Chapter II: Part 2

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The Buddhist remarks on the personality and life of Nâtaputta are still more remarkable. They say repeatedly that he laid claim to the dignity of an Arhat and to omniscience which the Jainas also claim for their prophet, whom they prefer simply to call 'the Arhat' and who possesses the universe-embracing '_Kevala_' knowledge. [Footnote: See for example the account in the _Chullavagga_, in _S.B.E_. Vol. XX. p. 78-79; _Ind. Antiq._ Vol. VIII, p. 313.] A history of conversions, tells us further that Nâtaputta and his disciples disdained to cover their bodies; we are told just the same of Vardhamâna. [Footnote: Spence Hardy, _Manual of Budhism_, p. 225.] A story in the oldest part of the Singalese canon gives an interesting and important instance of his activity in teaching. Buddha, so the legend runs, once came to the town Vaiśâlî, the seat of the Kshatriya of the Lichchhavi race. His name, his law, his community were highly praised by the nobles of the Lichchhavi in the senate-house. Sîha, their general, who was a follower of the Nigaṇṭha, became anxious to know the great teacher. He went to his master Nâtaputta, who happened to be staying in Vaiśâlî just then, and asked permission to pay the visit. Twice Nâtaputta refused him. Then Sîha determined to disobey him. He sought Buddha out, heard his teaching and was converted by him. In order to show his attachment to his new teacher he invited Buddha and his disciples to eat with him. On the acceptance of the invitation, Sîha commanded his servants to provide flesh in honour of the occasion. This fact came to the ears of the followers of the Nigaṇṭha. Glad to have found an occasion to damage Buddha, they hurried in great numbers through the town, crying out, that Sîha had caused a great ox to be killed for Buddha's entertainment; that Buddha had eaten of the flesh of the animal although he knew it had been killed on his account, and was, therefore guilty of the death of the animal. The accusation was brought to Siha's notice and was declared by him to be a calumny. Buddha, however preached a sermon after the meal, in which he forbade his disciples to partake of the flesh of such animals as had been killed on their account. The legend also corroborates the account in the Jaina works, according to which Vardhamâna often resided in Vaiśâlî and had a strong following in that town. It is probably related to show that his sect was stricter, as regards the eating of flesh, than the Buddhists, a point, which again agrees with the statutes of the Jainas. [Footnote: _S.B.E_. Vol. XVII, pp. 108-117.]

The account of Nâtaputta's death is still more important. "Thus I heard it", says an old book of the Singalese canon, the _Sâmagâma Sutta_, "once the Venerable one lived in Sâmagâma in the land of the Sâkya. At that time, however, certainly the Nigaṇṭha Nâtaputta had died in Pâvâ. After his death the Nigaṇṭha wandered about disunited, separate, quarrelling, fighting, wounding each other with words." [Footnote: The passage is given in the original by Oldenberg, _Leitsch. der D. Morg. Ges_. Bd. XXXIV, S. 749. Its significance in connection with the Jaina tradition as to their schisms has been overlooked until now. It has also been unnoticed that the assertion, that Vardhamâna died during Buddha's lifetime, proves that the latest account of this occurrence given by traditions 467 B.C. is false: Later Buddhist legends (Spence Hardy, _Manual of Budhism_, pp. 266-271) treat of Nâtaputta's death in more detail. In a lengthy account they give as the cause of the same the apostacy of one of his disciples, Upâli who was converted by Buddha. After going over to Buddhism, Upâli treated his former master with scorn, and presumed to relate a parable which should prove the foolishness of those who believed in false doctrines. Thereupon the Nigaṇṭha fell into despair. He declared his alms-vessel was broken, his existence destroyed, went to Pâva, and died there. Naturally no importance is to be given to this account and its details. They are apparently the outcome of sect-hatred.] Here we have complete confirmation of the statement of the Jaina canon as to the place where Vardhamâna entered _Nirvâṇa_, as well as of the statement that a schism occurred immediately after his death.

The harmony between the Buddhist and Jaina tradition, as to the person of the head of the Nirgrantha is meanwhile imperfect. It is disturbed by the description of Nâtaputta as a member of the Brâhmanic sect of the Âgniveśyâyana, whilst Vardhamâna belonged to the Kâśyapa. The point is however so insignificant, that an error on the part of the Buddhists is easily possible. [Footnote: According to Jacobi's supposition, _S.B.E_. Vol. XXII, p. xvi, the error was caused, by the only disciple of Vardhamâna, who outlived his master, Sudharman being an Âgniveśyâyana.] It is quite to be understood that perfect exactness is not to be expected among the Buddhists or any other sect in describing the person of a hated enemy. Enmity and scorn, always present, forbid that. The most that one can expect is that the majority and most important of the facts given may agree.

This condition is undoubtedly fulfilled in the case on hand. It cannot, therefore be denied, that, in spite of this difference, in spite also of the absurdity of one article of the creed ascribed to him, Vardhamâna Jñâtiputra, the founder of the Nirgrantha—or Jaina community is none other than Buddha's rival. From Buddhist accounts in their canonical works as well as in other books, it may be seen that this rival was a dangerous and influential one, and that even in Buddha's time his teaching had spread considerably. Their legends about conversions from other sects very often make mention of Nirgrantha sectarians, whom Buddha's teaching or that of his disciples had alienated from their faith. Also they say in their descriptions of other rivals of Buddha, that these, in order to gain esteem, copied the Nirgrantha and went unclothed, or that they were looked upon by the people as Nirgrantha holy ones, because they happened to have lost their clothes. Such expressions would be inexplicable if Vardhamâna's community had not become of great importance. [Footnote: See for the history of Sîha related above, Spence Hardy, _Manual of Budhism_, pp. 226, 266, and Jacobi, _Ind. Antiq._ Vol. VIII, p. 161]

This agrees with several remarks in the Buddhist chronicles, which assert the existence of the Jainas in different districts of India during the first century after Buddha's death. In the memoirs of the Chinese Buddhist and pilgrim Hiuen Tsiang, who visited India in the beginning of the seventh century of our era, is to be found an extract from the ancient annals of Magadha, which proves the existence of the Nirgrantha or Jainas in their original home from a very early time. [Footnote: Beal, _Si-yu-ki._ Vol. II, p. 168.] This extract relates to the building of the great monastry at Nâlandâ, the high school of Buddhism in eastern India, which was founded shortly after Buddha's _Nirvâṇa_, and mentions incidentally that a Nirgrantha who was a great astrologer and prophet had prophesied the future success of the new building. At almost as early a period the _Mahâvan̄sa_, composed in the fifth century A.D., fixes the appearance of the Nirgrantha in the island of Ceylon. It is said that the king Paṇḍukâbhaya, who ruled in the beginning of the second century after Buddha, from 367-307 B.C. built a temple and a monastery for two Nirgranthas. The monastery is again mentioned in the same work in the account of the reign of a later king Vaṭṭâgâmini, cir. 38-10 B.C. It is related that Vaṭṭâgâmini being offended by the inhabitants, caused it to be destroyed after it had existed during the reigns of twenty one kings, and erected a Buddhist Saṅghârâma in its place. The latter piece of information is found also in the _Dîpavan̄sa_ of more than a century earlier. [Footnote: Turnour, _Mahâvaṅsa_, pp. 66-67 and p. 203, 206: _Dîpavan̄sa_ XIX 14; comp. also Kern, _Buddhismus_, Bd. I, S. 422. In the first passage in the _Mahâvaṅ sa_, three Nighaṇṭas are introduced by name, Jotiya, Giri, and Kumbhaṇḍa. The translation incorrectly makes the first a Brâhmaṇ and chief engineer.]

