Chapter IV: Part 4

MY DEAR COLONEL--I acknowledge the receipt of your two very
kind letters since I left Washington, and thank you for the
acceptable accompaniment of the last. Also, for the pamphlet
on Cholera which you have sent--I loaned it to several of our
medical gentlemen, and they all seem to think highly of it.
Our people have been much alarmed, and I think with good
reason. For my own part, I entertain but little uneasiness. I
have lived a long life, and though I am far from tired of it,
I am ready to go whenever it pleases him who gave it to take
it away.

Looking over my paper, I have directed copies to be made up
such as seem adapted to your purpose. These, and some
original, I will send to your direction, whenever I hear from
you again, and you inform me how to send them. I have but few
letters from Gen. Washington--the _originals_ I cannot consent
to part with; but copies are cheerfully at your service. I
have had a copy taken of a very remarkable correspondence
between General Wayne and General Reed, which awaits your
directions. I was on a visit to Wayne shortly after its close;
he read it to me, and I was so much struck with it, that I
requested leave to take a copy, which he gave me. You will
find it a curiosity, and it is another development of the real
character of Reed. I think I formerly mentioned I knew but
little of Gen. Wayne, with which you are not already
acquainted, and I may say much the same as to Putnam, except
what I had from conversation with General Washington. I have
never been able to make up my mind how far Gen. Gates was
concerned in the movement for his promotion, at Washington's
expense. He certainly did not openly encourage it. It is so
delicate a matter, I did not like to directly question General
Washington. Once or twice, in conversation, I thought he was
coming to the point, but he broke off without reaching it.
Many of Conway's movements against Washington had a tact and
address about them, for which Gates generally received the
credit. Towards the close, his calumnies of Washington were
disgustingly obscene--I mean Conway's. General Reed was well
known to be deeply engaged in this conspiracy. But he lacked
the courage of Conway, and was wholly without the rashness
which so frequently marked the latter. Reed was a cautious and
cunning plotter--he never looked one in the eye. Lee, who
mortally hated him, had a common saying, "that Reed's face was
stamped with the devil's favorite brand." I was once present
when he made the remark in the presence of Reed, without
observing him. Reed stepped forward, and angrily demanded
"what was that, sir?" Lee bowed and repeated the observation,
amid roars of laughter from all present. General Reed left the
spot, remarking, "you shall hear from me shortly;" to which
Lee replied, "I doubt that." Nothing further ever came of it.

Conway and Reed were decidedly the two most unpopular men in
the army--with this difference, that Conway, though disliked,
was respected, until his calumnies of Washington were carried
to their extent. Of Conway's duel with General Cadwalader I
have no particulars which you do not possess. Conway became
nearly involved in another duel on Reed's account. He took up
a quarrel of Reed's but it was compromised. Reed was publicly
insulted, and submitted like a boarding-school miss. My
sentiments on some subjects have changed with my advancing
years; but I well remember the surprise which I felt, and
which the whole army expressed, that a soldier, and one
wearing epaulettes, should patiently submit to the epithet of
"liar," and a threat of having his nose pulled. It may have
been a conscientious scruple; but he did not hesitate to get
others into difficulties.

In 1783 or '84, I had business which called me to Alexandria.
To my delight, I met General Washington there, and he insisted
upon my accompanying him home. The weather was wet and cold,
and, for a wonder, as he expressed himself, he was without
visiters but me. I remained at Mount Vernon several days and
had many and long conversations with the General. While there,
one of his newspapers mentioned the return of General Reed
from England, in feeble health; and this induced a
conversation concerning that person. I reminded the General of
the coolness with which I had seen him treat Reed at the final
leave-taking of his officers; and of the remark I had
afterwards heard him make at Annapolis. The particulars I gave
you in my letter from the Senate. General Washington rose,
stamped his foot somewhat violently; then instantly checking
himself, he paced the room slowly, speaking while he walked. I
remember every thing he said as plainly as if it had been
spoken only yesterday. He stated to me, that he had no doubt
that General Reed had long been in treaty with the British
before the arrival of their Commissioners in Philadelphia in
1778; and that, after the treaty of peace, in 1783, he
received information, which placed it beyond question, that,
in the appointment of the Commissioners, the British Ministry
had selected Lord Carlisle with express reference to an
acquaintance which he had had with Reed, when Reed was in
England, seventeen or eighteen years before.

He mentioned that, in 1777, while the army was yet encamped at
Valley Forge, Mrs. ----, a lady from Philadelphia, with whom
Reed was long known to have had a criminal intercourse, was
arrested within the lines, and that her suspicious conduct
induced a search, which led to the discovery of a letter upon
her person, from Governor Johnstone to General Reed, and
enclosing a note from Lord Carlisle, which was in _cypher_.
This letter related to overtures upon which Donop, the Hessian
officer, and General Reed, had already exchanged their views;
pronounced them to be somewhat extravagant; and suggested that
Reed had better close the arrangement which had been proposed
to Count Donop, and he would have no reason to complain. The
ten thousand pounds of which Donop spoke, Johnstone said would
be immediately paid, and he did not think there would be any
difficulty about the land or its equivalent; but of the
_office_ that Donop mentioned, he (Governor Johnstone,) could
not speak with confidence; upon that subject, the enclosed
note from Lord Carlisle, Governor Johnstone said, would inform
General Reed more definitely. This note being in cypher,
General Washington informed me he never succeeded in having
unravelled. Immediately upon receiving these papers, General
Washington informed me he called a council, and sent for Reed.
He placed the two letters in General Reed's hands, and
demanded an explanation. Unfortunately, the officer whom he
had sent for Reed had informed him what had happened and he
had thus some time and opportunity for preparation. Reed
professed himself unable to read the note in cypher, and said
he did not know what it meant.

