Chapter XL: Appendix: A

OF THE PLATONIC THEORY OF IDEAS.

(_Cam. Phil. Soc._ Nov. 10, 1856.)

Though Plato has, in recent times, had many readers and admirers among our English scholars, there has been an air of unreality and inconsistency about the commendation which most of these professed adherents have given to his doctrines. This appears to be no captious criticism, for instance, when those who speak of him as immeasurably superior in argument to his opponents, do not venture to produce his arguments in a definite form as able to bear the tug of modern controversy;--when they use his own Greek phrases as essential to the exposition of his doctrines, and speak as if these phrases could not be adequately rendered in English;--and when they assent to those among the systems of philosophy of modern times which are the most clearly opposed to the system of Plato. It seems not unreasonable to require, on the contrary, that if Plato is to supply a philosophy for us, it must be a philosophy which can be expressed in our own language;--that his system, if we hold it to be well founded, shall compel us to deny the opposite systems, modern as well as ancient;--and that, so far as we hold Plato's doctrines to be satisfactorily established, we should be able to produce the arguments for them, and to refute the arguments against them. These seem reasonable requirements of the adherents of _any_ philosophy, and therefore, of Plato's.

I regard it as a fortunate circumstance, that we have recently had presented to us an exposition of Plato's philosophy which does conform to those reasonable conditions; and we may discuss this exposition with the less reserve, since its accomplished author, though belonging to this generation, is no longer alive. I refer to the _Lectures_ on the History of Ancient Philosophy, by the late Professor Butler of Dublin. In these Lectures, we find an account of the Platonic Philosophy which shows that the writer had considered it as, what it is, an attempt to solve large problems, which in all ages force themselves upon the notice of thoughtful men. In Lectures VIII. and X., of the Second Series, especially, we have a statement of the Platonic Theory of Ideas, which may be made a convenient starting point for such remarks as I wish at present to make. I will transcribe this account; omitting, as I do so, the expressions which Professor Butler uses, in order to present the theory, not as a dogmatical assertion, but as a view, at least not extravagant. For this purpose, he says, of the successive portions of the theory, that one is "not too absurd to be maintained;" that another is "not very extravagant either;" that a third is "surely allowable;" that a fourth presents "no incredible account" of the subject; that a fifth is "no preposterous notion in substance, and no unwarrantable form of phrase." Divested of these modest formulæ, his account is as follows: [Vol. II. p. 117.]

"Man's soul is made to contain not merely a consistent scheme of its own notions, but a direct apprehension of _real and eternal laws beyond it_. These real and eternal laws are things _intelligible_, and not things sensible.

"These laws impressed upon creation by its Creator, and apprehended by man, are something distinct equally from the Creator and from man, and the whole mass of them may fairly be termed the World of Things Intelligible.

"Further, there are qualities in the supreme and ultimate Cause of all, which are manifested in His creation, and not merely manifested, but, in a manner--after being brought out of his super-essential nature into the stage of being [which is] below him, but next to him--are then by the causative act of creation deposited in things, differencing them one from the other, so that the things partake of them (μετέχουσι), communicate with them (κοινωνοῦσι).

"The intelligence of man, excited to reflection by the impressions of these objects thus (though themselves transitory) participant of a divine quality, may rise to higher conceptions of the perfections thus faintly exhibited; and inasmuch as these perfections are unquestionably _real_ existences, and _known_ to be such in the very act of contemplation,--this may be regarded as a direct intellectual apperception of them,--a Union of the Reason with the Ideas in that sphere of being which is common to both.

"Finally, the Reason, in proportion as it learns to contemplate the Perfect and Eternal, _desires_ the enjoyment of such contemplations in a more consummate degree, and cannot be fully satisfied, except in the actual fruition of the Perfect itself.

"These suppositions, taken together, constitute the Theory of Ideas."

In remarking upon the theory thus presented, I shall abstain from any discussion of the theological part of it, as a subject which would probably be considered as unsuited to the meetings of this Society, even in its most purely philosophical form. But I conceive that it will not be inconvenient, if it be not wearisome, to discuss the Theory of Ideas as an attempt to explain the existence of real knowledge; which Prof. Butler very rightly considers as the necessary aim of this and cognate systems of philosophy[321].

