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{439}
_LONDON, SATURDAY, MAY 13, 1854._
Notes.
"SHAKSPEARE'S RIME WHICH HE MADE AT THE MYTRE."
In the third volume of Mr. Collier's valuable _History of Dramatic Poetry_ (p. 275.) is the following passage, which forms part of a note:
"Mr. Thorpe, the enterprising bookseller of Bedford Street, is in
possession of a MS. full of songs and poems, in the handwriting of a
person of the name of Richard Jackson, all copied prior to the year
1631, and including many unpublished pieces, by a variety of celebrated
poets. One of the most curious is a song in five seven-line stanzas,
thus headed 'Shakspeare's rime, which he made at the Mytre in Fleete
Streete.' It begins 'From the rich Lavinian shore;' and some few of the
lines were published by Playford, and set as a catch."
In Mr. Thoms' _Anecdotes and Traditions_ (published by the Camden Society) is a story of the celebrated Dr. John Wilson, to which the editor has appended an interesting note, adding:
"Wilson was the composer of a glee for three voices, published in
Playford's _Musical Companion_, where the words are attributed to
Shakspeare; and the supposition that they were really written by him
having been converted into a certainty, by their appearing with
Shakspeare's name to them in the MS. Collection of Poetry, copied prior
to 1631 by Richard Jackson," &c.
Mr. Thoms then prints the "rime," not inappropriately calling it "A Song for Autolycus," with this remark:
"My late respected friend Mr. Douce once told me, that some musical
friend at Chichester, I think the organist, possessed a copy of this
song, with an additional verse."
Mr. Thoms' version of "Shakspeare's Rime" was inserted (probably by our worthy Editor himself?) in the first volume of "N. & Q." (p. 23.) with a view of obtaining the additional stanza; a desideratum which I am now enabled to supply. The following copy has _two_ additional stanzas, and is transcribed from a MS. Collection of Songs, with the music, written in the early part of the reign of James I. The MS. was formerly in the possession of Mr. J. S. Smith, the learned editor of _Musica Antiqua_.
I.
"From the fair Lavinian shore,
I your markets come to store;
Marvel not, I thus far dwell,
And hither bring my wares to sell;
Such is the sacred hunger of gold.
Then come to my pack,
While I cry,
What d'ye lack,
What d'ye buy?
For here it is to be sold.
II.
"I have beauty, honour, grace,
Virtue, favour, time and space,
And what else thou wouldst request,
E'en the thing thou likest best;
First, let me have but a touch of thy gold,
Then come too lad,
Thou shalt have
What thy dad
Never gave;
For here it is to be sold.
III.
"Though thy gentry be but young,
As the flow'r that this day sprung,
And thy father thee before,
Never arms nor scutcheon bore;
First let me have but a catch of thy gold,
Then, though thou be an ass,
By this light
Thou shalt pass
For a knight;
For here it is to be sold.
IV.
"Thou whose obscure birth so base,
Ranks among the ignoble race,
And desireth that thy name,
Unto honour should obtain;
First let me have but a catch of thy gold,
Then, though thou be an ass,
By this light,
Thou shalt pass
For a knight;
For here it is to be sold.
V.
"Madam, come see what you lack?
Here's complexion in my pack;
White and red you may have in this place,
To hide an old ill-wrinkled face:
First, let me have but a catch of thy gold,
Then thou shalt seem,
Like a wench of fifteen,
Although you be threescore and ten years old."
That this song enjoyed extensive popularity in the latter half of the seventeenth century, is evinced by the number of printed copies. It is found in Playford's _Select Ayres and Dialogues_, 1659; in Dr. Wilson's _Cheerfull Ayres and Ballads_, 1660; in Playford's _Catch that Catch Can_, 1667; and in many subsequent collections of a similar kind. But in none of these works is the name of the writer of the words given; and all the copies are deficient of the _third_ and _fourth_ stanzas. The point of the satire conveyed in these stanzas was lost after the reign of James I., which may account for their omission.
"Shakspeare's rime," being associated with Wilson's music, is of some importance towards settling the point of authorship. In 1846 I printed a little pamphlet with the following title:
"Who was _Jack Wilson_, the Singer of Shakspeare's Stage? An Attempt to
prove the Identity of this {440} Person with John Wilson, Doctor of
Musick, in the University of Oxford, A.D. 1644."
