants as yet the good company of honest Christians to bring with them Horses, Kine and Sheepe to make vse of this fruitfull Land: great pittie it is to see so much good ground for Corne and for Grasse as any is vnder the Heauens, to lye altogether vnoccupied, when so many honest Men & their Families in old _England_ through the populousnesse thereof, do make very hard shift to liue one by the other.

Now, thus you know what _New-England_ is, as also with the commodities and discommodities thereof: now I will shew you a little of the Inhabitants thereof, and their gouernment.

For their Gouernours they haue Kings, which they call _Saggamores_, some greater, and some lesser, according to the number of their Subiects.

The greatest _Saggamores_ about vs can not make aboue three hundred Men, and other lesse _Saggamores_ haue not aboue fifteene Subiects, and others neere about vs but two.

Their Subiects about twelue yeeres since were swept away by a great and grieuous Plague that was amongst them, so that there are verie few left to inhabite the Countrey.

The _Indians_ are not able to make vse of the one fourth part of the Land, neither haue they any setled places, as Townes to dwell in, nor any ground as they challenge for their owne possession, but change their habitation from place to place.

For their Statures, they are a tall and strong limmed People, their colours are tawny, they goe naked, saue onely they are in part couered with Beasts Skins on one of their Shoulders, and weare something before their Priuities: their Haire is generally blacke, and cut before like our Gentlewomen, and one locke longer then the rest, much like to our Gentlemen, which fashion I thinke came from hence into _England_.

For their weapons, they haue Bowes and Arrowes, some of them headed with Bone, and some with Brasse: I haue sent you some of them for an example.

The Men for the most part liue idlely, they doe nothing but hunt and fish: their wiues set their Corne and doe all their other worke. They haue little Houshold stuffe, as a Kettle, and same other Vessels like Trayes, Spoones, Dishes and Baskets.

Their Houses are verie little and homely, being made with small Poles pricked into the ground, and so bended and fastned at the tops, and on the sides they are matted with Boughes, & couered on the Roofe with Sedge and old Mats; and for their beds that they take their rest on, they haue a Mat.

They doe generally professe to like well of our comming and planting here, partly because there is abundance of ground that they cannot possesse nor make vse of, and partly because our being here will be a meanes both of reliefe to them when they want, and also a defence from their Enemies, wherewith (I say) before this Plantation begun, they were often indangered.

For their Religion, they doe worship two Gods, a good God and an euill God: the good God they call _Tantum_, and their euill God whom they feare will doe them hurt, they call _Squantum_.

For their dealing with vs, we neither feare them nor trust them, for fourtie of our Musketeeres will driue fiue hundred of them out of the Field. We vse them kindly, they will come into our Houses sometimes by halfe a douzen or halfe a score at a time when we are at victuals, but will aske or take nothing but what we giue them.

We purpose to learne their Language as soone as we can, which will be a meanes to do them good.

_Of the present condition of the Plantation, and what it is._

When we came first to _Neihum kek_, we found about halfe a score Houses, and a faire House newly built for the Gouernour, we found also aboundance of Corne planted by them, verie good and well likeing. And we brought with vs about two hundred Passengers and Planters more, which by common consent of the old Planters were all combined together into one Body Politicke, vnder the same Gouernour.

There are in all of vs both old and new Planters about three hundred, whereof two hundred of them are setled at _Nehum-kek_, now called _Salem_: and the rest haue Planted themselues at _Masathulets_ Bay, beginning to build a Towne there which we doe call _Cherton_, or _Charles_ Towne.

We that are setled at _Salem_ make what hast we can to build Houses, so that within a short time we shall haue a faire Towne.

We haue great Ordnance, wherewith we doubt not but we shall fortifie our selues in a short time to keepe out a potent Aduersarie. But that which is our greatest comfort, and meanes of defence aboue all other, is, that we haue here the true Religion and holy Ordinances of Almightie God taught amongst vs: Thankes be to God, we haue here plentie of Preaching, and diligent Catechizing, with strickt and carefull exercise, and good and commendable orders to bring our People into a Christian conuersation with whom we haue to doe withall. And thus we doubt not but God will be with vs, and _if God be with vs, who can be against vs_?