I conceive, then, that one of the primary objects of Plato's Theory of Ideas is, to explain the existence of real knowledge, that is, of demonstrated knowledge, such as the propositions of geometry offer to us. In this view, the Theory of Ideas is one attempt to solve a problem, much discussed in our times, What is the ground of geometrical truth? I do not mean that this is the whole object of the Theory, or the highest of its claims. As I have said, I omit its theological bearings; and I am aware that there are passages in the Platonic Dialogues, in which the Ideas which enter into the apprehension and demonstration of geometrical truths are spoken of as subordinate to Ideas which have a theological aspect. But I have no doubt that one of the main motives to the construction of the Theory of Ideas was, the desire of solving the Problem, "How is it possible that man should apprehend necessary and eternal truths?" That the truths are necessary, makes them eternal, for they do not depend on time; and that they are eternal, gives them at once a theological bearing.

That Plato, in attempting to explain the nature and possibility of real knowledge, had in his mind geometrical truths, as examples of such knowledge is, I think, evident from the general purport of his discourses on such subjects. The advance of Greek geometry into a conspicuous position, at the time when the Heraclitean sect were proving that nothing could be proved and nothing could be known, naturally suggested mathematical truth as the refutation of the skepticism of mere sensation. On the one side it was said, we can know nothing except by our sensations; and that which we observe with our senses is constantly changing; or at any rate, may change at any moment. On the other hand it was said, we _do_ know geometrical truths, and as truly as we know them, that they cannot change. Plato was quite alive to the lesson, and to the importance of this kind of truths. In the _Meno_ and in the _Phædo_ he refers to them, as illustrating the nature of the human mind: in the _Republic_ and the _Timæus_ he again speaks of truths which far transcend anything which the senses can teach, or even adequately exemplify. The senses, he argues in the _Theætetus_, cannot give us the knowledge which we have; the source of it must therefore be in the mind itself; in the _Ideas_ which it possesses. The impressions of sense are constantly varying, and incapable of giving any certainty: but the Ideas on which real truth depends are constant and invariable, and the certainty which arises from these is firm and indestructible. Ideas are the permanent, perfect objects, with which the mind deals when it contemplates necessary and eternal truths. They belong to a region superior to the material world, the world of sense. They are the objects which make up the furniture of the Intelligible World; with which the Reason deals, as the Senses deal each with its appropriate Sensation.

But, it will naturally be asked, what is the Relation of Ideas to the Objects of Sense? Some connexion, or relation, it is plain, there must be. The objects of sense can suggest, and can illustrate real truths. Though these truths of geometry cannot be proved, cannot even be exactly exemplified, by drawing diagrams, yet diagrams are of use in helping ordinary minds to see the proof; and to all minds, may represent and illustrate it. And though our conclusions with regard to objects of sense may be insecure and imperfect, they have some show of truth, and therefore some resemblance to truth. What does this arise from? How is it explained, if there is no truth except concerning Ideas?

To this the Platonist replied, that the phenomena which present themselves to the senses partake, in a certain manner, of Ideas, and thus include so much of the nature of Ideas, that they include also an element of Truth. The geometrical diagram of Triangles and Squares which is drawn in the sand of the floor of the Gymnasium, partakes of the nature of the true Ideal Triangles and Squares, so that it presents an imitation and suggestion of the truths which are true of them. The real triangles and squares are in the mind: they are, as we have said, objects, not in the Visible, but in the Intelligible World. But the Visible Triangles and Squares make us call to mind the Intelligible; and thus the objects of sense suggest, and, in a way, exemplify the eternal truths.

This I conceive to be the simplest and directest ground of two primary parts of the Theory of Ideas;--The Eternal Ideas constituting an Intelligible World; and the Participation in these Ideas ascribed to the objects of the world of sense. And it is plain that so far, the Theory meets what, I conceive, was its primary purpose; it answers the questions, How can we have certain knowledge, though we cannot get it from Sense? and, How can we have knowledge, at least apparent, though imperfect, about the world of sense?

But is this the ground on which Plato himself rests the truth of his Theory of Ideas? As I have said, I have no doubt that these were the questions which suggested the Theory; and it is perpetually applied in such a manner as to show that it was held by Plato in this sense. But his applications of the Theory refer very often to another part of it;--to the Ideas, not of Triangles and Squares, of space and its affections; but to the Ideas of Relations--as the Relations of Like and Unlike, Greater and Less; or to things quite different from the things of which geometry treats, for instance, to Tables and Chairs, and other matters, with regard to which no demonstration is possible, and no general truth (still less necessary an eternal truth) capable of being asserted.