None of these works can indeed be looked upon as a truly historical source. There are, even in those paragraphs which treat of the oldest history after Buddha's death, proofs enough that they simply hand down a faulty historical tradition. In spite of this, their statements on the Nirgrantha, cannot be denied a certain weight, because they are closely connected on the one side with the Buddhist canon, and on the other they agree with the indisputable sources of history, which relate to a slightly later period.

The first authentic information on Vardhamâna's sect is given by our oldest inscriptions, the religious edicts of the Maurya king Aśoka, who, according to tradition was anointed in the year 219 after Buddha's death, and—as the reference to his Grecian contemporaries, Antiochos, Magas, Alexander, Ptolemaeus and Antigonas confirms,—ruled, during the second half of the third century B.C. over the whole of India with the exception of the Dekhan. This prince interested himself not only in Buddhism, which he professed in his later years, but he took care, in a fatherly way, as he repeatedly relates, of all other religious sects in his vast kingdom. In the fourteenth year of his reign, he appointed officials, called law-superintendents, whose duty it was to watch over the life of the different communities, to settle their quarrels, to control the distribution of their legacies and pious gifts. He says of them in the second part of the seventh 'pillar' edict, which he issued in the twenty-ninth year of his reign, "My superintendents are occupied with various charitable matters, they are also engaged with all sects of ascetics and householders; I have so arranged that they will also be occupied with the affairs of the _Saṁgha_; likewise I have arranged that they will be occupied with the Âjîvika Brâhmaṇs; I have arranged it that they will also be occupied with the Nigaṇṭha". [Footnote: See Senart, _Inscriptions de Piyadasi_, tom. II, p. 82. Ed. VIII, l. 4. My translation differs from Senart's in some points especially in relation to the construction. Conf. _Epigraphia Indiea_, vol. II, pp. 272f.] The word _Saṁgha_ serves here as usual for the Buddhist monks. The Âjívikas, whose name completely disappears later, are often named in the sacred writings of the Buddhists and the Jainas as an influential sect. They enjoyed the special favour of Aśoka, who, as other inscriptions testify, caused several caves at Baràbar to be made into dwellings for their ascetics. [Footnote: See _Ind. Antiquary_, vol. XX, pp. 361 ff.] As in the still older writings of the Buddhist canon, the name Nigaṇṭha here can refer only to the followers of Vardhamâna. As they are here, along with the other two favourites, counted worthy of special mention, we may certainly conclude that they were of no small importance at the time. Had they been without influence and of small numbers Aśoka would hardly have known of them, or at least would not have singled them out from the other numerous nameless sects of which he often speaks. It may also be supposed that they were specially numerous in their old home, as Aśoka's capital Pâṭaliputra lay in this land. Whether they spread far over these boundaries, cannot be ascertained.

On the other hand we possess two documents from the middle of the next century which prove that they advanced into south-eastern India as far as Kaliṅga. These are the inscriptions at Khaṇḍagiri in Orissa, of the great King Khâravela and his first wife, who governed the east coast of India from the year 152 to 165 of the Maurya era that is, in the first half of second century B.C.

The larger inscription, unfortunately very much disfigured, contains an account of the life of Khâravela from his childhood till the thirteenth year of his reign. It begins with an appeal to the Arhat and Siddha, which corresponds to the beginning of the five-fold form of homage still used among the Jainas, and mentions the building of temples in honour of the Arhat as well as an image of the first Jina, which was taken away by a hostile king. The second and smaller inscription asserts that Khâravela's wife caused a cave to be prepared for the ascetics of Kalinga, "who believed on the Arhat." [Footnote: The meaning of these inscriptions, which were formerly believed to be Buddhist, was first made clear by Dr. Bhangvânlâl's Indrâji's careful discussion in the _Actes du Vlième Congrès Internat. des Orientalistes_ Sect. Ary. pp. 135-159. H; first recognised the true names of the King Khâravela and his predecessors and shewed that Khâravela and his wife were patrons of the Jainas. We have to thank him for the information that the inscription contains a date in the Maurya Era. I have thoroughly discussed his excellent article in the _Oesterreichischen Monatsschrift_, Bd. X, S. 231 ff. and have there given my reasons for differing from him on an important point, namely, the date of the beginning of the Maurya Era, which, according to his view begins with the conquest of Kaliṅga by Aśoka about 255 B. C. Even yet I find it impossible to accept that the expression, "in the hundred and sixty fifth year of the era of the Maurya Kings", can mean anything else than that 164 years have passed between the thirteenth year of the rule of Khâravela and the anointing of the first Maurya King Chandrugupta. Unfortunately it is impossible to fix the year of the latter occurrence, or to say more than that it took place between the years 322 and 312 B.C. The date given in Khâravela's inscription cannot therefore be more closely fixed than that it lies between 156 and 147 B.C. I now add to my former remarks—that appeals to the Arhat and Siddha appear also in Jaina inscriptions from Mathurâ and may be taken as a certain mark of the sect. Thus it is worthy of note that even in Hiuen Tsiang's time, (Beal, _Si-yu-ki_, Vol. II, p. 205) Kalinga was one of the chief seats of the Jainas.]

From a somewhat later period, as the characters show, from the first century B.C. comes a dedicatory inscription which has been found far to the west of the original home of the Jainas, in Mathurà on the Jamnâ. It tells of the erection of a small temple in honour of the Arhat Vardhamâna, also of the dedication of seats for the teachers, a cistern, and a stone table. The little temple, it says, stood beside the temple of the guild of tradesmen, and this remark proves, that Mathurâ, which, according to the tradition of the Jainas, was one of the chief scats of their religion, possessed a community of Jainas even before the time of this inscription. [Footnote: This inscription also was first made known by Dr Bhagwanlal Indiaji, _loc. cit_. p. 143.]