It would be out of place here to dwell upon this publication, suffice it to say, that all the information I have since collected, tends to confirm the hypothesis advanced. One extract from this _brochure_ will show the connexion that existed between Shakspeare and Wilson:
"Wilson was the composer of four other Shakspearian lyrics, a fact
unknown to Mr. Collier, when he wrote the article in the _Shakspeare
Papers_: 'Where the bee sucks,' 'Full fathom five,' 'Lawn as white as
driven snow,' and 'From the fair Lavinian shore.' They are all printed
in the author's _Cheerfull Ayres or Ballads_, Oxford, 1660. We have now
evidence from this work, that Wilson was the _original_ composer of the
music to _one_ of Shakspeare's plays. He says in his preface, 'some of
these ayres were _originally_ composed by those whose names are affixed
to them, but are here placed as being _new set_ by the author of the
rest. The two songs, 'Where the bee sucks,' and 'Full fathom five,'
have appended to them the name of 'R. Johnson,' who, upon this
evidence, we may undoubtedly conclude was the _original_ composer of
the music in the play of the _Tempest_. The song 'Lawn as white as
driven snow,' from the _Winter's Tale_, has the name of 'John Wilson'
attached to it, from which it is equally certain that he was its
_original_ composer. In my own mind, the circumstances connected with
the Shakspearian lyrics in this book are almost conclusive as to the
identity of John Wilson the _composer_ with John Wilson the _singer_.
Unless the composer had been intimately acquainted with the theatre of
Shakspeare's day, it is not likely that he would have remembered, so
long after, the name of one of its composers. Nor is it likely, being
so well acquainted with the _original_ composers of the Shakspearian
drama, and so anxious as he appears to have been to do justice to their
memory, that he would have omitted informing us, who was the _original_
composer of the song in the _Winter's Tale_, had it been any other than
himself. The _Winter's Tale_ was not produced before 1610 or 1611, at
which period Wilson was sixteen or seventeen years old, an age quite
ripe enough for the production of the song in question."
A reviewer of my little publication in the _Athenaeum_ (Nov. 8, 1846) makes the following remark:
"Let us observe, in conclusion, that Dr. Rimbault is better read in
Jack Wilson than Ben Jonson, or we should never have seen Mr.
Shakspeare's 'Rime' at the 'Mitre,' in Fleet Street, seriously referred
to as a genuine composition. It is a mere clumsy adaptation, from Ben's
interesting epigram 'Inviting a Friend to Supper.'"
It is really too bad to be charged with ignorance _unjustly_. I have on my shelves the works of glorious Ben, three times over: in folio 1616-31; in folio, 1692; and in nine volumes octave (Gifford's edition), 1816; all of which I will freely give to the "reviewer," if he can prove that _one line_ of "Shakspeare's Rime at the Mytre" is taken from the aforesaid epigram. I heartily agree with him in admiration of Jonson's spirited imitation of Martial, which I have transcribed as a pleasant relish towards digesting these rambling remarks:
"INVITING A FRIEND TO SUPPER.
"To-night, grave Sir, both my poor house and I
Do equally desire your company:
Not that we think us worthy such a guest,
But that your worth will dignify our feast,
With those that come; whose grace may make that seem
Something, which else could hope for no esteem.
It is the fair acceptance, Sir, creates
The entertainment perfect, not the cates.
Yet shall you have, to rectify your palate,
An olive, capers, or some better salad,
Ushering the mutton; with a short-legg'd hen,
If we can get her, full of eggs, and then,
Limons, and wine for sauce: to these, a coney
Is not to be despair'd of for our money;
And though fowl now be scarce, yet there are clerks,
The sky not falling, think we may have larks.
I'll tell you of more, and lie, so you will come:
Of partridge, pheasant, woodcock, of which some
May yet be there; and godwit if we can;
Knat, rail, and ruff too. Howsoe'er my man
Shall read a piece of Virgil, Tacitus,
Livy, or of some better book to us,
Of which we'll speak our minds, amidst our meat;
And I'll profess no verses to repeat;
To this if aught appear, which I not know of,
That will the pastry, not my paper, show of.
Digestive cheese, and fruit there sure will be;
But that which most doth take my muse and me,
Is a pure cup of rich Canary wine,
Which is the Mermaid's now, but shall be mine;
Of which had Horace or Anacreon tasted,
Their lives, as do their lines, till now had lasted.
Tobacco, nectar, or the Thespian spring,
Are all but Luther's beer, to this I sing,
Of this we will sup free, but moderately,
And we will have no Pooly', or Parrot by;
Nor shall our cups make any guilty men:
But at our parting, we will be, as when
We innocently met. No simple word,
That shall be utter'd at our mirthful board,
Shall make us sad next morning; or affright
The liberty, that we'll enjoy to-night."
EDWARD F. RIMBAULT.
* * * * *
ROUS, THE SCOTTISH PSALMIST, PROVOST OF ETON COLLEGE: AND HIS WILL.
Looking over some back Numbers of "N. & Q.," I see an inquiry (Vol. v., p. 81.) after Francis Rous. G. N. will find an account of him in Chalmers's _Biographical Dictionary_, gathered out of Wood's _Athenae_; Noble's _Memoir of Cromwell_, vol. i. {441} p. 409; Lysons' _Environs of London_, vol. ii.; _Granger_, vol. iii.