I conceive that the Theory of Ideas, thus asserted and thus supported, stands upon very much weaker ground than it does, when it is asserted concerning the objects of thought about which necessary and demonstrable truths are attainable. And in order to devise arguments against _this_ part of the Theory, and to trace the contradictions to which it leads, we have no occasion to task our own ingenuity. We find it done to our hands, not only in Aristotle, the open opponent of the Theory of Ideas, but in works which stand among the Platonic Dialogues themselves. And I wish especially to point out some of the arguments against the Ideal Theory, which are given in one of the most noted of the Platonic Dialogues, the _Parmenides_.

The _Parmenides_ contains a narrative of a Dialogue held between Parmenides and Zeno, the Eleatic Philosophers, on the one side, and Socrates, along with several other persons, on the other. It may be regarded as divided into two main portions; the first, in which the Theory of Ideas is attacked by Parmenides, and defended by Socrates; the second, in which Parmenides discusses, at length, the Eleatic doctrine that _All things are One_. It is the former part, the discussion of the Theory of Ideas, to which I especially wish to direct attention at present: and in the first place, to that extension of the Theory of Ideas, to things of which no general truth is possible; such as I have mentioned, tables and chairs. Plato often speaks of a Table, by way of example, as a thing of which there must be an Idea, not taken from any special Table or assemblage of Tables; but an Ideal Table, such that all Tables are Tables by participating in the nature of this Idea. Now the question is, whether there is any force, or indeed any sense, in this assumption; and this question is discussed in the _Parmenides_. Socrates is there represented as very confident in the existence of Ideas of the highest and largest kind, the Just, the Fair, the Good, and the like. Parmenides asks him how far he follows his theory. Is there, he asks, an Idea of Man, which is distinct from us men? an Idea of Fire? of Water? "In truth," replies Socrates, "I have often hesitated, Parmenides, about these, whether we are to allow such Ideas." When Plato had proceeded to teach that there is an Idea of a Table, of course he could not reject such Ideas as Man, and Fire, and Water. Parmenides, proceeding in the same line, pushes him further still. "Do you doubt," says he, "whether there are Ideas of things apparently worthless and vile? Is there an Idea of a Hair? of Mud? of Filth?" Socrates has not the courage to accept such an extension of the theory. He says, "By no means. These are not Ideas. These are nothing more than just what we see them. I have often been perplexed what to think on this subject. But after standing to this a while, I have fled the thought, for fear of falling into an unfathomable abyss of absurdities." On this, Parmenides rebukes him for his want of consistency. "Ah Socrates," he says, "you are yet young; and philosophy has not yet taken possession of you as I think she will one day do--when you will have learned to find nothing despicable in any of these things. But now your youth inclines you to regard the opinions of men." It is indeed plain, that if we are to assume an Idea of a Chair or a Table, we can find no boundary line which will exclude Ideas of everything for which we have a name, however worthless or offensive. And this is an argument against the assumption of _such_ Ideas, which will convince most persons of the groundlessness of the assumption:--the more so, as _for_ the assumption of such Ideas, it does not appear that Plato offers any argument whatever; nor does this assumption solve any problem, or remove any difficulty[322]. Parmenides, then, had reason to say that consistency required Socrates, if he assumed any such Ideas, to assume all. And I conceive his reply to be to this effect; and to be thus a _reductio ad absurdum_ of the Theory of Ideas in this sense. According to the opinions of those who see in the _Parmenides_ an exposition of Platonic doctrines, I believe that Parmenides is conceived in this passage, to suggest to Socrates what is necessary for the completion of the Theory of Ideas. But upon either supposition, I wish especially to draw the attention of my readers to the position of superiority in the Dialogue in which Parmenides is here placed with regard to Socrates.

Parmenides then proceeds to propound to Socrates difficulties with regard to the Ideal Theory, in another of its aspects;--namely, when it assumes Ideas of Relations of things; and here also, I wish especially to have it considered how far the answers of Socrates to these objections are really satisfactory and conclusive.