A large member of dedicatory inscriptions have come to light, which are dated from the year 5 to 98 of the era of the Indo-Skythian kings, Kanishka, Huvishka, and Vâsudeva (Bazodeo) and therefore belong at latest to the end of the first and to the second century A.D. They are all on the pedestals of statues, which are recognisable partly by the special mention of the names of Vardhamâna and the Arhat Mahâvíra, partly by absolute nudity and other marks. They show, that the Jaina community continued to flourish in Mathurâ and give besides extraordinarily important information, as I found in a renewed research into the ancient history of the sect. In a number of them, the dedicators of the statues give not only their own names, but also those of the religious teachers to whose communities they belonged. Further, they give these teachers their official titles, still used among the Jainas: _vâchaka_, 'teacher', and _gaṇin_, 'head of a school'. Lastly they specify the names of the schools to which the teachers belonged, and those of their subdivisions. The schools are called, _gaṇa_, 'companies'; the subdivisions, _kula_, 'families' and _śâkhà_, 'branches'. Exactly the same division into _gaṇa, śâkhà_, and _kula_ is found in a list in one of the canonical works, of the Śvetâmbaras, the _Kalpasûtra_, which gives the number of the patriarchs and of the schools founded by them, and it is of the highest importance, that, in spite of mutilation and faulty reproduction of the inscriptions, nine of the names, which appear in the _Kalpasûtra_ are recognisable in them, of which part agree exactly, part, through the fault of the stone-mason or wrong reading by the copyist, are somewhat defaced. According to the _Kalpasûtra_, Sushita, the ninth successor to Vardhamâna In the position of patriarch, together with his companion Supratibuddha, founded the 'Koḍiya' or 'Kautika _gaṇa_, which split up into four '_sâkhà_, and four '_kula_'. Inscription No. 4. which is dated in the year 9 of the king Kanishka or 87. A.D. (?) gives us a somewhat ancient form of the name of the _gaṇa Koṭiya_ and that of one of its branches exactly corresponding to the _Vairi śàkhâ_. Mutilated or wrongly written, the first word occurs also in inscriptions Nos. 2, 6 and 9 as _koto-, keṭṭiya_, and _ka_ ..., the second in No. 6 as _Vorâ_. One of the families of this _gaṇa_, the _Vâṇiya kula_ is mentioned in No. 6, and perhaps in No. 4. The name of a second, the _Praśnavàhaṇaka_, seems to have appeared in No. 19. The last inscription mentions also another branch of the Koṭiya gaṇa, the _Majhimâ sâkhâ_, which, according to the _Kalpasûtra,_ was founded by Priyagantha the second disciple of Susthita. Two still older schools which, according to tradition, sprang from the fourth disciple of the eighth patriarch, along with some of their divisions appear in inscriptions Nos. 20 and 10. These are the _Aryya-Udehikîya gaṇa_, called the school of the Ârya-Rohaṇa in the _Kalpasûtra_, to which belonged the _Parihâsaka kula_ and the _Pûrnapâtrikâ śâkhâ,_ as also the _Charâṇa gaṇa_ with the _Prîtidharmika kula._ Each of these names is, however, somewhat mutilated by one or more errata in writing. [Footnote: Dr. Bühler's long note (p. 48) on these inscriptions was afterwards expanded in the _Wiener Zeitschrift fur die Kunde des Morgenlandes_ Bd. I, S. 165-180; Bd. II, S. 141-146. Bd. III, S. 233-240; and Bd. IV, S. 169-173. The argument of these papers is summarised in. Appendix. A, pp. 48 ff.—Ed.] The statements in the inscriptions about the teachers and their schools are of no small importance in themselves for the history of the Jainas. If, at the end of the first century A.D.(?) many separate schools of Jaina ascetics existed, a great age and lively activity, as well as great care as regards the traditions of the sect, may be inferred. The agreement of the inscriptions with the _Kalpasûtra_ leads still further however: it proves on the one side that the Jainas of Mathurâ were Śvetâmbara, and that the schism, which split the sect into two rival branches occurred long before the beginning of our era. On the other hand it proves that the tradition of the Svetâmbara really contains ancient historic elements, and by no means deserves to be looked upon with distrust. It is quite probable that, like all traditions, it is not altogether free from error. But it can no longer be declared to be the result of a later intentional misrepresentation, made in order to conceal the dependence of Jainism on Buddhism. It is no longer possible to dispute its authenticity with regard to those points which are confirmed by independent statements of other sects, and to assert, for example, that the Jaina account of the life of Vardhamâna, which agrees with the statements of the Buddists, proves nothing as regards the age of Jainism because in the late fixing of the canon of the Śvetâmbaras in the sixth century after Christ it may have been drawn from Buddhist works. Such an assertion which, under all circumstances, is a bold one, becomes entirely untenable when it is found that the tradition in question states correctly facts which lie not quite three centuries distant from Vardhamâna's time, and that the sect, long before the first century of our era kept strict account of their internal affairs. [Footnote: See Weber's and Barth's opinions quoted above in note I, p. 23.]

Unfortunately the testimony to the ancient history of the Jainas, so far as made known by means of inscriptions, terminates here. Interesting as it would be to follow the traces of their communities in the later inscriptions, which become so numerous from the fifth century A.D. onwards and in the description of his travels by Hiuen Tsiang, who found them spread through the whole of India and even beyond its boundaries, it would be apart from our purpose. The documents quoted suffice, however, to confirm the assertion that during the first five centuries after Buddha's death both the statements of Buddhist tradition and real historical sources give evidence to the existence of the Jainas as an important religious community independent of Buddhism, and that there are among the historical sources some which entirely clear away the suspicion that the tradition of the Jainas themselves is intentionally falsified.

The advantage gained for Indian history from the conclusion that Jainism and Buddhism are two contemporary sects—having arisen in the same district,—is no small one. First, this conclusion shows that the religious movement of the sixth and fifth centuries B.C. in eastern India must have been a profound one. If not only one, but certainly two, and perhaps more reformers, appeared at the same time, preaching teachers, who opposed the existing circumstances in the same manner, and each of whom gained no small number of followers for their doctrines, the desire to overthrow the Brahmanical order of things must have been generally and deeply felt. This conclusion shows then that the transformation of the religious life in India was not merely the work of a religious community. Many strove to attain this object although separated from one another. It is now recognisable, though preliminarily, in one point only, that the religious history of India from the fifth century B.C. to the eighth or ninth A.D. was not made up of the fight between Brahmanism and Buddhism alone. This conclusion allows us, lastly, to hope that the thorough investigation of the oldest writings of the Jainas and their relations with Buddhism on the one hand and with Brahmanism on the other will afford many important ways of access to a more exact knowledge concerning the religious ideas which prevailed in the sixth and fifth centuries B.C., and to the establishment of the boundaries of originality between the different systems.

APPENDIX A.

Copies of the mutilated inscriptions referred to, were published by General Sir A. Cunningham in his _Archaeological Survey Reports_, vol. III, plates xiii-xv. Unfortunately they have been presented from 'copies' and are therefore full of errors, which are due for the most part, doubtless, to the copyist and not to the sculptor. It is not difficult, however, in most cases under consideration here, to restore the correct reading. Usually only vowel signs are omitted or misread and, here, and there, consonants closely resembling one another as _va_ and _cha, va_, and _dha, ga_ and _śa, la_ and _na_ are interchanged.

The formulae of the inscriptions are almost universally the same. First comes the date, then follows the name of a reverend teacher, next, the mention of the school and the subdivision of it to which he belonged. Then the persons, who dedicated the statues are named (mostly women), and who belonged to the community of the said teacher. The description of the gift forms the conclusion. The dialect of the inscriptions shows that curious mixture of Sanskṛĭt and Prâkṛĭt which is found in almost all documents of the Indo-Skythian kings, and whichas Dr. Hoernle was the first to recognise—was one of the literary languages of northern and northwestern India during the first centuries before and after the commencement of our era.

In the calculation of dates, I use the favourite starting point for the era of the Indo-Skythian kings, which unfortunately, is not certainly determined, and assume that it is identical with the _Saka_ era of 78-1/4 A.D. The rule of these princes could not have fallen later: in my opinion it was somewhat earlier. [Footnote: What follows is from the author's later and fuller paper in _Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes_, Bd. I, S. 170 f., but abridged.—Ed.] I give here transcripts and restorations of such inscriptions as mention Jaina schools or titles.

1. The inscription which is the most important for my purpose and at the same time one of the best preserved, is Sir A. Cunningham's No. 6, plate xiii, which was found on the base of a Jaina image (_Arch. Sur. Rep_. vol. III, p. 31). The copy compared with a rubbing gives the following reading, (the letters within parentheses are damaged):

L. 1. _Siddhaṁ saṁ 20 gramâ 1 di 10 + 5 ko(ṭi)yato gaṇato
(Vâ)ṇiyato kulato V(ai)r(i)to śâkâto Śirikâto_

2. _(bha)ttito vâchakasya Aryya-Saṅghasihasya nir(v)varttanaṁ
Dattilasya.... Vi_.-

3. _lasya ko(ṭhu)bi(ki)ya Jayavâlasya Devadâsasya Nâgadinasya cha
Nâgadinâye cha (mâ)tu_.