As to the letter from Governor Johnstone, he explained that
overtures had been some time before made to him, offering him
his own reward, upon condition of his bringing about a peace,
but that he had replied, "that he was not worth the purchase,
but poor as he was, King George was not rich enough to make
it." When General Washington demanded why he had not before
informed him of this communication, Reed replied, that though
_he_ was incorruptible, he was afraid of letting it be known
what offers had been made, lest other officers might have been
tempted to accept them. Reed was placed under arrest until
further inquiries were made, but they were not successful, and
he was released. The female upon whom the letters were
detected, had been released, after being searched, and though
every effort was made to get her again it was fruitless.
General Washington added, that through the rest of the war, he
watched Reed narrowly, and trusted him with nothing; and
though he had no further _proof_ of his guilt, he was
satisfied that his treason had existed. But General Washington
informed me, that _after the peace_, he had received
information, the source of which he was not at liberty to
divulge, but the truth of which he had satisfied himself of,
that nothing but the accidental intercepting of Johnstone's
and Carlisle's letters, had prevented Reed's consummation of
treason. He had become fully convinced, after the disbanding
of the army, that Reed had had numerous personal interviews
during the war, with leading British officers; that he had
seen Donop at Burlington; that he had been repeatedly within
the British lines, and that he _now_ knew that, after the
battle of Germantown, he had visited the English General,
Howe, at his Head Quarters, in Philadelphia.

I have now given you, accurately, the substance of General
Washington's conversations upon this subject. It fully
accounts for his marked treatment of Reed at New York and
Annapolis; and it must convince you what a precious rogue in
grain this counterfeit patriot was.

My letter will not reach you for some time after its date. My
arm is stiff, and I write slowly; and, although I have but one
date, I have written a little each day for four days. God
bless you, my old friend, and make me hear frequently from
you.

Yours very truly,
SAMUEL SMITH.

I allow Mr. William Bradford Reed till Saturday to meditate upon this epistle. On that day, unless _he_ should anticipate me, and publish the correspondence with Wayne, to which Colonel Smith refers, _I_ shall have the pleasure of presenting it to the public eye. It is a light that ought not to be hidden under a bushel; but should be placed upon an elevation high as the summit of the Bunker Hill Monument, that it may be seen far and wide.

VALLEY FORGE.

_October 1st, 1842._

_October 5th, 1842._

MR. WHITNEY.--While exposing the demerits of Mr. William Bradford Reed, I have no disposition to disparage whatever of ability or information he may really possess; and concerning the letter, I cheerfully acknowledge that he has made himself very thoroughly acquainted with the true character of the leading men and events of the American Revolution.

But it is _this_ that constitutes his chief shame. In his absurd panegyrics of his "Grandfather," he has not been imposed upon; he is seeking to impose upon others, and in this he has, to a very considerable extent, succeeded; he is sinning against the excess of light and the superfluity of knowledge. Possessing the most ample proofs of his grandfather's treachery to his country in the darkest hour of his country's peril, Mr. William B. Reed has not hesitated to hold him up to that very country which he sought to betray, and _did_ well nigh betray, and _would_ have betrayed, but for the timely interception of his treasonable correspondence with the British Commissioners, as one of the most glorious and incorruptible of the patriots who fought and suffered for the establishment of American Independence! The guilt of this will cling to Mr. Reed enduringly.

Never can he shake off its contamination. Could he escape from the odium of his more immediate personal delinquencies; his fawning sycophancy of Nicholas Biddle; his dirty work in behalf of that man for money, not for love; could he deluge with Lethean ocean the public memory, his malpractices as attorney-general; his venal career as a member of the Legislature; could he induce the public to overlook the bribes which he pocketed under the pretext of _fees_ received for services never performed--bribes, the amount of which and the dates of whose reception, are well known, and sustainable by documentary reference;--could all this be erased, as systematic and persevering labours, from his boyhood upward, to delude a much injured country into reverence for the memory, not of the contemporary, but of the _predecessor_ of Benedict Arnold in "treason" have won for him an infamy from the consequences of which escape is impossible.

I have heretofore referred, in general terms, to Mr. Reed's numerous applications, by writing and in person, to such survivors of the Revolution, or their descendants, as he supposed could furnish the information he desired, for anecdotes of General Reed; a part of my labours, hereafter to be entered upon, will be to narrate not a few of the rebuffs and rebukes this unfortunate Doctor Syntax in search of the biographical Pickenesque has experienced, and the minute fidelity with which my sketches shall be marked, will contribute, let me assure Mr. Reed, no less to his surprise than mortification, nay, I will establish that much of the information, that many of the documents, which _I_ propose to lay before the readers of the Evening Journal, _he_ and his brother, the Professor, possess; that copies of some of the latter have long been in their hands; and that Mr. William B. Reed has solicited the transfer or destruction of the originals. But I will even do more than all this, I will, in at least two instances, _publish his own letter_, praying for the loan if not the gift, of original papers affecting the fame of his grandfather. _Even here_ I do not mean to stop. I shall show that Mr. Reed succeeded in inveigling from the possession of a gentleman of my acquaintance, for a pretended temporary purpose, a letter, the publication of which he supposed; and a part, I may say a prominent part, of Mr. Reed's scheme to perpetuate the delusion of his grandfather's patriotism, has been to write or call upon, every person projecting any work connected with the Revolution; and by tendering information, or otherwise volunteering his assistance, to deceive or disarm. He has played his game, so far, with very clever success; and, as I formerly mentioned, it is one which he is at present engaged in practising upon Mr. Bancroft--that same Mr. George Bancroft, whom, at a political meeting in this city, held some four or five years since, he so delicately described as a "tin cannister tied to the tail of Martin Van Buren, while Martin Van Buren, was running through the street, like a hot slut, with the whole kennel of loco-focoism bawling at her heels!" Adapting this figure to circumstances, as it might be introduced with great effect, into Mr. Reed's collegiate eulogy upon the services and patriotism of his grandfather.