"Tell me," says he (§ 10, Bekker), "You conceive that there are certain Ideas, and that things partaking of these Ideas, are called by the corresponding names;--an Idea of _Likeness_, things partaking of which are called _Like_;--of _Greatness_, whence they are _Great_: of _Beauty_, whence they are _Beautiful_?" Socrates assents, naturally: this being the simple and universal statement of the Theory, in this case. But then comes one of the real difficulties of the Theory. Since the special things participate of the General Idea, has each got the whole of the Idea, which is, of course, One; or has each a part of the Idea? "For," says Parmenides, "can there be any other way of participation than these two?" Socrates replies by a similitude: "The Idea, though One, may be wholly in each object, as the Day, one and the same, is wholly in each place." The physical illustration, Parmenides damages by making it more physical still. "You are ingenious, Socrates," he says, (§ 11) "in making the same thing be in many places at the same time. If you had a number of persons wrapped up in a sail or web, would you say that each of them had the whole of it? Is not the case similar?" Socrates cannot deny that it is. "But in this case, each person has only a part of the whole; and thus your Ideas are partible." To this, Socrates is represented as assenting in the briefest possible phrase; and thus, here again, as I conceive, Parmenides retains his superiority over Socrates in the Dialogue.

There are many other arguments urged against the Ideal Theory by Parmenides. The next is a consequence of this partibility of Ideas, thus supposed to be proved, and is ingenious enough. It is this:

"If the Idea of Greatness be distributed among things that are Great, so that each has a part of it, each separate thing will be Great in virtue of a part of Greatness which is less than Greatness itself. Is not this absurd?" Socrates submissively allows that it is.

And the same argument is applied in the case of the Idea of Equality.

"If each of several things have a part of the Idea of Equality, it will be Equal to something, in virtue of something which is less than Equality."

And in the same way with regard to the Idea of Smallness.

"If each thing be small by having a part of the Idea of Smallness, Smallness itself will be greater than the small thing, since that is a part of itself."

These ingenious results of the partibility of Ideas remind us of the ingenuity shown in the Greek geometry, especially the Fifth Book of Euclid. They are represented as not resisted by Socrates (§ 12): "In what way, Socrates, can things participate in Ideas, if they cannot do so either integrally or partibly?" "By my troth," says Socrates, "it does not seem easy to tell." Parmenides, who completely takes the conduct of the Dialogue, then turns to another part of the subject and propounds other arguments. "What do you say to this?" he asks.

"There is an Ideal Greatness, and there are many things, separate from it, and Great by virtue of it. But now if you look at Greatness and the Great things together, since they are all Great, they must be Great in virtue of some higher Idea of Greatness which includes both. And thus you have a Second Idea of Greatness; and in like manner you will have a third, and so on indefinitely."

This also, as an argument against the separate existence of Ideas, Socrates is represented as unable to answer. He replies interrogatively:

"Why, Parmenides, is not each of these Ideas a Thought, which, by its nature, cannot exist in anything except in the Mind? In that case your consequences would not follow."

This is an answer which changes the course of the reasoning: but still, not much to the advantage of the Ideal Theory. Parmenides is still ready with very perplexing arguments. (§ 13.)

"The Ideas, then," he says, "are Thoughts. They must be Thoughts of something. They are Thoughts of something, then, which exists in all the special things; some one thing which the Thought perceives in all the special things; and this one Thought thus involved in all, is the _Idea_. But then, if the special things, as you say, participate in the Idea, they participate in the Thought; and thus, all objects are made up of Thoughts, and all things think; or else, there are thoughts in things which do not think."

This argument drives Socrates from the position that Ideas are Thoughts, and he moves to another, that they are Paradigms, Exemplars of the qualities of things, to which the things themselves are like, and their being thus like, is their participating in the Idea. But here too, he has no better success. Parmenides argues thus:

"If the Object be like the Idea, the Idea must be like the Object. And since the Object and the Idea are like, they must, according to your doctrine, participate in the Idea of Likeness. And thus you have one Idea participating in another Idea, and so on in infinitum." Socrates is obliged to allow that this demolishes the notion of objects partaking in their Ideas by likeness: and that he must seek some other way. "You see then, O Socrates," says Parmenides, "what difficulties follow, if any one asserts the independent existence of Ideas!" Socrates allows that this is true. "And yet," says Parmenides, "you do not half perceive the difficulties which follow from this doctrine of Ideas." Socrates expresses a wish to know to what Parmenides refers; and the aged sage replies by explaining that if Ideas exist independently of us, we can never know anything about them: and that even the Gods could not know anything about man. This argument, though somewhat obscure, is evidently stated with perfect earnestness, and Socrates is represented as giving his assent to it. "And yet," says Parmenides (end of § 18), "if any one gives up entirely the doctrine of Ideas, how is any reasoning possible?"