In his will, a copy of which lies before me, proved Feb. 10, 1658, he speaks of "a youth in Scotland, his grandson," and "as the heir of idleness abhorring to give him an estate, but wishing he might be a useful member of Christ and the Commonwealth, he desires his executors to give him 50l. a year so long as he shall be in preparation towards a profession, and as many of his books as may be fit for him."
I shall be much obliged if any correspondent can find out anything farther about the said "youth in Scotland?"
H. T. ELLACOMBE.
Clyst St. George.
P.S.--Why should not "N. & Q." be the publisher of any curious old wills, which might interest the general reader? Allow me to suggest a corner for _Testamenta Vestusta_. I will begin by sending a copy of the will of Francis Rous.
This my last Will and Testament, I, Francis Rous, Provost of Eaton
College, wrote and made March 18th, 1657.
Forasmuch as to put houses in order before our departure is pleasing to
the God of order, I do dispose of my affairs and estates in manner
following:
There is a youth in Scotland concerning whom (because they call him my
grandson) it is perchance expected that I should do some great matters
for him; but his father marrying against my will and prohibition, and
giving me an absolute discharge before the marriage under his hand, not
to expect anything from me if he did marry contrary to my prohibition,
I hold myself discharged from the father, and consequently from the son
of that father, the son having no interest in me but by the father. And
I hold it a good example, for the benefitt of the Commonwealth, that
matters of discouragement should be put upon such marriages, being
assured that their parents will not disinheritt or lessen them,
especially if they have but one son, and that which Solomon saith is to
be considered--an understanding servant shall have rule over a son that
maketh ashamed, and both that[1], and his son, and his son in Scotland
have both made ashamed, the one in his match, the other by a sad
mischief of dangerous consequence and fatal; and though his mother is
bound to maintain him, yet because I wish he might be a useful member
of Christ and the Commonwealth, towards which I think she is not well
able to give him an answerable education, I have in this my will taken
course for a competent maintenance for him towards a profession, and in
it utterly abhorring to give him an estate, as the heir of idleness.
Wherefore to the fore-mentioned purpose, I desire my executor to give
him 50l. a year, so long as he shall be in preparation towards a
profession, or shall really and seriously be in the practice of it; and
as many of my books as may be fitt for him in the profession he shall
undertake, and shall not be given to Pembroke College, I desire my
executor to give unto him: but if he, or a guardian, or any other,
shall sue or implead, or call my executor into question to his trouble
or cost, I leave it to my executor's choice whether he will pay his
maintenance of 50l. per annum, or any part of it.
I give to Mr. Ellford, my pastor at Acton, 20l. I give 5l. per annum
for ever to be disposed of in buying Bibles, catechisms, or for
encouraging poor children to learn to read and answer in catechising in
the parish of Dittisham, in the county of Devon, the place of my
nativity and baptism, which sum shall be bestowed according to the
direction of the minister there for the time being; and to the present
minister I give 20l. I give to the poor of Acton each five shillings; I
give to the poor of Westminster, Kensington, Knightsbridge, half a
year's rent of that which they used to receive. I give Mr. Bartlett of
Windsor 20l. I appoint 100l. to be lent to my nephew William Rous,
which he must pay by 10l. a year to my nephew Richard Rous, his son. I
give Thomas Rous, of King's College, 6l. for two years. I give Eliz.