In Col. Smith's last published letter to Col. ----, he promised to furnish the latter with copies of certain letters, and in another he says.

"I cannot answer your inquiry about Captain Anderson. I knew
several officers of that name, but can recal nothing
particular concerning any of them. I once received a letter
from a person some where in the State of Delaware, calling
himself Henry Anderson, inquiring about his uncle Captain
Anderson, of the Revolutionary army, but I have not retained,
or mislaid the letter, and cannot call to mind his more
particular address. But even this defective information may
serve to put you on the scent.

"Your son will tell you much for me that I would otherwise
write. My rheumatism has prevented my showing him as much of
the civilities of our town as I would have liked, but you will
excuse me.

"Most truly and sincerely,
"your old friend,
"SAMUEL SMITH.

From among the accompaniments of this letter transmitted by Col. Smith, I select, for incorporation in the present article, the following correspondence between General Anthony Wayne and General Joseph Reed. The "_Numbers_" with which they are prefixed appear to be of General Wayne's own addition.

No. 1.

GEN. A. WAYNE,

My Dear General--

Only the day before yesterday I heard of your being here, and
then but by accident, or I should have addressed you upon the
subject of this communication. For several months there has
been a rumor industriously circulated in this city, that
during the last summer, you stated while in "South Carolina,"
in the presence of General Greene and other officers, that my
conduct at the battles of Brandywine and Monmouth had
subjected me to the imputation of timidity. It is added that
you referred disparagingly to circumstances which occurred at
_Valley Forge_, and revived the exploded calumny, for the
truth of which you personally vouched, that I had signified my
acceptance of the terms then offered me by the Commissioners,
which you know that I spurned with scorn.

Of course you will understand me to be satisfied that you
never did use any language of the kind, but, as these remarks
have been propogated by persons who, I have every reason to
believe, are no less your enemies than mine. I am anxious to
afford you an opportunity for their contradiction, and this I
have to request you will promptly give me.

I should be sorry that malicious and designing persons should
have it in their power to disturb the harmony of the relations
which I have so long enjoyed with one upon whose friendship I
set so high a value, and for whom I entertain a peculiar
esteem.

With great respect and cordiality,
I am my Dear General, yours, &c.,
JOS. REED

Dec'r 26th, 1783.

No. 2.

_Philadelphia, December 27th, 1783._

Sir--The cool effrontery of your note yesterday surprised me.
By what right you presume to refer to any harmony of relations
between us, and to speak of the value of my "friendship" I am
at a loss to comprehend. That harmony was first disturbed by
the pecuniary difficulties in which you so dishonestly
involved me, and from which I am only now beginning to
extricate myself, apart from which I could entertain no
feelings of "friendship" for an officer for whom I have such
abundance of reasons for entertaining sentiments of a very
different description. I have no doubt that my remarks to
General Greene and others have been correctly reported to you,
not only in South Carolina and Georgia, but years ago in
Pennsylvania, and within the immediate reach of your personal
demand. I have never hesitated, on all proper occasions to
express myself in similar terms. I never merely intimated that
your conduct at the battles of Brandywine and Monmouth had
subjected you "to the imputations of timidity," but I have
always said that your behaviour at those battles, particularly
that of Chad's Ford, should have secured your dismissal from
the army.

What you refer to as "the exploded calumny" of your
negotiations with the enemy at Valley Forge, I in common with
every officer in the army, with whom I have ever conversed
upon the subject, including the Commander-in-chief, believe to
be strictly well-founded.

I am Sir, yours,
ANTHONY WAYNE.

To Joseph Reed.

VALLEY FORGE.

We take the following communication of Mr. Smith, from the North American of this morning.

"In compliance with this arrangement, I came to this city this
evening, accompanied by three of my friends conversant with my
father's handwriting, viz; Hon. Louis McLane, Robert Gilmore,
and Robert Purviance, Esqrs., and was met at the place and
hour of appointment by William B. Reed and Henry Reed, Esqrs.,
and waited there until half-past eight o'clock, without the
appearance of the author of "Valley Forge," or any of his
friends.

JNO. SPEAR SMITH.

_Washington House, Parlor No. 3,

Monday, October 24th, 1842._

In relation to this matter, we received through the Post-Office this morning, the following explanation from Valley Forge.