All the way through this discussion, Parmenides appears as vastly superior to Socrates; as seeing completely the tendency of every line of reasoning, while Socrates is driven blindly from one position to another; and as kindly and graciously advising a young man respecting the proper aims of his philosophical career; as well as clearly pointing out the consequences of his assumptions. Nothing can be more complete than the higher position assigned to Parmenides in the Dialogue.

This has not been overlooked by the Editors and Commentators of Plato. To take for example one of the latest; in Steinhart's Introduction to Hieronymus Müller's translation of _Parmenides_ (Leipzig, 1852), p. 261, he says: "It strikes us, at first, as strange, that Plato here seems to come forward as the assailant of his own doctrine of Ideas. For the difficulties which he makes Parmenides propound against that doctrine are by no means sophistical or superficial, but substantial and to the point. Moreover there is among all these objections, which are partly derived from the Megarics, scarce one which does not appear again in the penetrating and comprehensive argumentations of Aristotle against the Platonic Doctrine of Ideas."

Of course, both this writer and other commentators on Plato offer something as a solution of this difficulty. But though these explanations are subtle and ingenious, they appear to leave no satisfactory or permanent impression on the mind. I must avow that, to me, they appear insufficient and empty; and I cannot help believing that the solution is of a more simple and direct kind. It may seem bold to maintain an opinion different from that of so many eminent scholars; but I think that the solution which I offer, will derive confirmation from a consideration of the whole Dialogue; and therefore I shall venture to propound it in a distinct and positive form. It is this:

I conceive that the _Parmenides_ is not a Platonic Dialogue at all; but Antiplatonic, or more properly, _Eleatic_: written, not by Plato, in order to explain and prove his Theory of Ideas, but by some one, probably an admirer of Parmenides and Zeno, in order to show how strong were his master's arguments against the Platonists and how weak their objections to the Eleatic doctrine.

I conceive that this view throws an especial light on every part of the Dialogue, as a brief survey of it will show. Parmenides and Zeno come to Athens to the Panathenaic festival: Parmenides already an old man, with a silver head, dignified and benevolent in his appearance, looking five and sixty years old: Zeno about forty, tall and handsome. They are the guests of Pythodorus, outside the Wall, in the Ceramicus; and there they are visited by Socrates then young, and others who wish to hear the written discourses of Zeno. These discourses are explanations of the philosophy of Parmenides, which he had delivered in verse.

Socrates is represented as showing, from the first, a disposition to criticize Zeno's dissertation very closely; and without any prelude or preparation, he applies the Doctrine of Ideas to refute the Eleatic Doctrine that All Things are One. (§ 3.) When he had heard to the end, he begged to have the first Proposition of the First Book read again. And then, "How is it, O Zeno, that you say, That if the Things which exist are Many, and not One, they must be at the same time like and unlike? Is this your argument? Or do I misunderstand you?" "No," says Zeno, "you understand quite rightly." Socrates then turns to Parmenides, and says, somewhat rudely, as it seems, "Zeno is a great friend of yours, Parmenides: he shows his friendship not only in other ways, but also in what he writes. For he says the same things which you say, though he pretends that he does not. You say, in your poems, that All Things are One, and give striking proofs: he says that existences are not many, and he gives many and good proofs. You seem to soar above us, but you do not really differ." Zeno takes this sally good-humouredly, and tells him that he pursues the scent with the keenness of a Laconian hound. "But," says he (§ 6), "there really is less of ostentation in my writing than you think. My Essay was merely written as a defence of Parmenides long ago, when I was young; and is not a piece of display composed now that I am older. And it was stolen from me by some one; so that I had no choice about publishing it."

Here we have, as I conceive, Socrates already represented as placed in a disadvantageous position, by his abruptness, rude allusions, and readiness to put bad interpretations on what is done. For this, Zeno's gentle pleasantry is a rebuke. Socrates, however, forthwith rushes into the argument; arguing, as I have said, for his own Theory.