4. _śrâ(vi)kâye (D)i-_

5. _(nâ)ye dânaṁ. i_

6. _Varddhamâna pra_-

7. _timâ_|

The lacuna in line 2, after _Dattilasya_, probably contained the word _duhituye_ or _dhûtuye_ and part of a male name of which only the letter _vi_ is visible. In l. 3, possibly _koṭhabiniye_ is to be read instead of _koṭhubikiye_. As there is room for one more letter at the end of the line, I propose to read _mâtuye_. In l. 5, _Dinâye_ would stand for _Dattâyâḥ_ and be the genitive of a female name _Dinnâ_ or _Dattâ_, which has been shortened _bhâmâvat_. There can be no doubt that the word _śrî_, or _śiri_, which is required, has stood before _Vardhamâna_. With these restorations the translation is as follows:

"Success! The year 20, summer (_month_) I, day 15. An image of
glorious Vardhamâna, the gift of the female lay-disciple Dinâ
[_i. e_. Dinnâ or Dattâ], the [_daughter_] of Attila, the wife
of Vi..la, the mother of Jayavâla [Jayapâla], of Devadâsa and Nâgadina
[_i. e_. Nâgadinna or Nâgadatta] and of Nâgadina [_i.e._ of
Nâgadinnâ or Nâgadattâ]—(_this statue being_) the _nirvartana_
[Footnote: The word _nirvartana_ has the meaning of 'in obedience
to the order', or 'in consequence of the request'. It occurs again in
the Prakrit form _nivatanaṁ_ below, in No. 10 (pl. xiv) and it
has stood in No. 4, and at the end of l. 2 of No. 7, where the rubbing
has _nirva_. It is also found in the next: _Arch. Sur. Rep._
vol. XX, pl. v, No. 6.] of the preacher Aryya-Saṅghasiha [_i.e._
Ârya-Saṅghasiṁha], out of the Koṭiya school, the Vâniya race,
the Vairi branch, the Śirikâ division".

The inscription given _Arch. Sur. Rep_. vol. XX, plate v, No. 6 reads, according to an excellent rubbing:

L. 1. _Namo Arahaṁtânain namo Siddhâna saṁ_ 60 [Footnote:
In reading the first figure as 60, I follow Sir A. Cunningham. I have
never seen the sign, in another inscription. The characters of the
inscription are so archaic that this date may refer to an earlier
epoch than the Indo-Skythian.] + 2

2. _gra 3 di 5 etâye purvâye Rârakasya Aryakakasaghastasya_

3. _śishyâ Âtapikogahabaryasya nirvartana chatnuvarnasya
saṁghasya_

4. _yâ dinnâ paṭibhâ[bho?]ga_ 1 (?) | (?) _Vaihikâya datti_|

"Adoration to the Arhats, adoration to the Siddhas! The year 62, the
summer (_month_) 3, the day 5; on the above date a _yâ_. was
given to the community, which includes four classes, as an enjoyment
(_or_ one share for each) (_this being_) the _nirvartana_
of Atapikogahabarya, the pupil of Arya-Kakasaghasta
(Ârya-Karkaśagharshita), a native of Rârâ (Râḍhâ). The gift of
Vaihikâ (_or_, Vaihitâ)."

2. With the inscription No. 6 of the year 20, No. 4 (plate xiii) agrees; it was also found on a Jaina pedestal. With better readings from a rubbing of the first side only, I propose for the other portions, of which I have no rubbings, the following emendations,—l. 1, _Vâniyato kulato, sâkhâto_; l. 2, _kuṭumbimye_; I also note that the lacuna in line 2, 3th and 4th sides, would be filled exactly by _ye śrî-Vardhamânasya pratimâ kâritâ sarvasattvâ_. The former existence of the first and last seven letters may be considered certain. My restoration of the whole is,—

L. 1 (1st side) _Siddhaṁ mahârâjasya Kanishkasya râjye
saṁvatsare navame_ [Footnote: _Sac. Bks. East_, vol. XXII
p. 292.] (2nd side).. _mâsc pratha_ 1 _divase_ 5
_a-(3rd)[syâṁ] purvvâye Koṭiyato gaṇato Vâniya[to]_
(4th) _[ku]lato Vairito śâkâto vâchaka_-

2. (1st side) _[sya] [N]âganaṃdisa ni[rva]r[ta]naṁ Brah[ma]_ ...
_[dhû-(2nd)tuye] Bhaṭṭumitasa kuṭu[ṁ]bi[n]i[ye]
Vikaṭâ-(3rd)[ye śrî Vardhamânasya pratimâ kâritâ sarva_-(4th)
_satvâ]naṁ hita_-

3. _[sukhâye]_;

and the translation:—

"Success! During the reign of the great king Kanishka, in the ninth
year, 9, in the first month, 1, of ..., on the day 5,—on the above
date [an image of glorious Vardhamâna has been caused to be made] for
the welfare [and happiness] of [all created beings] by Vikatâ, the
house-wife of Bhaṭṭimita (Bhatṭimitra) and [daughter of]
Brâhma ...—(this statue being) the _nirvartana_ of the preacher
Nâganaṁidi, out of the Koṭiya school (_gaṇa_), the
Vâṇiya line (_kula_), (and) the Vairi branch (_śâkhâ_)."

If we now turn to the _Kalpasûtra_, we find that Suṭṭhiya or Susthita, the eighth successor of Vardhamâna, founded the Kauṭika or Koḍiya gaṇa, which split up into four śâkhâs and four kulas. The third of the former was the Vajrî or Vairî, and the third of the latter was the Vâṇîya or Vâṇijja. It is evident that the names of the _gaṇa, kula_, and _śâkhâ_ agree with those mentioned in the two inscriptions, Koṭiya being a somewhat older form of Koḍiya. But it is interesting to note that the further subdivision of the Vairî śâkhâ—the Śirikâ bhatti (Srikâ bhakti) which inscription No. 6 mentions, is not known to the _Kalpasûtra_. This is a gap such as may by be expected to occur in a list handed down by oral tradition.

3. The Koṭika gaṇa is again mentioned in the badly mutilated inscription No. 19, plate xv. A complete restoration is impossible.

L. 1. _Saṁvalsare 90 va...sya kuṭubani. vadânasya vodhuya_...

It may, however, be inferred from the fragments of the first line that the dedication was made by a woman who was described as the wife (_kuṭumbinî_) of one person and as the daughter-in-law (_vadhu_) of another. The first part of line 2, restored as above gives—"in the congregation of ... out of the Koṭiya school, the Praśnavâhanaka line and the Majhamâ branch...." The restoration of the two names Koṭiya and Praśnavâhanaka seems to me absolutely certain, because they exactly fill the blanks in the inscription, and because the information in the _Kalpasûtra_ (S. B. E. vol. XXII, p. 293) regarding the Madhyamâśâkhâ points in that direction. The latter work tells us that Priyagantha, the second pupil of Susthita and Supratibuddha, founded a śâkhâ, called Madhyamâ or Majhimâ.

As our inscriptions show that Professor Jacobi's explanation of the terms _gaṇa, kula_ and _śâkhâ_ [Footnote: _S. B. E_. vol. XXII, p. 288, note 2.] is correct and that the first denotes the school, the second the line of teachers, and the third a branch which separated from such a line, it follows that the śâkhâs named in the _Kalpasûtra_ without the mention of a _gaṇa_ and _kula_, must belong to the last preceding _gaṇa_ and derive their origin from one of its _kulas_. Hence the Madhyamâ śâkhâ doubtless was included in the Kauṭika gaṇa, and an offshoot of one of its _kulas_, the fourth of which is called Praśnavâhanaka or Paṇhavâhaṇaya. The correctness of these inferences is proved by Râjaśckhara's statement regarding his spiritual descent at the end of the _Prabandha kosha_, which he composed in Vik. saṁ 1405. He informs us that he belonged to the Koṭika gaṇa, the Praśnavâhana kula, the Madhyamâ śâkhâ, the Harshapurîya gachha and the Maladhâri samtâna, founded by the illustrious Abhayasûri.

For the last words of l. 2 I do not dare to propose an emendation; I merely note that the gift seems to have consisted of pillars, _thabâni_, i. e. _stambhâḥ_.

4. The Koṭiya gaṇa seems finally to be mentioned in pl. xiii, No. 2, where the copy of line 1, 2nd side may be corrected as,—

_Siddha—sa 5 he 1 di 10 + 2 asyâ purvvâye Koṭ(iya)_.