"Mr. WHITNEY:--I am unable to express my mortification at the
unhappy and unexpected accident which has prevented my meeting
the Messrs. Reed and Mr. John Spear Smith this evening, at the
time and place appointed by them, for the purpose of having
tested the authenticity of General Samuel Smith's letters to
Colonel ----, Col. ---- is my near relative, and though in his
ninety-third year, has till last Thursday, enjoyed the most
excellent health for one of so advanced an age. As he will not
permit the originals to be taken out his sight, I intended of
course that he should accompany me as one of my three friends.
His sudden and severe illness has rendered this impossible; he
refuses to part with the documents even for a temporary
purpose, and I have thus been compelled to submit for the
present to this most mortifying piece of ill-fortune.

No doubt the exultation of the Messrs. Reed will be violent,
but let me say to them, it will be but short-lived. But a
brief time will pass, and all the papers which I have
published, and many more which are yet to come, will be fully
proved and laid before the public. When Colonel ----'s health
is restored, I do not doubt that I shall prevail upon him to
place them in my hands, when I shall see Mr. John Spear Smith
with them at Baltimore and have the Messrs. Reed see them
here.

VALLEY FORGE.

_October 24th, 1842."_

We do not approve of this course of procedure on the part of Valley Forge, nor do we think it a proper one. We think he ought to have met Mr. Smith and the Messrs. Reed at the place and time appointed, and made the explanation in person. Under any circumstances, we think it was due to them as well as to ourselves. The proposition which was made by Valley Forge having been accepted by the above-named gentlemen, what reason can there be for longer preserving his incognito? Indeed he expressed his willingness, in one of his notes, which we publish below, to unveil himself as soon as the proposition he made was accepted.

We had, from the first, as we have now, the fullest confidence that the letters purporting to be from the late General S. Smith were genuine, as well as that the intentions of Valley Forge, so far as concerned ourselves, were fair, and that he would establish the authenticity of those letters, and the other documents contained in his communications.

Our belief in the genuineness of the letters of General Smith, was strengthened by the perusal of a letter which we now have before us, addressed to General Joseph Reed, by General John Cadwalader, in 1783, which corroborates what those letters contain. In that letter the latter gentleman says, "Having fully stated the temper of men's minds at this alarming period, and the situation of public affairs, I shall now recite the conversation and circumstances relating thereto, which I have avowed in my letter to you of the 10th September, as having passed between us at Bristol.

"I had occasion to speak with you, a few days before the intended attack on the 20th December, 1776, and requested you to retire with me to a private room at my quarters; the business related to intelligence--a general conversation, however, soon took place concerning the state of public affairs, and after running over a number of topics, in an agony of mind, and despair strongly expressed on your countenance, and tone of voice, you spoke your apprehensions concerning the event of the contest; that our affairs looked very desperate, and we were only making a sacrifice of ourselves; that the time Gen. Howe's offering pardon and protection to persons who should come in before the 1st January, 1777, was nearly expired; and that Galloway, the Allens, and others, had gone over and availed themselves of that pardon and protection offered by said proclamation; that you had a family, and ought to take care of them, and that you did not understand following the wretched remains (or remnants) of a broken army; that your brother (then Colonel or Lieutenant Colonel of the militia--but you say of the five month's men, which is not material) was then at Burlington with his family, and that you had ordered him to remain there, and if the enemy took possession of the town, to take a protection and swear allegiance--and in so doing he would be perfectly justifiable.

"This was the substance, and I think nearly the very words; but that, "_you did not understand following the wretched remains (or remnants) of a broken army_! I perfectly remember to be the _very words_!"

The letter of General Cadwalader contains the letters of P. Dickinson, John Nixon, Benjamin Rush, David Lenox[TN], A. Hamilton, and a numbers of other persons, confirming what we have quoted.

The subjoined notes from Valley Forge gave us confidence in the fairness of his intentions.

R. M. WHITNEY, Esq: Dear Sir--I observe an invitation in
yesterday's Journal, for me to call at, or send to, your
office, for some information which you have to impart. For
reasons which I shall have the pleasure of expressing to you
hereafter in person, I am anxious to preserve my _incognito_,
for the present, even with my nearest friends; and this
consideration will prevent my _calling_. I am also at a loss
to know how to _send_; but if you will drop me a few lines in
the letter box of the Post-office, I shall not fail to receive
them.

Very truly, &c.,
VALLEY FORGE.
_September 23d, 1842._

Please direct to "Ambrose Anderson, Philadelphia."

R. M. WHITNEY, Esq., Dear Sir,--I am favored with your note,
refering me to General Cadwalader's pamphlet, which you inform
me has been abstracted from the Philadelphia Library. I have
access to _material_, far beyond any thing in importance and
value which could possibly be obtained by General Cadwalader;
nevertheless the _abstraction_ of his pamphlet is a
circumstance which I will not fail to turn to good account.
The gentleman to which I so often refer, in my communications
as the revolutionary soldier who has furnished me with
information, is a near relative of mine, who knew Gen. Joseph
Reed thoroughly. I shall continue my communications from time
to time; and you may rely upon my giving you nothing, which
does not admit of literal substantiation. Among other letters
which I have, are several from "George Clymer," (whom you
mention in your note,) which hit the nail on the head.

Will you permit me the liberty of suggesting a continuance of
your vigorous editorials upon Stephen Girard? The word
"finessed" in my last, your compositor has transformed into
_finified_.

Respectfully &c.,
VALLEY FORGE.
Sept. 25, 1842.