"Tell me," he says, "do you not think there is an Idea of Likeness, and an Idea of Unlikeness? And that everything partakes of these Ideas? The things which partake of Unlikeness are unlike. If all things partake of both Ideas, they are both like and unlike; and where is the wonder? (§ 7.) If you could show that Likeness itself was Unlikeness, it would be a prodigy; but if things which partake of these opposites, have both the opposite qualities, it appears to me, Zeno, to involve no absurdity.

"So if Oneness itself were to be shown to be Maniness" (I hope I may use this word, rather than _multiplicity_) "I should be surprised; but if any one say that _I_ am at the same time one and many, where is the wonder? For I partake of maniness: my right side is different from my left side, my upper from my under parts. But I also partake of Oneness, for I am here One of us seven. So that both are true. And so if any one say that stocks and stones, and the like, are both one and many,--not saying that Oneness is Maniness, nor Maniness Oneness, he says nothing wonderful: he says what all will allow. (§ 8.) If then, as I said before, any one should take separately the Ideas or Essence of Things, as Likeness and Unlikeness, Maniness and Oneness, Rest and Motion, and the like, and then should show that these can mix and separate again, I should be wonderfully surprised, O Zeno: for I reckon that I have tolerably well made myself master of these subjects[323]. I should be much more surprised if any one could show me this contradiction involved in the Ideas themselves; in the object of the Reason, as well as in Visible objects."

It may be remarked that Socrates delivers all this argumentation with the repetitions which it involves, and the vehemence of its manner, without waiting for a reply to any of his interrogations; instead of making every step the result of a concession of his opponent, as is the case in the Dialogues where he is represented as triumphant. Every reader of Plato will recollect also that in those Dialogues, the triumph of temper on the part of Socrates is represented as still more remarkable than the triumph of argument. No vehemence or rudeness on the part of his adversaries prevents his calmly following his reasoning; and he parries coarseness by compliment. Now in this Dialogue, it is remarkable that this kind of triumph is given to the adversaries of Socrates. "When Socrates had thus delivered himself," says Pythodorus, the narrator of the conversation, "we thought that Parmenides and Zeno would both be angry. But it was not so. They bestowed entire attention upon him, and often looked at each other, and smiled, as in admiration of Socrates. And when he had ended, Parmenides said: 'O Socrates, what an admirable person you are, for the earnestness with which you reason! Tell me then, Do you then believe the doctrine to which you have been referring;--that there are certain Ideas, existing independent of Things; and that there are, separate from the Ideas, Things which partake of them? And do you think that there is an Idea of Likeness besides the likeness which we have; and a Oneness and a Maniness, and the like? And an Idea of the Right, and the Good, and the Fair, and of other such qualities?'" Socrates says that he does hold this; Parmenides then asks him, how far he carries this doctrine of Ideas, and propounds to him the difficulties which I have already stated; and when Socrates is unable to answer him, lets him off in the kind but patronizing way which I have already described.

To me, comparing this with the intellectual and moral attitude of Socrates in the most dramatic of the other Platonic Dialogues, it is inconceivable, that this representation of Socrates should be Plato's. It is just what Zeno would have written, if he had wished to bestow upon his master Parmenides the calm dignity and irresistible argument which Plato assigns to Socrates. And this character is kept up to the end of the Dialogue. When Socrates (§ 19) has acknowledged that he is at loss which way to turn for his philosophy, Parmenides undertakes, though with kind words, to explain to him by what fundamental error in the course of his speculative habits he has been misled. He says; "You try to make a complete Theory of Ideas, before you have gone through a proper intellectual discipline. The impulse which urges you to such speculations is admirable--is divine. But you must exercise yourself in reasoning which many think trifling, while you are yet young; if you do not, the truth will elude your grasp." Socrates asks submissively what is the course of such discipline: Parmenides replies, "The course pointed out by Zeno, as you have heard." And then, gives him some instructions in what manner he is to test any proposed Theory. Socrates is frightened at the laboriousness and obscurity of the process. He says, "You tell me, Parmenides, of an overwhelming course of study; and I do not well comprehend it. Give me an example of such an examination of a Theory." "It is too great a labour," says he, "for one so old as I am." "Well then, you, Zeno," says Socrates, "will you not give us such an example?" Zeno answers, smiling, that they had better get it from Parmenides himself; and joins in the petition of Socrates to him, that he will instruct them. All the company unite in the request. Parmenides compares himself to an aged racehorse, brought to the course after long disuse, and trembling at the risk; but finally consents. And as an example of a Theory to be examined, takes his own Doctrine, that All Things are One, carrying on the Dialogue thenceforth, not with Socrates, but with Aristoteles (not the Stagirite, but afterwards one of the Thirty), whom he chooses as a younger and more manageable respondent.