_FINIS._

GENERAL CONSIDERATIONS

_&c._

Generall Considerac̅o̅ns for y^e plantac̅o̅n in _New England_, w^{th} an aunswere to seuerall objections[1]

First it will be a service to y^e Church of great consequence, to carry y^e gospell into those parts of y^e world, & to raise a bulwarke ag^t y^e kingdo̅s̅ of Antichrist w^{ch} y^e Jesuits labour to reare vp in all places of y^e world.

Secondly all other churches of Europe are brought to desolac̅o̅n, & it may be justly feared y^t y^e like judg^{mt} is com̅ing vpon vs: & who knowes but y^t God hath provided this place to be a refuge for many whom hee meanes to saue out of y^e generall destruction.

Thirdly the land growes weary of her inhabitants, so that man w^{ch} is y^e most precious of all creatures is here more vyle & base then y^e earth they tread upon; so as children neighbours & friends especially of y^e poore, are counted y^e greatest burdens, w^{ch} if things were right would be y^e highest earthly blessings.

Wee are growen to y^t excesse & intemperaunce in all excesse of riot as no meane estate almost will suffice to keepe saile w^{th} his equalls & hee y^t fayles in it must [live] in scorne & contempt. Hence it comes to passe y^t all arts & trades are carried in y^t deceitfull man̅er & vnrighteous course, as it is almost impossible for a good upright man to maintayne his chardge & liue co̅fortably in any of y^m.

Fiftly y^e Schooles of learning & religion are so corrupted, as (besides y^e unsupportable chardge of this educac̅o̅n) most children, (euen y^e best wittiest & of fayrest hopes) are perverted, corrupted & utterly ouerpowered by y^e multitude of evill examples & licentious governors of those seminaries.

Sixtly y^e whole earth is y^e Lords garden & hee hath giuen it to y^e sons of Adam to bee tilled & improoued by y^m why then should we stand starving here for places of habitac̅o̅n (many men spending as much labour & cost to recouer or keepe so̅e̅tymes an acre or two of lands, as would procure him many hundreths of acres, as good or better in another place) & in y^e meane tyme suffer whole countreyes as profitable for y^e use of man, to lye wast w^{th}out any improouement.

Seaventhly, what can bee a better worke and more noble & worthy a Christian, then to helpe to raise & support a particular church while it is in it infancy, & to [join] o^r forces w^{th} such a co̅pany of faithfull people, as by a tymely assistaunce may grow stronger & prosper, & for want of it may be put to great hazzard if not wholly ruinated?

Eightly if any such as are knowne to bee godly & liue in wealth & prosperity here, shall forsake all this to joyne y^mselves w^{th} this church, & runne in hazard w^{th} y^m of hard & meane condic̅o̅n, it will be an example of great vse both for y^e remooving of Scandall & sinister & worldly respects, to giue more lyfe to y^e faith of Gods people in their prayers for y^e plantac̅o̅n, & also to encourage others to joyne y^e more willingly in it.

_Objections_:

Obj. 1. It will bee a great wrong to o^r owne church & countrey to take away the best people; & we still lay it more open to y^e judg^{mts} feared.

Aunsw. 1. The number will be nothing in respect of those y^t are left. 2ly many y^t liue to no vse here, more then for their owne priuate familyes may bee employed to a more com̅o̅ good in another place. 3^{ly} such as are of good vse here may yett be so employed as y^e church shall receiue no losse. and since Christs coming y^e church is to be conceiued as universal w^{th}out distinctio̅ of countryes, so as hee y^t doth good in any one place serves y^e church in all places, in regard of y^e vnitye. 4^{thly} it is y^e revealed will of God y^t y^e gospell should be preached to all nations, and though we know not whether y^e Indians will receiue it or not, yet it is a good worke to observe Gods will in offering it to y^m, for God shall haue glory by it though y^y refuse it.

Object. 2. wee haue feared a judge^{mt} a long tyme, but yet we are safe; therefore it were better to stay till it come, & either we may flie then, or if we be ouertaken in it wee may well bee content to suffer w^{th} such a church as ours is.

Aunsw. It is likely y^t this considerac̅o̅n made y^e churches beyond y^e seas as y^e Palatinate & Rochel &c to sit still at home, & not looke out for shelter while y^y might haue found it. but y^e wofull spectacle of their ruine may teach us more wisdome to avoid y^e plague while it is foreseene, & not to tarry as y^y did till it ouertooke y^m. If they were now at their former liberty, wee may be sure y^y would take other courses for their safety. And though most of y^m had miscarried in their escape, yet it had not bene halfe so miserable to th^mselves, or scandalous to religion, as this desperate backsliding and abjuring y^e truth, w^{ch} many of y^e auntient professours among y^m, & y^e whole posterity that remayne are plunged into.