REUBEN M. WHITNEY, Esq., Dear Sir,--I am afraid that, in
copying Sergt. Kemp's first letter, I have made an error of
date, on which account I am glad my communication has not
appeared to-day, as it gives me an opportunity of correction.
I am anxious to avoid even the slightest mistake in my
communications. The letter is dated "June 23rd, 1778." I am
not certain that I did not so transcribe it; but if I did not,
be good enough to make the correction. I particularly wish you
would _italicise_ my interrogatory to Reed relative to his
grandfather's correspondence with General Wayne. There is a
_point_ in it which _he_ will fully understand, and which will
give him more uneasiness than all else. I intend reserving my
extracts from that correspondence for the very last.

Respectfully, &c.
VALLEY FORGE.
Sept. 27, 1842.

R. M. WHITNEY, Esq.,--Dear Sir--I am provoked to find that,
upon comparing my copy of Col. Smith's letter to Col. ----,
with the original, that I have made another error! I hope this
will reach you in time for its correction. Speaking of his
visit to Gen. Washington at Mount Vernon and _Washington_, it
should be, and _Philadelphia_.

Respectfully, &c.,
VALLEY FORGE.
Sept. 28, 1842.

R. M. WHITNEY,--Dear Sir--I have been absent for a day or two
from the city, and did not receive your note until to-day. I
enclose a note for publication--oblige me by letting it appear
to-morrow. I cannot imagine how so stupid an error could have
occured as the erroneous date of Kemp's discharge by Gen.
Washington. But the error almost corrects itself--as Kemp's
letter of July 2d, speaks of the battle of Monmouth on the
28th. I do not know whether the blunder is that of your
workman, or mine in the haste of transcribing. One or two
other errors, which are mine, I made the subject of two notes,
which I addressed you through the Post-office. My absence from
town, and my intended absence to-morrow, prevent my preparing
another article for Saturday. Possibly, I will have it ready
for Monday, and certainly for Tuesday. Acknowledge its
receipt, and that it will appear on Monday or Tuesday. I have
not yet come to the _real gems_ of my budget. Reed shall have
a surfeit.

Respectfully, &c.,
VALLEY FORGE
Sept. 30, 1842.

R. M. WHITNEY, Esq: Dear Sir--Nothing could have afforded me
more pleasure than the publication which has been made by the
Reeds. It has given me the opportunity, which I have from the
first been seeking, of bringing the question of General Reed's
revolutionary exploits to a _crisis_. I pledge myself to you,
that I will overwhelm them with confusion and shame.

I have not called for your letter at the Post-office, because
_I know that I am watched_; and I do not desire to be known
till the adoption of my proposition to the Reeds, of which I
speak in the accompanying communication, and which I will
furnish for publication in Monday's Journal. They have fallen
completely into the snare.

Yours, &c., very truly,
VALLEY FORGE.
October 14, 1842.

In his explanatory communication of yesterday's date, Valley Forge speaks of many more papers "which are yet to come:" we suppose he means yet to be published. If so, we feel constrained to say now, that we cannot publish any thing more relating to the matter until he announces to us, at least, his real name.

From the Evening Journal.

R. M. WHITNEY, Esq: Dear Sir,--I am pained beyond measure, at the situation in which I have been so unfortunately instrumental in placing you. But for circumstances _which I cannot possibly control_, I would promptly communicate to you my name and residence. A pledge, rigidly exacted by my venerable relative, Col. ----, and solemnly given by me at the time he consented that I should communicate to you the letters of the late General Smith, and the other papers with which he furnished me, that I should not make either him or myself known without his consent, binds me as with links of iron. Col. ---- is slowly recovering from the paralytic affection with which he was seized on the 20th of this month; and let me assure you, most sacredly and solemnly, that as soon as his health is sufficiently restored to allow a conversation of any length to be had with him, I will not fail to convince him of the propriety--of the _necessity_--of permitting me to call upon you, or invite you to his residence, where, preliminary to my taking the proper steps to convince the public of their authenticity, I may exhibit to you all the writings which have been so exultingly prounounced[TN] to be "audacious forgeries."

You do me but justice, when you say, that "a careful perusal of the letters of Valley Forge, confirms the belief, that he is neither an impostor nor a forger of letters." Why should I be? What motive could induce any rational being to originate a _fabrication_ so sure to be detected? You will find, ere very long, that I have given you nothing but the truth. Only _one_ liberty did I venture to take with any of the correspondence--that was from considerations of delicacy, which I now believe to have been _fastidious_, and to which, at the time, I reluctantly yielded. In Gen. Smith's letter to Col. ----, dated Oct. 2d, 1832, I substituted a _blank_ for the name of _Mrs. Ferguson_," which Gen. Smith gives as that of the lady from whom was taken the letter of Governor Jonstone to Gen. Reed. This, the _only_ alteration I ever made, you must allow, was a pardonable error.

"Truth is mighty and must prevail;" and in this case, to the joy of your friends, and the consternation of your enemies, it shall be signally exemplified. _For the present_, let me entreat you to rest satisfied with my assurances; assurances which will soon be most thoroughly redeemed; and that you will desist from your endeavor to discover who I am--efforts which can give you but vain trouble, which _must_ prove fruitless; for the precautions which I have adopted for the preservation of my _incognito_, it is impossible to overcome.

Very truly, &c.,
VALLEY FORGE.

October 29th, 1842.

From the Evening Journal, October 31st.