Rous, of Penrose in Cornwall, 20l. I give Anthony Rous at Eaton School,
5l. a year for seven years. I give to my niece Rudyard, and her sisters
Skelton and Dorothy, each 20l. I give to Margaret Baker 10l. I give to
a poor Xtian woman in Dartmouth, Mrs. Adams, 10l. To Robert Needler I
give a black suit and cloak; the like to William Grantham and 10l. To
my niece Portman, now in my house, I give 50l. To my other friends of
more ability, I leave it to my executor to give such memorials as he
shall think fitt. To the poor of Eaton I give 20l. To each of my
servants that are with me at any decease I give black suits and 5l.;
and to Peter Fluellen, who is now endeavouring to get a place of
removal, 10l. I give to Thomas Rolle of Eaton, and Robert Yard, each
10l. I give to Christian, now the wife of Mr. Johnson, 20l. I give to
the young Winnington of Eaton, 10l. I give 40l. per annum out of the
Parsonage or Tythe of Great Brookeham in Surrey, to maintain two
schollars in Pembroke College in Oxford. I also give 20l. per annum
unto one schollar more in the same college, out of a tenement in the
Manor of Wootton in Cornwall, during two lives of two Bigfords, and
after their decease out of a tenement of mine in Cowkberry, in Devon,
for ever. The scholars to be chosen are to be poor, {442} not having
10l. a year, apt to learning, and to be of the posterity of myself or
my brother Robert, Richard, or Arthur Rous, or of my sister Nicholl, or
my sister Upton; and if no such shall be tendered, then they are to be
chosen out of the two highest forms in Eaton College. I give power to
my executor to choose them during his life, and desire him, with the
advice of my dear kinsman, Mr. Ambrose Upton, Prebend of Xt Church in
Oxford, to settle and order all things for the sure and usefull
continuance of their allowances to schollars so qualified as before and
of good conversation, and that they study divinity, and some time
before they be Batchelors of Arts, they make good proof of their
studying divinity, and that they continued in their several places but
_seven years_, and then others to be chosen in their rooms. What shall
be above 40l. per annum arising out of the tythe of Brookham declaro,
and above all rates and taxes, I give unto the minister of that parish;
and I give the parsonage to my respected kinsman Samuel Rous, Esq., of
that parish, yet so, that if he die before my executor, my executor
shall present during his life, and after it shall go to the heirs of
the said Samuel Rous, it being to be hoped that their dwelling be there
they will be carefull for their own souls. I do make and constitute my
dear kinsman Anthony Rous, Esq., of Wootton, in the county of Cornwall,
commonly called or known by the name of Colonel Rous, to be my whole
and sole executor. And I give and bequeath to him all my lands,
tenements, my interest in the parsonage of Great Brookham in Surrey,
all my leases, chattels, plate, money, and other goodly whatsoever, as
also my copyholds, which shall, according to custom, be made over to
him in Acton or Branford, hoping that he will faithfully dispose them
according to my will and intention made known to him; and I give him
100l., and lend him 200l. more for seven years, which he may bestow in
defence of himself as to law suits, if any be brought as concerning my
estate, or if there shall be none to bestow, in some charitable use as
he shall think fitt. I desire my body may be interred and put to rest
in the chapple of Eaton College, a place that hath my dear affections
and prayers that it may be a flouring nursery of piety and learning to
the end of the world. And for a profession of any faith, I refer myself
to the works which I not long since published in one volume, wherein I
have professed a right and saving faith, and hope to continue therein
until faith shall be swallowed up of sight, laying hold of the free
grace of God in his beloved Son as my only title to eternity, being
confident that his free grace, which took me up lying in the blood of
irregeneration, will wash away the guilt of that estate, and all the
cursed fruits of it by the pretious blood of his Son, and will wash
away the filth of it by the spirit of his Son, and so present me
faultless before the presence of God's glory with joy.
(Signed) FRANCIS ROUS.
The Right Honorable Francis Rous, Esq., acknowledged this to be his
last will and testament, the 12th day of April, 1658[2], in the
presence of me, Abel Borsett, endorsed, upon a paper wherein the
original will was folded and sealed up, thus, viz., "My last will,
attested by Mr. Humphreys and Mr. Borsett."
This will was proved at London the 10th day of February, in the year of
our Lord God 1658, before the judges for probate of wills and granting
administrations lawfully authorised, by the oath of Collonell Anthony
Rouse, Esq., the sole and only executor named in the said will, to whom
administration of all and singular the goods, chattels, and debts of
the said deceased was granted and committed.
[Footnote 1: This appears to be an error.]
[Footnote 2: It should doubtless be 1657.]
* * * * *
ORIGINAL ENGLISH ROYAL LETTERS TO THE GRAND MASTERS OF MALTA.
(_Concluded from_ Vol. ix., p. 419.)
No. XI.
Charles the Second by the grace of God, of Great Britain, France, and
Ireland, King, Defender of the Faith, &c.
To the most illustrious and most high Prince, the Lord Nicholas Cotoner, Grand Master of the Order of Malta, our well-beloved cousin and friend--Greeting:
It having appeared to us a matter of interest, not only to ourselves, but likewise to the whole Christian world, that we also should keep in the Mediterranean sea a certain number of galleys ready to afford prompt aid to our neighbours and allies against the frequent insults of the barbarians and Turks, we lately caused to be constructed two galleys, one in Genoa, and the other in the port of Leghorn; in order to man these, we directed a person well acquainted with such affairs to be sent, as to other parts, so also to the island of Malta, subject to the rule of your highness, in order to _buy slaves and procure other necessaries_. He having purchased some slaves, it has been reported to us that your highness' collector of customs demanded five pieces of gold of Malta money per head before they could be permitted to embark, under the title of toll; at which proceeding we were certainly not a little astonished, it appearing to us a new proceeding, and one contrary to custom, especially it being well known to us that our neighbours and allies, the Kings of France and Spain, are never accustomed to pay anything under the title of toll {443} for the slaves which they cause yearly to be transported from your island.