The discussion of this Doctrine is of a very subtle kind, and it would be difficult to make it intelligible to a modern reader. Nor is it necessary for my purpose to attempt to do so. It is plain that the discussion is intended seriously, as an example of true philosophy; and each step of the process is represented as irresistible. The Respondent has nothing to say but _Yes_; or _No_; _How so_? _Certainly_; _It does appear_; _It does not appear_. The discussion is carried to a much greater length than all the rest of the Dialogue; and the result of the reasoning is summed up by Parmenides thus: "If One exist, it is Nothing. Whether One exist or do not exist, both It and Other Things both with regard to Themselves and to Each other, All and Everyway are and are not, appear and appear not." And this also is fully assented to; and so the Dialogue ends.

I shall not pretend to explain the Doctrines there examined that One exists, or One does not exist, nor to trace their consequences. But these were Formulæ, as familiar in the Eleatic school, as Ideas in the Platonic; and were undoubtedly regarded by the Megaric contemporaries of Plato as quite worthy of being discussed, after the Theory of Ideas had been overthrown. This, accordingly, appears to be the purport of the Dialogue; and it is pursued, as we see, without any bitterness toward Socrates or his disciples; but with a persuasion that they were poor philosophers, conceited talkers, and weak disputants.

The external circumstances of the Dialogue tend, I conceive, to confirm this opinion, that it is not Plato's. The Dialogue begins, as the _Republic_ begins, with the mention of a Cephalus, and two brothers, Glaucon and Adimantus. But this Cephalus is not the old man of the Piræus, of whom we have so charming a picture in the opening of the _Republic_. He is from Clazomenæ, and tells us that his fellow-citizens are great lovers of philosophy; a trait of their character which does not appear elsewhere. Even the brothers Glaucon and Adimantus are not the two brothers of Plato who conduct the Dialogue in the later books of the _Republic_: so at least Ast argues, who holds the genuineness of the Dialogue. This Glaucon and Adimantus are most wantonly introduced; for the sole office they have, is to say that they have a half-brother Antiphon, by a second marriage of their mother. No such half-brother of Plato, and no such marriage of his mother, are noticed in other remains of antiquity. Antiphon is represented as having been the friend of Pythodorus, who was the host of Parmenides and Zeno, as we have seen. And Antiphon, having often heard from Pythodorus the account of the conversation of his guests with Socrates, retained it in his memory, or in his tablets, so as to be able to give the full report of it which we have in the Dialogue _Parmenides_[324]. To me, all this looks like a clumsy imitation of the Introductions to the Platonic Dialogues.

I say nothing of the chronological difficulties which arise from bringing Parmenides and Socrates together, though they are considerable; for they have been explained more or less satisfactorily; and certainly in the _Theætetus_, Socrates is represented as saying that he when very young had seen Parmenides who was very old[325]. Athenæus, however[326], reckons this among Plato's fictions. Schleiermacher gives up the identification and relation of the persons mentioned in the Introduction as an unmanageable story.

I may add that I believe Cicero, who refers to so many of Plato's Dialogues, nowhere refers to the _Parmenides_. Athenæus does refer to it; and in doing so blames Plato for his coarse imputations on Zeno and Parmenides. According to our view, these are hostile attempts to ascribe rudeness to Socrates or to Plato. Stallbaum acknowledges that Aristotle nowhere refers to this Dialogue.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 321: P. 116. "No amount of human knowledge can be adequate which does not solve the phenomena of these absolute certainties."]

[Footnote 322: Prof. Butler, Lect. ix. Second Series, p. 136, appears to think that Plato had sufficient grounds (of a theological kind) for the assumption of such Ideas; but I see no trace of them.]

[Footnote 323: I am aware that this translation is different from the common translation. It appears to me to be consistent with the habit of the Greek language. It slightly leans in favour of my view; but I do not conceive that the argument would be perceptibly weaker, if the common interpretation were adopted.]

[Footnote 324: In the _First Alcibiades_, Pythodorus is mentioned as having paid 100 minæ to Zeno for his instructions (119 A).]

[Footnote 325: P. 183 e.]

[Footnote 326: _Deip._ xi. c. 15, p. 105.]