_"Valley Forge" and General Joseph Reed--Is there a Sepulchral Sanctuary for Public Men?--The success of the American Revolution--Justice and Truth essential Elements of History--"Forgery"--The Editor, &c._

Whatever motives may have actuated "Valley Forge" to the publication of documents affecting the revolutionary services and fame of General Joseph Reed, and we pretend not either to scan them, or doubt their honorable complexion--for truth, when on the side of country and patriotism, admits not of suspicion or mistrust--whatever motive, we say, may have impelled him to the revelation of these important historical documents, there can exist no doubt as it respects the principle which sustains the ransacking of the grave, for the sake of _truth_. Begin at any period of history, however early, and it will be found that _public men_ have always been considered as public property--their characters, their conduct and their opinions, belonging to the world, with no privilege of sanctuary, either in life or in the _tomb_. It was so with the Hebrews, it was so with Persians, the Babylonians, the Grecians, the Romans, the French, the English, and even the Chinese. Indeed, so obvious is the principle, as almost to dispense with argument. It bears on its very face, the irresistible force of a first principle; for if the grave cannot cover up the _good_ deeds of men, it never can be made to conceal their evil ones. The lessons of history, like the lessons of life, are derived more from the wicked than the good. The striking contrast of example, comes from the man who has perpetuated deeds that curdle the blood with fear, or crimson the cheeks with shame. Virtue is negative, quiet, undismayed--but vice rides aloft on the back of desecrated principles and violated laws, accompanied by the tumultuous rush of a moral whirlwind, overturning the fruits, blossoms and harvest of life; bearing blasts upon its brow, and leaving havoc in its train. And so do the laws of all well governed countries dispose of the remains of notorious felons, who, instead of being suffered to repose in the grave, are denied all interment; their bodies being delivered over to the surgeons for the benefit of science, or exposed on a gibbet, till the crows, eagles and vultures, devour their flesh, and then, even their bones are left to blacken in the winter's blast, as a warning to man, to shun the deeds that led them to their doom.

Where is the sepulchral sanctuary for Buonaparte? or for Nero? or for Marius, Sylla, Otho, Galba, Charles of Burgundy, or Ferdinand of Spain? How many patriots are commemorated in the Lives of Plutarch? Expunge from the History of England the great scoundrels who disgraced their diadems, on the plea of sepulchral sanctuary, and how many kings will remain to grace their pages with the splendor of their virtues? The same question may be asked in reference to all histories, and the same answers given; there would be no history, if the grave silenced the tongue to speak of the vices and crimes of the dead who disgraced their nature.

To return to the principle of success, as a standard of virtue, in great revolutionary movements. The intrinsic merit of a civil movement, or commotion, to produce a change of government by force of arms, or social intimidation without bloodshed, is not sufficient to glorify its actors. Success is essential to give renown which confers fame and glory on its authors. This was fully understood during the American Revolution. A host of calculating spirits stood mute, inactive, or luke-warm, watching the changes of the contest, and fearful of embarking in a cause that might miscarry. In such a crisis, the wavering, the doubtful and the timid, were more dangerous to their country's cause than the open traitor in arms against freedom. The generous, the brave, the frank, the self-devoted patriot, rushed headlong into the contest, putting in peril, life, honor, property, fame, family, friends, children--all that is dear to life, and all that life endears. The calculating and timid palsied their daring counsels by weak irresolution of wicked duplicity. Among these time-servers, it seems General Joseph Reed stood prominent. Careful of his person, he shunned danger. Calculating the probable miscarriage of the Revolution, he occupied the prudent ground of a tory royalist, seeming to battle for liberty, but ready, at any moment; to assume the scarlet uniform, and shout "God save King George!" A traitor in his heart to the cause of Independence, lest that cause, by failing, should make him a traitor to his king, for whom he felt a warmer affection than for the rebels--he stood always on the alert, to join the British, or to appear their greatest foe; practising the meanest arts to seem brave, yet always held in open contempt for his timidity and cowardice. If the Revolution succeeded, he calculated to pass for a patriot. If the royal arms triumphed, he stood prepared to claim the rewards of his fidelity to the KING, more valuable than an open adherent because a secret spy, who betrayed the cause of the rebels, while pretending to fight under its colors, in the uniform of an American Officer of the army of George Washington!

Such appears to have been the character of General Joseph Reed, from documents decidedly authentic--so authentic as to have led to their partial destruction, by his vain and silly descendants, who imagined that _truth_ could be extinguished, while vanity was kindling a spurious flame to consummate an imaginery[TN] _apotheosis_, for one whose actual deeds consigned him to the keeping of the furies and his country's execration.

If such men are to be allowed an enrolment on the page of fame, as revolutionary patriots, who achieved our independence, there is no merits in those who stood side by side with Washington, in the darkest hour of the Revolution, when dismay sat on the bravest brow--spurning the temptation of British bribes--bidding defiance to British battalions, and enduring the pangs of hunger, thirst, and howling blasts--naked amidst winter's snow, with earth for a pillow, and the canopy of heaven for a covering--treason thundering in their ears--rewards offered for their heads, and nothing but liberty and independence, with the secret assurance of heaven's succour from a just God, to cheer and console them--bleeding, dying, desolate. Shall the _time-serving_ traitor take his position by the side of such men? Shall all merit be levelled into one common mass of calculating selfishness? For such must be the effect, if General Joseph Reed is to occupy a niche of glory in the same temple with George Washington. But there is no moral crucible to melt down such deeds into a general and indiscriminate mass. Truth revolts from such profanation. Justice spurns the contamination. Nature herself rises up in arms against the thought, as doing violence to all her holiest sympathies; her purest heart-throbs, her noblest aspirations. God himself denounces the impiety.