We therefore beg your highness, by the good and long friendship existing between us, to grant to us the same privilege in _regard to this kind of commerce_ within the territories of your highness, as is enjoyed by both our said neighbours and allies, which although it ought to be conceded to us simply on account of our mutual friendship and our affection towards your highness and the illustrious Order of Malta, still we shall receive so gratefully, that if at any time we can do anything to please your highness, we shall be always ready to do it, with all attention, and most willingly.
In the meantime we heartily recommend your highness and all the members of the illustrious Order of Malta, as well as all your affairs, to the Divine keeping.
Given from our palace of Westminster on the 12th day of February, in the year of our Lord 1673, and of our reign the 25th.
Your Highness' good Cousin and Friend,
CHARLES REX.
No. XII.
Charles the Second by the grace of God, of Great Britain, France, and
Ireland, King, Defender of the Faith, &c.
To the most eminent Prince, the Lord Nicholas Cotoner, Grand Master of the Order of Malta, our well-beloved cousin and friend--Greeting:
Most eminent Prince, our well-beloved cousin and friend.
The military order over which your eminence most worthily presides, having always used its power to render the navigation of the sea safe and peaceable for Christians, we in no way doubt that our ships of war, armed for the same purpose, will receive from your eminence every office of friendship. We therefore are desirous of signifying to your eminence by these our letters that we have sent a squadron of our royal fleet to the Mediterranean sea under the command of Sir John Narbrough, knight, to look after the safety of navigation and commerce, and to oppose the enemies of public tranquillity. We therefore amicably beseech your eminence that if ever the above-named Admiral Narbrough, or any of our ships cruising under his flag, should arrive at any of your eminence's ports or stations, or in any place subject to the Order of Malta, that they may be considered and treated as friends and allies, and that they may be permitted to purchase with their money, and at just prices, and to export provisions and munitions of war, and whatever they may require, which, on similar occasions, we will abundantly reciprocate to your eminence and to your most noble Order.
In the mean time we heartily recommend your eminence to the safeguard of the Most High and Most Good God.
Given from our palace of Whitehall the last day of November, 1674.
Your Highness' Cousin and Friend,
CHARLES REX.
No. XIII.
Charles the Second by the Grace of God, of Great Britain, France, and
Ireland, King, Defender of the Faith, &c.
To the most eminent Prince the Lord Nicholas Cotoner, Grand Master of the Order of Malta, our well-beloved cousin and friend.
Most eminent Prince, our cousin and well-beloved friend--Greeting:
Although we in no way doubt of the sincere readiness of your eminence and of your holy Order of Malta to do everything which might be known to be expedient for our interests, still we could not read your eminence's letters under date of 24th March last, in which such readiness is fully set forth, without the greatest pleasure. Our affection is sharpened and excited by the mention of the good will of our predecessors, the Kings of Great Britain, evinced in every age towards your most illustrious Order, which, as your eminence in your said letters so honourably commemorates, so will we studiously endeavour to imitate, and even to surpass. From our admiral, Sir John Narbrough, knight, and also from other parties, we have heard with how much benignity your eminence lately received him, and caused him and the other officers of our fleet to be supplied with what was requisite for our ships of war, which we consider not less worthy of the piety and valour of your Order than of our friendship; and we on our part, on opportunity presenting itself, will be careful to abundantly reciprocate by every kind of good offices.
It remains to recommend your eminence and the whole of your holy Order militant to the safeguard of the God of Hosts.
Given from our palace of Whitehall the 19th day of May, 1675.
Your Eminence's good Cousin and Friend,
CHARLES REX.
No. XIV.
Charles the Second by the grace of God, of Great Britain, France, and
Ireland, King, Defender of the Faith, &c.
To the most eminent Prince the Lord Nicholas Cotoner, Grand Master of the Order of Malta, our well-beloved cousin and friend--Greeting:
Most eminent Prince, our well-beloved cousin and friend.
We know not how it came to pass that our admiral in the Mediterranean sea, Sir John Narbrough, knight, should have given such cause of complaint as mentioned in your eminence's letters addressed to us under date of the 5th of April, as to have refused to give the usual salute to the city {444} of Malta, unless, perhaps, he had thought something had been omitted on the part of the Maltese which he considered due to our dignity, and to the flag of our royal fleet. Be it, however, as it may, your eminence may be persuaded that it is our fixed and established intention to do and perform everything both ourselves and by our officers amply to show how much we esteem the sacred person of your eminence and the Order of Malta.
In order, therefore, that it should already appear that we do not wish greater honour to be paid to any prince than to your eminence and to your celebrate Order, we have directed our above-mentioned admiral to accord all the same signs of friendship and good will towards your eminence's ports and citadels as towards those of the most Christian and catholic kings; and we no way doubt your Order will equally show that benevolence towards us which it is customary to show to the above-mentioned kings, or to either of them.