5. Names of an older _gaṇa_ and of one of its _kulas_ occur in No. 10 plate xiv, where the copy, which is faulty, may allow the following partial restoration,—-

L. 1. _Sa 40 + 7 gra 2 di 20 etasyâ purvvâye
Vâraṇe gaṇe Petidhamikakulavâchakasya Rohanadisya
sîsasya Senasya nivatanam sâvaka-Da_

2. ..._pashâṇavadhaya Giha..ka.bha..
prapâ [di]nâ..mâ ta_...

which I translate—

"The year 47, the summer (month) 2, the day 20,—on the above date a
drinking fountain was given by ..., the ... of the lay-disciple Da ...
(this being) the _nivatana_ of Sena the pupil of Rohanadi
(Rohanandi) and preacher of the Petidhamika (Praitidharmika) line, in
the Vâraṇa school."

_Varane_ must be a mistake for the very similar word _Chârane_. The second _kula_ of this _gaṇa_ which, according to the _Kalpasûtra_ (_S.B.E_. vol. XXII, p. 291) was founded by Śrîgupta, the fifth pupil of Ârya Suhastin, is the Prîtidharmika (p. 292). It is easy to see that a similar name is hidden in the compound _Petivamikakutavâchakasya_ 'of the preacher of the Petivâmika line'; and an inscription excavated by Dr. Fuhrer at Mathurâ mentions the Petivâmika (_kula_) of the Vârana _gaṇa_. With the second line little can be done: if the letters _prapâ_ are correct and form a word, one of the objects dedicated must have been a drinking fountain.

6. The inscription No. 20, plate xv offers likewise slightly corrupt and mutilated names of a _gaṇa_, a _kula_ and a _sâkhâ_, mentioned in the _Kalpasûtra_. In the lithographed copy lines 3-7 are hopeless and there is no rubbing to help. The word _thitu_ 'of a daughter' in line 6, and the following _ma.uya_ which is probably a misreading of _mâtuye_ 'of the mother' show that this dedication also was made by a female. The last four syllables _vato maho_ are probably the remnant of another namaskâra—_namo bhagavato Mahâvîrasya._ As regards the proper names, Aryya Rehiniya is an impossible form; but on comparison with the next inscription to be mentioned, it is evident that the stone must have read _Aryvodchikiyâto_ or _Aryyadehikiyâto gaṇâ[to]_. [Footnote: _Wiener Zeitshe. f. d. Kunde der Morgenl._, Bd. II, S. 142 f.] According to the _Kalpasûtra_ (_S.B.E_. vol. XXII, p. 291) Ârya-Rohaṇa was the first pupil of Ârya Suhastin and founded the Uddeha gaṇa. The latter split up into four śâkhâs and into six kulas. The name of its fourth śâkhâ, Pûrṇapatrikâ, closely resembles—especially in its consonantal elements—that of the inscription, _Petaputrikâ_, and I do not hesitate in correcting the latter to _Ponapatrikâ_ which would be the equivalent of Sansk. Paurṇapatrikâ. Among the six kulas is the Parihâsaka, and considering the other agreements, I believe it probable that the mutilated name read as _Puridha.ka_ is a misreading of _Parihâka_, We may emend the first two times and read as follows,—

2. _purvv|â|y|e| Aryyo-D|e|h|i|kiyâto gaṇâ|to|
P|a|vi|hâsa|k|a|kula|to| P|ou|ap|a|trikât|o| śâkâto gaṇ|i|sya
Aryya-Devadatta|sya| na_... ...

3. _ryya-Kshemasya_

4. _prakagiriṇe_

5. _kihadiye prajâ_

6. _tasya Pravarakasya dhitu Varaṇasya gatvakasya
ma|t|uya Mitra(?)sa ...datta gâ_

7. _ye..|namo bhaga|vato mah|âvîrasya|_

and the translation (so far) will be,—

"Success! Adoration to the Arhat Mahâvirâ, the destroyer(?) of the gods.
In the year of king Vâsudeva, 98, in the month 4 of the rainy season, on
the day 11—on the above date ... of the chief of the school
(_gaṇin_) Aryya-Devadata (Devadatta) out of the school
(_gaṇa_) of the Aryya-Udehikîya (Ârya-Uddehikiya), out of the
Parihâsaka line (_kula_), out of the Ponapatrikâ (Paurṇapatrikâ)
branch (_śâkhâ_)." [Footnote: At a later date Dr. Bühler added
other proofs from inscriptions of the authenticity of the Jaina
tradition, in the _Vienna Oriental Journal_, vol. II, pp. 141-146;
vol. III, pp. 233-240; vol. IV, pp. 169-173, 313-318; vol. V, pp.
175-180; and in _Epigraphia Indica_, vol. I pp. 371-397; vol. II,
pp. 195-212, 311. The paragraphs given above are chiefly from his first
paper in the _Vienna Oriental Journal_ (vol. I, pp. 165-180), which
appears to be an extended revision of the long footnote in the original
paper on the Jainas, but it is here corrected in places from readings in
his later papers.—J. B.]

These and many other statements in the inscriptions, about the teachers and their schools are of no small importance in themselves for the early history of the Jainas. The agreement of the above with the _Kalpasûtra_ can best be shown by placing the statements in question against one another. The inscriptions prove the actual existence of twenty of the subdivisions mentioned in the Sthavirâvali of the _Kalpasûtra_. Among its eight gaṇas we can certainly trace three, possibly four—the Uddchika, Vâraṇa, Veśavâḍiya(?) and Koḍiya.

Inscriptions:—

1. Koṭṭiya (Koḍiya) Gana
|
.———————————————————.
| |
Bramadâsika kula Uchchenâgarî śâkhâ
Thâniya kula Vairî, Vairiyâ śâkhâ
P[aṇha]vahu[ṇaya]ku[la] Majhamâ śâkhâ

The Sthavirâvalî of the _Kalpasûtra_ (_Sac. Bks. of the East_, vol. XXII, p. 292) states that Susṭhita and Supratibuddha founded the—

Koṭiya or Kauṭaka Gaṇa
|
.————————————————————————.
| |
kulas śâkhâs
1. _Bambhalijja_ 1. _Uchchanâgarî_
2. Vachchhalijja 2. _Vijjâharî_
3. _Vâṇîya_ or _Vâṇîjja_ 3. Vajrî
4. Panhavâhanaya 4. _Majjhimáka_
or Praśnavâhanaka 5. Majjhîma
(scholar of the two
teachers.
founded by
Priyagantha the second)

Inscriptions:—

2. Vâraṇa Gaṇa
|
.———————————————.
| |
kulas śâkhâs
Petivamika Vâjanâgarî
Áryya Hâṭikiya Harîtamâlakaḍhî
Puśyamitrîya
Aryya-Cheṭiya
Kaniyasika

The _Kalpasûtra_ states that Śrîgupta of the Hâritagotra founded the Châraṇa gaṇa, which was divided into four _śâkhâs_ and into seven _kulas_:

Châraṇa-gaṇa
|
.——————————————-.
| |
kulas śâkhâs
1. Vachchhalijja Saṁkâśikâ
2. _Pîdhammiya_
3. _Hâlijja_ _Vajjanâgarî_
4. _Pûsamittijja_ Gavedhukâ
5. Mâlijja
6. _Ârya-Cheḍaya_ _Hâriyamâlagârî_
7. _Kaṇhasaha_

Inscriptions:—

3. Aryya-Udekiya Gaṇa
|
.—————————————.
| |
kulas |
Nágabhatikiya Petaputrikâ śâkhâ.
Puridha..

The _Kalpasûtra_ says Ârya-Rohana of the Kâśyapa gotra founded the

Uddeha Gana
|
.————————————————————————.
| |
kulas śâkhâs
1. _Nâgabhûya_ Udumbarijjiyâ
2. Somabhûta Mâsapûrikâ
3. Ullagachchha (or Ârdrakachchha?) Matipatrikâ
4. Ilatthilijja
5. Nandijja _Puṇṇapattiyâ_
6. _Parihâsaka_

Inscriptions:—

4. [Veśavâdiya Gaṇa]
|
[Me]hika kula

[Footnote: _Epigraphia Indica_, vol. I, pp. 382, 388.]