Object. 3. wee haue here a fruitfull Land w^{th} peace & plenty of all things.

Aunsw: wee are like to haue as good condic̅o̅ns there in tyme; but yet we must leaue all this abundance, if it bee not taken fro̅ vs. When we are in o^r graues, it will bee all one whether we haue liued in plenty or in penury, whether we haue dyed in a bed of downe or lockes of straw. Onely this is y^e advantage of y^e meane condic̅o̅n, y^t it is a more freedo̅e̅ to dye. And y^e lesse co̅fort any haue in y^e things of this world, y^e more liberty y^y haue to lay vp treasure in heauen.

Obj. 4. wee may perish by y^e way or when we co̅e̅ there, having hunger or y^e sword &c and how vnco̅fortable will it bee to see o^r wives & children & friends come to such miserie by o^r occasion?

Aunsw. Such objections savour too much of y^e flesh. Who can secure himselfe or his fro̅ y^e like calamities here? If this course bee warrantable, we may trust Gods providence for these things. Either hee will keepe those evills fro̅ vs, or will dispose y^m for o^r good & enable vs to beare y^m.

Obj. 5. But what warrant haue we to take y^t land, w^{ch} is & hath bene of long tyme possessed of others y^e sons of Adam?

Aunsw. That w^{ch} is com̅o̅ to all is proper to none. This Savage people ruleth ouer many lands w^{th}out title or property: for y^y inclose no ground, neither haue y^y cattell to maintayne it, but remooue their dwellings as y^y haue occasion, or as y^y can prevaile agt their neighbours. And why may not Christians haue liberty to go & dwell amongst y^m in their wast lands & woodds (leaving y^m such places as y^y haue manured for their corne) as lawfully, as Abraham did amongst y^e Sodomites? For God hath giuen to y^e sons of men a 2 fould right to y^e earth: there is a naturall right & a civill right. The first right was naturall when men held y^e earth in com̅o̅, every man sowing & seeding where hee pleased: then, as men and cattell increased, y^y appropriated some parcells of ground by enclosing & peculiar manurance, & this in tyme got y^m a civill right. Such was y^e right w^{ch} Ephron y^e Hittite had _in_ y^e field of Machpelah, wherein Abraham could not bury a dead corps w^{th}out leaue, though for y^e outparts of y^e countrey w^{ch} lay com̅on, hee dwelt vpo̅ y^m & tooke y^e fruit of y^m at his pleasure. This appeares also in Jacob & his sons who fedd their flocks as bouldly in y^e Canaanites Land for hee is said to bee Lord of y^e countrey; & at Dotham and all other places men accounted nothing their owne, but y^t w^{ch} y^y had appropriated by their owne industry, as appeares plainly by Abimelechs servaunts, who in their owne countrey did often contend w^{th} Isaacks servaunts about wells w^{ch} y^y had digged; but neuer about y^e lands w^{ch} y^y occupied. So likewise betweene Jacob & Laban: hee would not take a kidd of Labans w^{th}out speciall contract; but hee makes no bargaine w^{th} him for y^e land where y^y fedd. And it is probable y^t if y^e countrey had not bene as free for Jacob as for Laban, y^t covetous wretch would haue made his advantage of him, & haue vpbraided Jacob w^{th} it as hee did w^{th} y^e rest. 2^{dly} there is more then enough for y^m & vs. 3^{dly} God hath consumed y^e natives w^{th} a miraculous plague, whereby y^e greater part of y^e countrey is left void of inhabitants. 4^{ly}, we shall co̅e in w^{th} good leaue of y^e natiues.

Obj. 6. we shall send o^r young ones & such as may best bee spared, & not of y^e best of o^r ministers & magistrates.

Aunsw. It is a great worke & requires more skilfull Artisans to lay y^e foundac̅o̅n of a new building, then to uphoald & repayre one y^t is already built. If great things bee attempted by weake instru^{mts}, y^e effects will bee aunswerable.

Obj. 7. Wee see y^t those plantac̅o̅ns y^t haue bene formerly made, succeeded ill.