It only remains to us to heartily recommend your eminence and all your military Order to the safeguard of the Most High and Most Good God.
Given from our palace of Whitehall on the 21st day of June, 1675.
Your Eminence's good Cousin and Friend,
CHARLES REX.
No. XV.
Charles the Second by the grace of God, of Great Britain, France, and
Ireland, King, Defender of the Faith, &c.
To the most eminent prince the Lord Nicholas Cotoner, Grand Master of the Order of Malta, our well-beloved cousin and friend--Greeting:
Most eminent Prince, our well-beloved cousin and friend.
Not only by the letters of Sir John Narbrough, knight, whom we appointed in right and power to be the admiral of our fleet in the Mediterranean sea, but also from other sources, we have heard how benignantly your eminence, both by command and example, and all the sacred Order of Malta, have treated him and the other commanders of our ships, so much so that they could not have been better at home, and in our dockyards, than in your port of Malta. This is, indeed, a sign of great friendship, and the more so that our kingdoms and seas are so far distant from the usual navigation of the sacred Order of Malta, that few occasions could be expected to offer themselves to us of reciprocating the friendship of your eminence. Some other mode, therefore, must be sought by which we may testify our gratitude and affection towards your eminence and the other members of your most sacred Order, to do which we shall willingly embrace and studiously search after every opportunity which may offer.
In the mean time we heartily recommend your eminence and all your military Order to the safeguard of the Most High and Most Good God.
Given from our palace of Whitehall the 26th day of January, 1675-6.
Your Eminence's good Cousin and Friend,
CHARLES REX.
No. XVI.
Charles the Second by the grace of God, of Greet Britain, France, and
Ireland, King, Defender of the Faith, &c.
To the most eminent Prince the Lord Nicholas Cotoner, Grand Master of the Order of Malta, our well-beloved cousin and friend.
Most eminent Prince, our most dear cousin and friend.
Our well-beloved and faithful Sir John Narbrough, knight, latterly admiral of our fleet in the Mediterranean sea, conveyed to us your eminence's letters written under date of the 7th of April last, which being most full indeed of affection and gratitude on your part, we received and perused with equal feelings and satisfaction. The acknowledgments of benefits conferred by us, which your eminence so frequently expresses, causes us also to return similar thanks to your eminence and to the whole of your sacred Order, for all those offices of humanity and courtesy with which you assisted our above-mentioned admiral and other our ships stationed in that sea, of which we shall always preserve the memory indelibly engraved in our hearts. It is equally a source of pleasure to us that our arms have been of help to your eminence and to your Order; and if the expedition had been of no other benefit, we consider it ample compensation in having restored to their homes so many persons celebrated through the whole Christian and Infidel world who were recovered from the power and chains of the barbarians.
May your eminence continue to desire that we should freely divide the glory of rendering peaceful the Mediterranean sea with the illustrious Order of Malta!
May the Most Good and Great God sustain and preserve your eminence with all your religious Order!
Given from our palace of Whitehall the 28th day of October, 1676.
Your Eminence's good Cousin and Friend,
CHARLES REX.
No. XVII.
Charles the Second by the grace of God, of Great Britain, France, and
Ireland, King, Defender of the Faith, &c.
To the most eminent Prince the Lord Nicholas Cotoner, Grand Master of the Order of Malta, our well-beloved cousin and friend--Greeting:
Most eminent Prince, our well-beloved cousin and friend.
The thanks which your eminence, by your {445} letters written under date of the 15th of August last, returns to us on account of the fifty knights of your Order liberated by our assistance from the slavery of the barbarians, could hardly be more acceptable to us than the prayers adjoined in the above-mentioned letters for the liberation from the slavery of the Algerines of another member of your holy Order, the German, John Robert A. Stael. We in consequence, in order that we my not appear to be wanting either in the will or in affection towards your eminence, have communicated our orders to our well-beloved and faithful subject, Sir John Narbrough, knight, commanding our fleet in those seas, that if the city of Algiers should be constrained to agree to a treaty of just peace and submission by the force of our arms, assisted by Divine help, he should use every effort in his power, so that the liberty of the said John Robert A. Stael be obtained.
Your eminence is already well aware of the fidelity and zeal of our above-mentioned admiral, and we have no doubt that he will willingly and strenuously observe our orders on that head.
It remains for us to heartily recommend your eminence and the whole of your military Order to the safeguard of the Most High and Most Good God.
Given from our palace of Whitehall the 2nd day of November, in the year of our Lord 1678.
Your Eminence's good Cousin and Friend,
CHARLES REX.
WILLIAM WINTHROP.
La Valetta, Malta.
* * * * *
DISEASE AMONG CATTLE.