The _Kalpasûtra_:—Kâmarddhi of the Kuṇḍalagotra founded the Veśavâṭika gaṇa which was divided into four śàkhâs, and into four kulas:—

Veśavâṭika Gaṇa
|
.————————————————————.
| |
kulas śâkhâs
Gaṇika Śrâvastikâ
_Maighika_ Rajjapâliyâ
Kâmarddhika Antarijjiyâ
Indrapuraka Khemalijjiyâ

[Footnote: For the above lists see _Wiener Zeitschi_. Bd. IV, S. 316 ff. and _Kalpasûtra_ in _S. B. E._ vol. XXII, pp. 290 f.]

The resemblance of most of these names is so complete that no explanation is necessary.

JAINA MYTHOLOGY.

The mythology of the Jainas, whilst including many of the Hindu divinities, to which it accords very inferior positions, is altogether different in composition. It has all the appearance of a purely constructed system. The gods are classified and subdivided into orders, genera, and species; all are mortal, have their ages fixed, as well as their abodes, and are mostly distinguished by cognizances _chihnas_ or _lâńchhaṇas_. Their Tîrthakaras, Tìrthamkaras, or perfected saints, are usually known as twenty-four belonging to the present age. But the mythology takes account also of a past and a future age or renovation of the world, and to each of these aeons are assigned twenty-four Tîrthakaras. But this is not all: in their cosmogony they lay down other continents besides Jambûdvîpa-Bharata or that which we dwell in. These are separated from Jambûdvîpa by impassable seas, but exactly like it in every respect and are called Dhâtuki-kanda and Pushkarârddha; and of each of these there are eastern, and western Bharata and Airàvata regions, whilst of Jambûdvîpa there is also a Bharata and an Airâvata region: these make the following ten regions or worlds:—

1. Jambûdvîpa-bharata-kshetra. 2. Dhâtukî-khaṇḍa pûrva-bharata. 3. Dhâtukî-khaṇḍa paśchima-bharata. 4. Pushkarârddha pûrva-bharata. 5. Pushkaravaradvîpa paśchima-bharata. 6. Jambûdvîpa airâvata-kshetra. 7. Dhâtukî-khaṇḍa pûrva-airâvata. 8. Dhâtukî-khaṇḍa paśchima-airâvata. 9. Pushkarârdhadvîpa pûrva-airâvata. 10. Puskarârddha paśchima-airâvata.

To each of these is allotted twenty four past, present and future Atîts or Jinas,—making in all 720 of this class, for which they have invented names: but they are only names. [Footnote: See _Ratnasâgara_, bh. II, pp. 696—705.]

Of the Tîrthakaras of the present age or _avasarpini_ in the Bharata-varsha of Jambûdvîpa, however, we are supplied with minute details:—their names, parents, stations, reputed ages, complexions, attendants, cognizances (_chihna_) or characteristics, etc. and these details are useful for the explanation of the iconography we meet with in the shrines of Jaina temples. There the images of the Tîrthakaras are placed on highly sculptured thrones and surrounded by other smaller attendant figures. In temples of the Śvetâmbara sect the images are generally of marble—white in most cases, but often black for images of the 19th, 2Oth, 22nd and 23rd Jinas. On the front of the throne or _âsana_ are usually carved three small figures: at the proper right of the Jina is a male figure representing the Yaksha attendant or servant of that particular Jina; at the left end of the throne is the corresponding female—or Yakshinî, Yakshî or Śâsanadevî; whilst in a panel in the middle there is often another devî. At the base of the seat also, are placed nine very small figures representing the _navagraha_ or nine planets; that is the sun, moon, five planets, and ascending and descending nodes.

In the Jaina _Purânas_, legends are given to account for the connexion of the Yakshas and Yakshîs with their respective Tîrthakaras: thus, in the case of Pârśvanâtha, we have a story of two brothers Marubhûti and Kamaṭha, who in eight successive incarnations were always enemies, and were finally born as Pârśvanâtha and Sambaradeva respectively. A Pâshaṇḍa or unbeliever, engaged in the _panchâgni_ rite, when felling a tree for his fire, against the remonstrance of Pârśvanâtha, cut in pieces two snakes that were in it; the Jina, however restored them to life by means of the _pañchamantra_. They were then re-born in Pâtâla-loka as Dharaṇendra or Nâgendra-Yaksha and Padmâvatî-Yakshiṇî. When Sambaradeva or Meghakumâra afterwards attacked the Arbat with a great storm, whilst he was engaged in the _Kâyotsarga_ austerity—standing immovable, exposed to the weather—much in the way that Mâra attacked Śâkya Buddha at Bodh-gayâ, Dharaṇendra's throne in Pâtâla thereupon shook, and the Nâga or Yaksha with his consort at once sped to the protection of his former benefactor. Dharaṇendra spread his many hoods over the head of the Arhata and the Yakshṅî Padmâvatî held a white umbrella (_śveta chhatri_) over him for protection. Ever after they became his constant attendants, just as Śakra was to Buddha. The legend is often represented in old-sculptures, in the cave-temples at Bâdâmi, Elura, etc., and the figure of Pârśva is generally carved with the snake-hoods (_Śeshaphaṇi_) over him. [Footnote: _Cave Temples_, pp. 491, 496; _Arch. Sur. Westn. India_, vol. I, p. 25 and pl. xxxvii; vol. V, p. 49; _Transactions, R. As. Soc._, vol. I, p. 435. At Rânpur in Godwâr, in the temple of Rishabhanâtha is a finely carved slab representing Pârśvanâtha in the Kâyotsarga position, attended by snake divinities,—_Archit. and Scenery in Gujarât and Râjputâna_, p. 21. The story has variants: conf. _Ind. Ant_. vol. XXX, p. 302.]

Other legends account for the attachment of each pair of Śâsanadevatâs to their respective Jinas.

The Śvetâmbaras and Digambaras agree generally in the details respecting the different Tîrthakaras; but, from information furnished from Maisur, they seem to differ as to the names of the Yakshiṇis attached to the several Tîrthakaras, except the first and last two; they differ also in the names of several of the Jinas of the past and the future aeons. The Digambaras enlist most of the sixteen Vidyâdevis or goddesses of knowledge among the Yakshiṇîs, whilst the other sect include scarcely a third of them.

These Vidyâdevîs, as given by Hemachandra, are—(1) Rohiṇî; (2) Prajñaptî; (3) Vajrasṛińkhalâ; (4) Kuliśânkuścâ—probably the Ankuśa-Yakshî of the Śvetàmbâra fourteenth Jina; (5) Chakreśvarî; (6) Naradattâ or Purushadattâ; (7) Kâli or Kâlîkâ; (8) Mahákâlî; (9) Gaurî; (10) Gândhârî; (11) Sarvâstramahâjvâlâ; (12) Mânavî; (13) Vairoṭyâ; (14) Achchhuptâ; (15) Mânasî; and (16) Mahâmânasikâ.

The images of the Tîrthakaras are always represented seated with their legs crossed in front—the toes of one foot resting close upon the knee of the other; and the right hand lies over the left in the lap. All are represented exactly alike except that Pârśvanâtha, the twenty-third, has the snake-hoods over him; and, with the Digambaras, Supârśva—the seventh, has also a smaller group of snake hoods. The Digambara images are all quite nude; those of the Śvetâmbaras are represented as clothed, and they decorate them with crowns and ornaments. They are distinguished from one another by their attendant _Yakshas_ and _Yakshiṇîs_ as well as by their respective _chihnas_ or cognizances which are carved on the cushion of the throne.