Aunsw. 1 The fruit of any publique designe is not to bee discerned by y^e im̅ediat successe: it may appeare in tyme, y^t y^y were all to good vse. 2^{dly}, there were great fundamentall errours in others w^{ch} are like to bee avoided in this: for 1 their mayne end & purpose was carnall & not religious. 2 y^y aymed chiefely at profitt & not at y^e propagac̅o̅n of religion. 3 y^y vsed too vnfitt instru^{mts}, a multitude of rude vngoverned persons, y^e very scums of y^e Land. 4 y^y did not stablish a right fourme of gouern^{mt}.

THE AGREEMENT WITH MR. HIGGINSON

THE AGREE^{MT} W^{TH} M^R. _HIGGINSON_

_A true note of y^e allowance y^t y^e_ new England _Co̅pany haue
by com̅o̅ consent & order of their Court & Counsell graunted vnto
M^r._ Francis Higginson _minister, for his maintenaunce in_ new
England _April 8, 1629_.

Imprimis y^t 30^{li} in money shall be forthw^{th} paid him by ye Co̅panyes treasurer towards y^e chardges of fitting himselfe w^{th} Apparell & other necessaryes for his voyage.

2 Item y^t 10^{li} more shall be payed ouer by y^e said treasurer towards y^e provyding of bookes for present vse.

3 Item y^t hee shall haue 30^{li} yearly paid him for 3 yeares to beginne fro̅ ye tyme of his first arrivall in new England & so to be accounted & paid paid him at y^e End of eu^ry yeare.

4 Item y^t during y^e said tyme y^e Company shall provide for him & his family necessaryes of diett housing & firewood; and shall be at chardges of transporting him into new England: and at y^e end of y^e said 3 yeares, if hee shall not like to continue there any longer, to be at y^e chardge of transporting him backe for England.

5. Item y^t in convenient tyme an house shall be built, & certayne lands allotted thereunto; w^{ch} during his stay in y^e countrey & continuance in y^e ministrey shall bee for his vse; & after his death or remoovall y^e same to be for Succeeding ministers.

6. Item at y^e expirac̅o̅n of y^e said 3 yeares an 100 acres of land shall be assigned to him & his heires for euer.

7. Item y^t in case hee shall depart this lyfe in y^t countrey, y^e said Company shall take care for his widdow during her widdowhood & aboade in y^t country and plantac̅o̅n: & y^e like for his children whilst y^y remayne vpon y^e said plantac̅o̅n.

8. Item y^t y^e milke of 2 kyne shall bee appointed towards y^e chardges of diett for him & his familye as aforesaid, & halfe y^e increase of calves during y^e said 3 yeares: but y^e said 2 kyne, and y^e other halfe of y^e increase to returne to y^e Company at y^e end of y^e said 3 yeares.

9. Item y^t he shall haue liberty of carrying ouer bedding, linnen, brasse, iron, pewter, of his owne for his necessary vse during y^e said tyme.

10 Item y^t if he continue 7 yeares upon y^e said plantac̅o̅n, y^t then 100 acres of land more shall be allotted him for him and his for ever.

_Messrs. Higginson’s and Skelton’s Contract._[A]

The 8^{th} of Aprill, 1629. M^r Francis Higgeson and M^r Samuel Skelton intended ministers of this plantac̅o̅n, and it being thought meete to consider of their intertaynement, who expressing their willingnesse, together, also with M^r Francis Bright, being now present to doe their endevour in their places of the ministery as well in preaching, catechizing, as also in teaching, or causing to be taught, the Companyes servants & their children, as also the salvages and their children, whereby to their uttermost to further the maine end of this plantation, being, by the assistance of Allmighty God, the conversion of the salvages, the proposic̅o̅ns concluded on w^{th} M^r Francis Bright, the 2 of February last, were reciprocally accepted of by M^r Francis Higgison and M^r Samuel Skelton, who are in every respect to have the like condic̅o̅ns as M^r Bright hath, onely whereas M^r Higgeson hath 8 children it is intended that 10^{li} more yearely shall be allowed him towards their chardge. And it is agreed that the increase of the improvement of all their grounds during the first 3 yeares shall be at the Companies disposing, who are to fynde them dyett during that time, and tenne pounds more to M^r Higgeson towards his present fitting him and his for the voyage.

FRANCIS HIGGISON.
SAMUEL SKELTON.

A TRUE RELATION OF THE

LAST VOYAGE TO

NEW ENGLAND

A trve relac̅o̅n of y^e last voyage to _new England_, declaring
all circu̅stances w^{th} y^e man̅er of y^e passage wee had by sea,
and what man̅er of countrey & inhabitants we found when we came to
land: & what is y^e present state & condic̅o̅n of y^e _English_
people y^t are there already.