For some years past, a great many cattle have died from a disease of the lungs, for which I believe no effectual antidote has been discovered. This fact having been mentioned to a German in London, who had formerly been a _Rossarzt_ or veterinary surgeon in the Prussian army, he stated that he had known a similar disease to prevail in Germany; and that by administering a decoction of _Erica communis_ (Common Heath), mixed with tar, the progress of the disease had in many instances been arrested.
In order, therefore, that the British farmer may obtain the benefit of this gentleman's experience, and that he may receive all manner of justice, I beg leave to send you a literal copy of the recipe which he was kind enough to give _pro bono publico_.
"REMEDY AGAINST THE PRESENT DISEASE AMONG CATTLE.
"Taken Erika communis, and boiled it into water of such quantity, that
the water after boiling coloured like beer; generally of a pinte of
water 1/4--1/2 lb. Erika communis, and boiling 5 to 6 hours. After it
is be done, filled the fluids trough a seive in ather boiler, and mixed
the same with 1/20 part of common tear. In order to make a good
composition from it, you must boiling the tear and the fluide to a
second time of 2--3 hour's and much storret. After then the medecin is
to by ready.
"Everry cattle sicke or well must you giving of three times to day,
everry time one pot from the said mixture, which you have befor keapet
a little warm but not to much heat. Keepet werry much from the fluide
of Erika communis not mixed with tear, and give to drinke the cattle a
much as possible. Everry cattle liked to drinke such fluide.
"Becom's the tongue stick, black pumpels, or becom's the mouth and
palatt red and sort, washe it out with a softe brush deyed in a mixture
as follow described: One part of hony, 3 parts of vinaigre, 3 parts of
water, and one half part of burned and grinded allumn.
"Becom's the cattle in the legs, generally in the klawes, washed the
sores with cold water, that you mixed 1 once white vitriol, and 1 once
burned allumn of a pint of water, 3--4 times to day, and keepet the
cattle everry time day's and night's in the open air of meadows or
lots. Everry cattle become's in the first time that it is driven out
the stables to the green feeding of meadow's, &c. a little sickness,
generally a little diarrhae, and this is a remedy against the disease
as before stated.
"If you continnuit with the firste remedy, you should findet that the
cattle becom's a verry slight influence of the said disease."
THOS. NIMMO.
* * * * *
POPIANA.
I. In Roscoe's edition of _Pope_, vol. iv. p. 465., is this epitaph:
"Well then, poor G---- lies underground,
So there's an end of honest Jack:
So little justice here he found,
'Tis ten to one he'll ne'er come back."
This must have been running in Goldsmith's heed when he wrote:
"Here lies poor Ned Purdon, from misery freed,
Who long was a bookseller's hack:
He led such a damnable life in this world,
I don't think he'll wish to come back."
II. Epigram on the feuds between Handel and Bononcini:
"Strange! all this difference should be, 'Twixt Tweedle-DUM and Tweedle-DEE!"
The various editors print only these two lines. Where have I seen it printed as follows, in _six_ lines; and whence came the other four?[3]
{446}
"Some say, that Signior Bononcini
Compared to Handel's a mere ninny;
Others aver, that to him Handel
Is scarcely fit to hold a candle:
Strange that," &c.
III. In "N. & Q.," Vol. i., p. 245., the following passage occurs:
"In the Imitation of the _Second Satire, Book I._ of Horace, _only to
be found in modern editions_, there is an allusion to 'poor E----s,'
who suffered by 'the fatal steel' for an intrigue with a Royal
Mistress."
Query, in _what_ modern editions is this imitation found? I have searched most of them (including the last, and by no means the worst, by Mr. Robert Carruthers) in vain.
IV. It has always seemed to me desirable that a perfect edition of an author like Pope, whose pages teem with proper names frequently repeated, and personal allusions, should be furnished with an Index _nominum propriorum_, which would enable the reader to refer in a moment to the exact whereabouts of the line wanted. I once took the trouble to make such an Index to Pope for my own use, and add one word of it as a specimen:
Granville's moving lays _Past._ i. 46
Granville commands, &c. _Wind. For._ 5
Granville could refuse to sing,
what Muse for " 6
Granville sings, or is it " 282
Granville of a former age, Surrey
the " 292
Granville's verse recite, the
thoughts of God let " 425
Granville's Myra die, till _Epist. to Jervas_ 76
Granville the polite _Prol. to Sat._ 135
Is this a hint worthy the notice of Mr. Croker, Mr. P. Cunningham, or Mr. John Murray, whose joint labours promise us a new edition of Pope?
V. Roscoe and Croly give _four_ poems on _Gulliver's Travels_. Why does Mr. Carruthers leave out the _third_? His edition appears to contain (besides many additions) all that all previous editors have admitted, with the exception of this _third_ Gulliver poem, the sixteen additional verses to Mrs. Blount on leaving town, the verses to Dr. Bolton, and a fragment of eight lines (perhaps by Congreve); which last three are to be found in Warton's edition.