All the Jinas are ascribed to the Ikshvâku family (_kula_)except the twentieth Munisuvrata and twenty-second Neminâtha, who were of the Harivaṃśa race.

All received _dîkshà_ or consecration at their native places; and all obtained _jńâna_ or complete enlightenment at the same, except Ṛishabha who became a _Kevalin_ at Purimatàla, Nemi at Girnâr, and Mahâvîra at the Rijupàlukà river; and twenty of them died or obtained _moksha_ (deliverance in bliss) on Sameta-Śikhara or Mount Pârśvanâtha in the west of Bengal. But Ṛishabha, the first, died on Ashṭâpada—supposed to be Śatruñljaya in Gujarât; Vâsupûjya died at Champâpuri in north Bengal; Neminâtha on mount Girnâr; and Mahâvîra, the last, at Pâvâpur.

Twenty-one of the Tîrthakaras are said to have attained Moksha in the Kâyotsarga (Guj. _Kâüsagga_) posture, and Ṛishabha, Nemi, and Mahâvira on the _padmâsana_ or lotus throne.

For sake of brevity the following particulars for each Arhat are given below in serial order viz.:—

(1) The _vimâna_ or _vâhana_ (heaven) from which he
descended for incarnation.

(2) Birthplace, and place of consecration or _dîkshâ_.

(3) Names of father and mother.

(4) Complexion.

(5) Cognizance—_chihna_ or _lâñchhaṇa_.

(6) Height; and

(7) Age.

(8) Dîksha-vriksha or Bodhi tree.

(9) Yaksha and Yakshiṇî, or attendant spirits.

(10) First Ganadhara or leading disciple, and first
Âryâ or leader of the female converts.

I. Ṛishabhadeva, Vṛishabha, Âdinthâ or Adiśvara Bhagavân:—(I) Sarvârthasiddha; (2) Vinittanagarî in Kośalâ and Purimatâla; (3) Nâbhîrâjâ by Marudevâ; (4) golden—_varṇa_-, (5)the bull,—_vṛisha, balada;_ (6) 500 poles or _dhanusha_; (7) 8,400,000 pûrva or great years; (8) the Vaṭa or banyan tree; (9) Gomukha and Chakreśvarî; (10) Pundarîka and Brahmî.

II. Ajitanâtha: (1) Vijayavimàna; (2) Ayodhyâ; (3) Jitaśatru by Vijayâmâtâ; (4) golden; (5) the elephant—_gaja_ or _hasti_; (6) 450 poles; (7)7,200,000 pûrva years; (8) Śâla—the Shorea robusta; (9) Mahâyaksha and Ajitabalâ: with the Digambaras, the Yakshiṇî is Rohiṇî-yakshî; (10) Śiṁhasena and Phâlgu.

III. Sambhavanâtha: (1) Uvarîmagraiveka;(2) Sâvathi or Śràvasti; (3) Jitâri by Senâmâtâ; (4) golden; (5) the horse,—_aśva, ghoḍa_; (6) 400 poles; (7) 6,000,000 pûrva years; (8) the Prayâla—Buchanania latifolia; (9) Trimukha and Duritârî (Digambara—Prajñaptî); (10) Châru and Śyâmâ.

IV. Abhinandana: (1) Jayantavimâna; (2) Ayodhyâ; (3) Sambararâjâ by Siddhârthà; (4) golden; (5) the ape,—_plavaga, vânara_ or _kapi_; (6) 350 poles; (7) 5,000,000 pûrva years; (8) the Priyaṇgu or Panicum italicum; (9) Nàyaka and Kâlîkâ, and Digambara—Yaksheśvara and Vajraśṛiṅkhalâ; (10) Vajranâbha and Ajitâ.

V. Sumatinâtha: (1) Jayantavimâna; (2) Ayodhyâ; (3) Megharajâ by Maṅgalâ; (4) golden; (5) the curlew,—_krauṅcha_, (Dig. _chakravakapâkshâ_—the Brâhmani or red goose); (6) 300 poles; (7) 4,000,000 pûrva years; (8) Śâla tree; (9) Tuṁburu and Mahâkalî (Dig. Purushadattâ); (10) Charama and Kâśyapî.

VI. Padmaprabha: (1) Uvarîmagraiveka; (2) Kauśambî; (3) Śrîdhara by Susîmâ; (4) red (_rakta_); (5) a lotus bud—_padma, abja_, or _kamala_; (6) 250 poles; (7) 3,000,000 pûrva years; (8) the Chhatrâ —(Anethum sowa?); (9) Kusuma and Śyâmâ (Dig. Manovegâ or Manoguptî); (10) Pradyotana and Ratî.

VII. Supârśvanâtha: (1) Madhyamagraiveka; (2) Varâṇaśî; (3) Pratishṭharâjâ by Pṛithvî; (4) golden; [Footnote: The Digambara describe the colours of the seventh and twenty-first Jinas as _marakada_ or emerald coloured.] (5) the swastika symbol; (6) 200 poles; (7) 2,000,000 pûrva years; (8) the Śirîsha or Acacia sirisha; (9) Mâtaṅga and Śântâ;—Digambara, Varanandi and Kâlî; (10) Vidirbha and Somâ.

VIII. Chandraprabha: (1) Vijayanta; (2) Chandrapura; (3) Mahâsenarâjâ by Lakshmaṇâ; (4) white—_dhavala, śubhra_; (5) the moon—_chandrâ or śaśî_; (6) 150 poles; (7) 1,000,000 pûrva years; (8) the Nâga tree; (9) Vijaya and Bhṛikuṭî: Digambara—Śyâma or Vijaya and Jvâlâmâlinî; (10) Dinnâ and Sumanâ.

IX. Suvidhinâtha or Pushpadanta: (1) Ânatadevaloka; (2) Kânaṇḍînagarî; (3) Sugrîvarâja by Râmârâṇî; (4) white; (5) the Makara (Dig. the crab—_êḍi_); (6) 100 poles; (7) 200,000 pûrva years; (8) the Śâlî; (9) Ajitâ and Sutârakâ: Digambara—Ajitâ and Mahâkâlî or Ajitâ; (10) Varâhaka and Vâruṇî.

X. Śitalanâtha: (1) Achyutadevaloka; (2)Bhadrapurâ or Bhadilapura; (3) Dṛi̐ḍharatha-râjâ by Nandâ; (4) golden; (5) the Śrîvatsa figure: (Dig. _Śri-vriksha_ the ficus religiosa); (6) 90 poles; (7) 100,000 pûrva years; (8) the Priyaṅgu tree; (9) Brahmâ and Aśokâ (Dig. Mânavî); (10) Nandâ and Sujasâ.

XI. Śreyâṁśanâtha or Śreyasa: (1) Achyutadevaloka; (2) Siṁhapurî; (3) Vishṇurâjâ by Vishṇâ; (4) golden; (5) the rhinoceros—_khaḍga, geṅḍâ_: (Dig. Garuḍa); (6) 80 poles; (7) 8,400,000 common years; (8) the Taṇḍuka tree; (9) Yaksheṭ and Mânavî: Digambara—Îśvara and Gauri; (10) Kaśyapa and Dhâraṇî.

XII. Vâsupûjya: (1) Prâṇatadevaloka; (2) Champâpurî; (3) Vasupûjya by Jayâ; (4) ruddy—_rakta_, Guj. _râtuṅ_; (5) the female buffalo—_mahishî, pâdâ_; (6) 70 poles; (7) 7,200,000 common years; (8) the Pâṭala or Bignonia suaveolens; (9) Kumâra and Chaṇḍâ (Dig. Gândhârî); (10) Subhuma and Dharaṇî.