Having demonstrated the importance of the revelations of "Valley Forge" to the truth and accuracy of history--of that history, in which we are all so intensely interested--as belonging to the fame of the fathers, and as destined for an inheritance to our children, to the end of time--it remains to consider how the editor of the Evening Journal, in giving publicity to corroborative materials for history, has merited that torrent of scurrility, that has been vomited upon him from the sympathisers in the royal cause of George the Third--who, even up to this day, still retain in their veins, the poison of tory blood! "Valley Forge" makes no _fresh_ charge against the tories of 1776. He but deals in specifications of treasonable designs, common to every history of our Revolution, and to be found in every life of George Washington. If he has ventured on the daring task of committing fabrications of letters from General Smith to Colonel ----, he has perpetrated _supererogatory_ crime, for no sensible purpose--for all that General Smith's letters told us, we knew before, as notorious facts of history. For this reason, we do not believe he has committed "forgery"--from the mere love of crime, or any other motive. If, then, the sympathisers in the Royal cause, are so offended by these letters, as to pour forth the phials of their wrath upon the editor of this paper, it must be from some other motive than virtuous sensibility or wounded patriotism. But this is not all. What was the character--what the tendency of the letters of "Valley Forge" who has unquestionably committed a deep injury, in maintaining his anonymous character, and failing to redeem "his gage," thrown down with so much defiance to Mr. Spear Smith--what, we say, was the tendency of his letters? It was laudable, noble, exemplary. It was to vindicate Washington, and his co-patriots, from all suspicion of being associated with General Joseph Reed, the secret royalist--the wavering tory--all which he is known to be, on the authority of Cadwalader, as well as Washington himself--from all suspicion of being associated, we say, with Reed as _a friend_--a bosom, and confidental[TN] friend. Their direct tendency is, to exalt the patriots of the Revolution, and to depress those English spies in the American uniform, who correspond in cypher, with the royal commissioners, and sought to sell the liberties of their country, for a price, at the very crisis of her fate. And what reply is made to "Valley Forge?" Do the parties criminated, defend their ancestor? No.--Do they question the truth of history? No.--But they charge "Valley Forge," with fabrication. Yet, if he be guilty, does it make Reed innocent? No.--Then why not defend themselves?

VALLEY FORGE.

_October, 31st,_

We give another communication to-day, from the writer of the articles under this signature. We are satisfied that Valley Forge is what he represents himself to be--that he is sincere, honest, and will, as soon as circumstances will permit, establish the authenticity of every document he has furnished for publication. We shall refrain from pushing our searches any further, for the purpose of discovering the person of Valley Forge, for the good reason that we are satisfied that we know him already. On comparing the note of the 14th inst., to us, written evidently by Valley Forge himself, but in a disguised hand, with a letter of a recent date, in the natural handwriting of the person who we believe assumes that name, there are innumerable evidences that most clearly establish his identity, satisfactorily to us.

A word to our enemies now. Let them go on and pour forth their malice, give full vent to their venom, and pile obloquy, mountain high; we regard it as the idle wind, that passeth by and harmeth not. We have long been accustomed to be traduced and slandered. For making the exposition of the mal-appropriation of the money of the Bank of the United States, by Mr. Biddle, the first that was ever made, we brought down on our head the whole weight of the power of that institution and its legions of friends and supporters. We were charged with having perjured ourselves in that matter. And what has become of that charge now? No one believes it. We have triumphed over all the allegations made against us in the matter, and thousands of individuals are left to weep now, because they did not believe, and act on our testimony at the time it was given.

So in the present case, we are charged with publishing forged letters, and even with forging them ourselves. But on what authority? Why, on the assertion of Mr. John Spear Smith, of Baltimore, made, we do not doubt, in all sincerity, but evidently hastily, and without giving a single reason for his coming to that conclusion.

We do not entertain a single apprehenson[TN] but that in this case, every thing will very soon come out right, and that we shall triumph over our enemies and their slanders, as we did in the affair of the Bank of the United States. _Nous Verrons._

FOOTNOTES:

[A] Reed always said that this reply was the joint protection of Benj. Rush, Dr Wm. Smith and Gen. John Cadwalader.

[B] See Gov. Johnstone's speech in the House of Commons, March, 9th, 1779, to be found in the Philadelphia Library in a volume of the Pennsylvania Packet, February 20th, 1779, No. 384.

[C] Mrs. Ferguson's letter will be found in the same volume in the Numbers for February 20th, and March 9th.

[D] Here the following anecdote will afford an occasion of recriminating. When Mr. Reed was proposed as a Brigadier in the army, Mr. John Adams, now our minister in Holland, openly objected, in Congress, to his appointment, saying he was of a factious spirit, and had been notoriously instrumental in fomenting discords between the troops of the different States.

[E] When Mr. Ingersoll waited on me with General Reed's first letter, 9th of September last, I mentioned to him the situation of my family, and the necessity of my leaving the city. This has been candidly related by Mr. Ingersoll to Mr. Reed, as appears by the following extract from his letter, in answer to mine on the 17th of March, on this subject.

_Extract from Mr. Ingersoll's letter, dated Philadelphia, 8th March, 1783._

"The conversation that passed, I reported with candour, and I
believe with precision, but still supposed, that the reply
from General Reed would be founded entirely upon your answer.
Your declaration, with respect to your intention of leaving
town, I think I can repeat in nearly the words in which you
expressed yourself.