HARRY LEROY TEMPLE.
Garrick Club.
[Footnote 3: These lines are quoted in the fourth edition of the _Ency. Britan._, art. BONONCINI, and are said to have been written by Swift. Only the last two lines, however, are given in Scott's edition of his _Works_.--ED.]
* * * * *
HAMPSHIRE FOLK LORE.
_Churching._--A woman in this village, when going to church for the first time after the birth of her child, keeps to the same side of the road, and no persuasions or threats would induce her to cross it. She wears also upon that occasion a pair of new boots or shoes, so that the mothers of large families patronise greatly the disciples of St. Crispin. I should much like to know if this twofold superstition is prevalent, and how it first originated.
_Bees._--There is not one peasant I believe in this village, man or woman, who would sell you a swarm of bees. To be guilty of selling bees is a grievous omen indeed, than which nothing can be more dreadful. To barter bees is quite a different matter. If you want a hive, you may easily obtain it in lieu of a small pig, or some other equivalent. There may seem little difference in the eyes of enlightened persons between selling, and bartering, but the superstitious beekeeper sees a grand distinction, and it is not his fault if you don't see it too.
When a hive swarms, it is customary to take the shovel from the grate, and the key from the door, and to produce therewith a species of music which is supposed to captivate and soothe the winged tribe. If the bees do not settle on any neighbouring tree where they may have the full benefit of the inharmonious music, they are generally assailed with stones. This is a strange sort of proceeding, but it is orthodox, and there is nothing the villagers despise more than modern innovations of whatever kind.
_Charming._--As regards charming, the wife of the village innkeeper who preceded the present one (she now rests in the churchyard), used to whisper away burns. Her form of words, if she had any, is unknown. The mind has great influence upon the body, and the doctor knows it, or he would not give his nervous lady patients so many boxes of bread pills, and sleeping draughts in the shape of vials filled with savoury rum-punch. Doubtless this good woman cured her patients by acting on their imaginations. If the agency of imagination is an incorrect supposition, I see but one way of accounting for the curative powers of whispering, namely, by means of animal magnetism. I trust your medical readers do not question the curative powers of animal magnetism in certain cases; if they do, I would recommend them to read a work entitled _Human Magnetism, its Claim to Dispassionate Inquiry_, by W. Newnham, Esq., M.R.S.L. It is published by John Churchill, Princes Street, Soho.
EUSTACE W. JACOB.
Crawley.
* * * * *
THE MOST CURIOUS BOOK IN THE WORLD.
The following account of this truly wonderful specimen of human patience and skill is from a rough copy that I took some years ago. I regret that I cannot give any reference, as I made no note of my authority, which has now escaped my {447} recollection. But that is of little consequence, as the book is well known to bibliographists.
Perhaps the most singular bibliographic curiosity is that which belonged to the family of the Prince de Ligne, and is now in France. It is entitled _Liber Passionis Domini nostri Jesu Christi, cum Characteribus nulla materia compositis_. This book is neither written nor printed! The whole letters of the text are cut out of each folio upon the finest vellum; and being interleaved with blue paper, is read as easily as the best print. The labour and patience bestowed in its completion must have been excessive, especially when the precision and minuteness of the letters are considered. The general execution, in every respect, is indeed admirable; and the vellum is of the most delicate and costly kind. Rodolphus II. of Germany offered for it, in 1640, 11,000 ducats, which was probably equal to 60,000 at this day. The most remarkable circumstance connected with this literary treasure is, that it bears the royal arms of England; but it cannot be traced to have ever been in this country.
I now offer this notice, in the hope that the readers of "N. & Q." may supply farther particulars; such as the time of its commencement or completion, and also whether it is still in France. With respect to the arms of England, which yet present a puzzle to all antiquaries, I beg to submit a conjecture. I think it was intended as a present to our Henry VIII., when he was in such high favour at Rome, for his _Defence of the Seven Sacraments_, that Leo X. conferred on him the title of "Fidei Defensor," and which all our sovereigns have subsequently retained. But when he threw off the Papal authority, declared himself supreme head of the Church, and proceeded to confiscate its property, the intention of presentation was abandoned. This is at least plausible, as I do not mean that it was _originally_ designed for a present to "bluff Harry," because it was produced before he was born. But the arms were a work for any time; and I think they were executed just before his rupture with the Pope was known. To pay him a compliment afterwards from any part of Catholic Europe was, of course, out of the question.
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Notes and Queries, Number 237, May 13, 1854Chapter III: THE BALTIC SEA and GERMAN OCEAN, with enlarged Plans of Cronstadt,
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