XIII. Vimalanâtha: (1) Mahasâradevaloka; (2) Kampîlyapura; (3) Kṛi̐tavarmarâja by Śyâmâ; (4) golden; (5) a boar—_śâkara, varâha_; (6) 60 poles; (7) 6,000,000 years; (8) the Jâmbu or Eugenia jambolana; (9) Shâṇmukha and Viditâ (Dig. Vairôṭî); (10) Mandara and Dharâ.

XIV. Anantanâtha or Anantajit: (1) Prâṇatadevaloka; (2) Ayodhyâ; (3) Siṁhasena by Suyaśâḥ or Sujasâ; (4) golden; (5) a falcon—_śyena_ (Dig. _bhallûka_ a bear); (6) 50 poles; (7) 3,000,000 years; (8) the Aśoka or Jonesia asoka; (9) Pâtâla and Ankuśâ (Dig. Anantamatî); (10) Jasa and Padmâ.

XV. Dharmanâtha: (1) Vijayavimâna; (2) Ratnapurî; (3) Bhânurâjâ by Suvritâ; (4) golden; (5) the thunderbolt—_vajra_; (6) 45 poles; (7) 1,000,000 years; (8) Dadhîparṇa tree (Clitoria ternatea?); (9) Kinnara and Kandarpâ (Dig. Mânasî); (10) Arishṭa and Ârthaśivâ.

XVI. Śântinâthâ: (1) Sarvârthasiddha; (2) Gajapura or Hastinapurî; (3) Viśvasena by Achirâ; (4) golden; (5) an antelope—_mṛiga, haraṇa, hullĕ_, (6)40 poles; (7) 100,000 years; (8) the Nandî or Cedrela toona; (9) Garuḍa and Nirvâṇî (Dig. Kimpurusha and Mahâmânasî); (10) Chakrâyuddha and Suchî.

XVII. Kunthtinâtha: (1) Sarvârthasiddha; (2) Gajapura; (3) Sûrarâjâ by Śrîrânî; (4) golden; (5) a goat—_chhâga_ or _aja_; (6) 35 poles; (7) 95,000 years; (8) the Bhilaka tree; (9) Gandharva and Balâ (Dig. Vijayâ); (10) Sâmba and Dâminî.

XVIII. Aranâtha: (1) Sarvârthasiddha; (2) Gajapura; (3) Sudarśana by Devîrâṇî; (4) golden; (5) the Nandyâvarta diagram, (Dig. _Mina_—the zodiacal Pisces); (6) 30 poles; (7) 84,000 years; (8) Âmbâ or Mango tree; (9) Yaksheṭa and Dhaṇâ (Dig. Kendra and Ajitâ); (10) Kumbha and Rakshitâ.

XIX. Mallinâtha: (1) Jayantadevaloka; (2) Mathurâ; (3) Kumbharâjâ by Prabhâvatî; (4) blue—_nîla_; (5) a jar—_kumbham, kalaśa_ or _ghaṭa_; (6) 25 poles; (7) 55,000 years; (8) Aśoka tree; (9) Kubera and Dharaṇapriyâ (Dig. Aparâjitâ); (10) Abhikshaka and Bandhumatî.

XX. Munisuvrata, Suvrata or Muni: (1) Aparâjita-devaloka; (2) R[a`]jagṛiha; (3) Sumitrar[a`]jâ by Padmâvatî; (4) black—_śyâma, asita_; (5) a tortoise—_kûrma_; (6) 20 poles; (7) 30,000 years; (8) the Champaka, Michelia champaka; (9) Varuṇa and Naradattâ, (Dig. Bahurûpiṇî); (10) Malli and Pushpavatî.

XXI. Naminâtha, Nimi or Nimeśvara: (1) Prâṇatadevaloka; (2) Mathurâ; (3) Vijayarâjâ by Viprârâṇî; (4) yellow; (5) the blue water-lily—_nîlotpala_, with the Digambaras, sometimes the Aśoka tree; (6) 15 poles; (7) 10,000 years; (8) the Bakula or Mimusops elengi; (9) Bhṛikuṭi and Gandhârî, (Dig. Châmuṇḍî); (10) Śubha and Anilâ.

XXII. Neminâtha or Arishṭanemi: (1) Aparâjita; (2) Sauripura (Prákrit—Soriyapura) and Ujjinta or Mount Girnâr; (3) Samudravijaya by Śivâdevi; (4) black—_śyâma_; (5) a conch,—_śaṅkha_; (6) 10 poles; (7) 1000 years; (8) the Veṭasa; (9) Gomedha and Ambikâ: with the Digambaras, Sarvâhṇa and Kûshmâṇḍinî; (10) Varadatta and Yakshadinnâ.

XXIII. Pârśvanâtha: (1) Prâṇatadevaloka; (2) Varâṇasî and Sameta-Śikhara; (3) Aśvasenarâja by Vâmâdevî; (4) blue—_nîla_; (5) a serpent—_sarpa_; (6) 9 hands; (7) 100 years; (8) the Dhâtakî or Grislea tomentosa; (9) Pârśvayaksha or Dharaṇendra and Padmâvatî; (10) Âryadinna and Pushpachûḍâ.

XXIV. Śri-Mahâvîra, Vardhamâna or Vîra, the Śramaṇa: (1) Prâṇ atadevaloka; (2) Kuṇḍagrâma or Chitrakûṭa, and Ṛijupâlukâ; (3) Siddhârtharâja, Śreyânśa or Yaśasvin by Triśalâ Vidchadinnâ or Priyakâriṇî; (4) yellow; (5) a lion—_keśarî-simha_; (6) 7 hands or cubits; (7) 72 years; (8) the _śala_ or teak tree; (9) Mâtaṁga and Siddhâyikâ; (10) Indrabhûti and Chandrabâlâ.

The Tirthakuras may be regarded as the _dii majores_ of the Jainas, [Footnote: For an account of the ritual of the Svetâmbara sect of Jainas, see my account in the _Indian Antiquary_, vol. XIII, pp. 191-196.] though, having become Siddhas, emancipated from all concern, they can have no interest in mundane affairs. They and such beings as are supposed to have reached perfection are divided into fifteen species:

1. Tîrthakarasiddhas; 2. Atîrthakarasiddhas; 3. Tîrthasiddhas; 4. Svaliṅgasiddas; 5. Anyaliṅgasiddhas; 6. Striliṅgasiddhas; 7. Purushaliṅgasiddhas; 8. Napuṁsakaliṅgasiddhas; 9. Gṛihaliṅgasiddhas; 10. Tîrthavyavachchhedasiddhas; 11. Pratyekabuddhasiddhas; 12. Svayambuddhasiddhas; 13. Ekasiddas; 14. Anekasiddhas; 15. Buddhabodhietasiddllas. [Footnote: _Jour. Asiat_. IXme Ser. tom. XIX, p. 260.]

But the gods are divided into four classes, and each class into several orders: the four classes are:—

I. Bhavanâdhipatis, Bhavanavâsins or Bhaumeyikas, of which there are ten
orders, viz.—

1. Asurakumâras;
2. Nâgakumâras;
3. Taḍitkumâras or Vidyutkumâras;
4. Suvarṇa- or Suparnaka-kumâras;
5. Agnikumâras;
6. Dvîpakumâras (Dîvakumâras);
7. Udadhikumâras;
8. Dikkumâras;
9. Pavana- or Vâta-kumâras;
10. Ghaṇika- or Sanitakumâras.

II. Vyantaras or Vâṇamantaras, who live
in woods are of eight classes:—

1. Piśâchas;
2. Bhûtas;
3. Yakshas;
4. Râkshasas;
5. Kimnaras;
6. Kimpurushas;
7. Mahoragas;
8. Gandharvas.

III. The Jyotishkas are the inhabitants of;

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On the Indian Sect of the JainasChapter II: Part 2

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