_Faithfully recorded according to y^e very truth for y^e
satisfaction of very many of my loving friends, who haue earnestly
requested to be truly certifyed in these thinges._

_Written from_ new England _July 24, 1629_.

_It._ any Curious Criticke y^t lookes for exactnes of phrases or
expert seaman y^t regard propriety of sea-termes &c

A TRVE RELAC̅O̅N of y^e last voyage to _new England_ made y^e last Sum̅er, begun y^e 25^{th} of April being Saturday, Anno do̅i 1629.

The co̅pany of New England consisting of many worthy gentlemen in y^e citty of London, Dorcester & other places, ayming at y^e glory of God, y^e propagac̅o̅n of y^e gospell of Christ, y^e conversio̅ of y^e Indians, & y^e enlarge^{mt} of y^e Kings ma^{ties} dominions in America, & being authorised by his royall letters patents for y^t end, at their very great costs & chardgs furnished 5 Ships to go to new England, for y^e further setling of y^e English plantac̅o̅n y^t y^y had already begun there.

The names of y^e 5 Shipps were as followeth. The first is called y^e Talbot, a good & strong shipp of 300 tunnes, & 19 pieces of ordinance & served w^{th} 30 mariners. This ship carried about an 100 planters, 6 goates, 5 great pieces of ordinaunce, w^{th} meale, oatemeale pease, & all maner of munitio̅ and provisio̅ for y^e plantac̅o̅n for a twelve month. The second y^e George, another strong ship also, about 300 tunnes, 20 pieces of ordinance, served w^{th} about 30 mariners; her chiefe carriage were cattell, 12 mares, 30 kyne, & some goates: also ther gad in her 52 planters & other provision. The 3^d is called y^e Lyons whelpe, a neate & nimble ship of 120 tunnes, 8 pieces of ordinaunce, carrying in her many mariners & about 40 planters, specially fro̅ dorcester & other places thereabouts, w^{th} provision, and 4 goates.

The 4^{th} is called y^e 4 sisters, as I heare of about 300 tuns, w^{ch} fayre ship carried many cattell w^{th} passengers & provision.

The 5th is called y^e Mayflower, carrying passengers & provision.

[Sidenote: [April 25]]

[Sidenote: [26]]

Now amongst these 5 ships, y^e George hauing the speciall & urgent cause of hastening her passage sett sayle before y^e rest about y^e midst of April. And y^e 4 Sisters & y^e Mayflower being not throughly furnished, intended as we heard to sett forth about 3 weeks after vs: But we y^t were in y^e Talbot & y^e Lions whelpe being ready for o^r voyage by y^e good hand of Gods providence hoysed o^r sayle fro̅ Graues end on Saturday y^e 25^{th} of April about 7 a clocke in y^e morning. Having but a faynt wynd we could not go farre y^tday, but at night wee ancred against Lie w^{ch} is 12 miles fro̅ graues end, & there we rested y^t night & kept Sabbath y^e next day.

[Sidenote: [27]]

On monday we sat forward & came to y^e flats, a passage so̅ewhat difficult by reason of y^e narrownes of y^e channell & shallownes of y^e water: & going ouer this wee were in so̅e daunger: for o^r ship being heavy laden & drawing deepe water was sensibly felt of vs all to strike 3 or 4 tymes on y^e ground: but y^e wynd blowing so̅ewhat strong we were carried Swiftly on, & at last by Gods blessing came safe to ancre at Gorin roade.

[Sidenote: [28]]

Tewsday we went a little further, & ancred ouer ag^t Margret Towne, staying for a wind for y^e downes.

[Sidenote: [29]]

Wednesday we came safely though w^{th} much turning & tacking thorow y^e gullies into y^e downes, & stayed y^t night.

[Sidenote: [30. May 1. 2.]]

Thursday, Fryday & Saturday y^e wind blew hard fro̅ south west & caused o^r ship to daunce, & diuers of o^r passengers & my wiffe specially were sea sicke. Here y^e Kings ship called y^e Assurance pressed 2 of o^r mariners. Here we saw many Porpuses playing in y^e sea w^{ch} y^y say is a signe of fowle weather.

[Sidenote: [May 3]]

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New-Englands plantationChapter I: Part 1

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