"After discoursing upon the subject of the letter I had put
into your hands, you mentioned to me that your furniture was
packed up to go to Maryland; that you had been waiting for
rain to lay the dust, and that if anything was to come of this
business, it must be _speedily_.

"I ENDEAVOUR to give the _words_ used,--I certainly do not
deviate from the _purport_ of what was said."

This is not the least of the many _misrepresentations_ in
which Mr. Reed is convicted in the course of my reply.

[F] Being called upon by General Cadwalader to recollect the conversation we had at the Coffee-House, in the fall of the year seventy-eight, when he related what had passed between him and Mr. Reed at Bristol, I remember the subject corroborates with those queries I have since seen published in Mr. Oswald's paper, of the 7th of September, 1782. I likewise remember giving him a hint, that some of Mr. Reed's friends were present, on which he repeated what he had related before, and then addressed himself to the gentlemen, and informed them, if any of Mr. Reed's friends were present, they were at liberty to make what use they pleased of it.

THOMAS PRYOR.

_Philadelphia, March 8, 1783._

[G] See Gen. Reed's Address to the Public, pages 24, 25.

[H] As a proof of my having made this declaration, and the occasion of it, I offer the following letter:

DEAR SIR:--I have, at your request, charged my recollection with what fell from you, in the hearing of myself and several others, at the trial of Mr. William Hamilton, on the subject of Mr. Reed, who assisted the prosecution; it was in terms to this effect; that it indicated the extremity of baseness in him, to attempt to destroy another for taking the very step he had once lifted his own foot to take. This, at the instant, made a deeper impression me, as having never till then, though living in the closest intimacy, heard you drop the most distant hint of any intended defection of Mr. Reed, of which I myself had no suspicion.

Your humble servant,
GEORGE CLYMER.
_March 2d, 1783._
General Cadwalader.

[I] If the countryman was sent, as he insinuated, for intelligence, and not for a protection for Mr. Reed and his friend, is it not very extraordinary, in a case of this nature, after the man had so narrowly escaped with his life, that no circumstance relating to so delicate an affair, (transacted in so private a manner) should ever have come to my knowledge, till I heard this testimony from Major Lennox?

I will venture to say that no officer of the army, at that critical period, would have risked his reputation, though he had afforded no cause to suspect his firmness, by instructing a spy to apply for a protection for him, with a view of gaining intelligence, without mentioning it to his commanding officer before the transaction. But in the instance before us, it is worthy notice, that in so critical a situation of public affairs, Mr. Reed, knowing how dangerous such a plea as the messenger had used might prove to his reputation, in the hands of the enemy, should not have endeavoured to obviate such a tale, by mentioning the circumstance to the commanding officer at Bristol, who might have vouched for his innocence, in case Donop should attempt to injure him afterwards.

[J] I have ample proofs of Mr. Ellis's attachment to the enemy, which may be produced, if necessary.

[K]

_M'Kenney's Ferry, 25th December, 1776, 6 o'clock, P. M._

Dear Sir,--Notwithstanding the discouraging accounts I have received from Col. Reed, of what might be expected from the operations below, I am determined, as the night is favourable, to cross the river, and make the attack on Trenton in the morning. If you can do nothing real, at least create as great a diversion as possible.

I am, sir, your most obedient servant,

GEO. WASHINGTON.

[L] The following extracts from General Reed's letter to his Excellency the President and the Honorable the Executive Council of the State of Pennsylvania, dated Philadelphia, 22d July, 1777, assigning his reasons for not accepting the office of Chief Justice, may serve to prove his opinions of the constitution at that time. "If there is any radical weakness of authority proceeding from the Constitution; if in any respects it opposes the genius, temper or habits of the governed, _I fear, unless a remedy can be provided, in less than seven years, government will sink in a spiritless langour, or expire in a sudden_ CONVULSION. It would be foreign to my present purpose to suggest any of those _alterations_, which, in my _apprehension are necessary_ to enable the constitution to support itself with _dignity_ and _efficiency_, and its friends with _security_. _That some are necessary I cannot entertain the least doubt._ With this sentiment, I feel an _insuperable difficulty_ to enter into an engagement of the _most solemn nature_, leading to the _support_ and _confirmation_ of an entire system of government, which I cannot wholly _approve_." Again, "the dispensation from this engagement,[M] first allowed to several members of the Assembly, and afterwards to the militia officers, has added to my _difficulties_, as I cannot reconcile it to my ideas of propriety, the members of the same state being under different obligations to support and enforce its authority." But he adds, "If the sense of the people who have the right of decision, leads to some alterations, I firmly believe it will conduce to our happiness and security; if otherwise, I shall esteem it my duty, not only to acquiesce, but to support as far as lays in my power, a form of government confirmed and sanctified by the voice of the people." Here, then, he says, "he feels an _insuperable difficulty_ to enter into an engagement of the most solemn nature, leading to the support and confirmation of an entire system of government, which he cannot wholly _approve_; but he shall think it his duty to acquiesce, and support the government,--if confirmed and sanctified by the voice of the people." How inconsistent, then, must his conduct appear, when it is notorious, that he took a decided part in support of government, accepted of his seat in Council, and afterwards the Presidency, long before the sense of the people was expressd[TN] by the _fabricated instructions_ to the members of Assembly, requiring them to rescind the resolution for calling a convention for the purpose of revising the constitution. And yet he says, in the 27th page of his pamphlet, he "so effectually vindicated every part of his conduct, that every gentleman present, (myself excepted,) acknowledged his mistake."