Chapter VI: Part 6

I sett out from Senlis[204] on Wednesday morning and on Thursday
night came to Brussels. From thence I went next day to Termonde,
where I mett with 636, 616, 1614, 12, 30, 1392,[205] who I spoke
to as ordered by Mr. Burnet.[206] He seemed a little Timerous at
first, but nevertheless promised to do all in his power with his
Brother Officers, and to write Mr. Fisher[206] under the name
of Burnet subscribing himself Cuming. On the Saturday I went to
425, 1876, 1614,[207] in Company with Mr. 434, 1054, 1730,[208]
to whom I spoke all night and found him so frank as to give me
his word of honour that he would come over immediately upon my
writing to him that he would use his Interest with the 1495 of
his 598, 1614,[209] and go to Charleroy and talk with Some of
Coaliers[210] and promised likewise to Send me over a list of
the recruiting officers for this year, with a mark to those that
might be spoke to. From that came to Rotterdam on Saturday where
he informed me that there was nothing easier than to gett Arms of
all kinds by applying to any Jew att Amsterdam who would oblige
himself upon a penalty to give any number att whatever port in
Holland we desired, and that as this was done dayly, it would
create no Suspicion. There mett with 1389, 1051, C13,[211] to
whom I repeated what had passed from the time I left him, and
delivered him two letters from Mr. Burnet[206] with which he
seemed exceedingly well pleased. I had many conversations with
him on these Subjects, and upon the whole he was, and still is
of Opinion that the English will not be brought to enter upon
any Scheme without a foreign force, and that Mr. Burnet’s[212]
coming to Scotland without their concurrence must be of the
worse consequence, as from that quarter alone their did not
appear the least probability of Success; for which reason, if the
french do not putt in Execution the following Spring what they
proposed the passed, he proposes as the dernier Resort to make
an offer to the King of the Crown of Scotland upon the footing
of the Antient Allience with France; but of this I shall say
nothing, leaving to him to explain it himself, and as to raising
a Sum of money is of Opinion it will be very difficult, if at
all possible. On the friday Se-en night,[213] after leaving
Senlis I arrived att London and nixt morning went to wait of Mr.
Moore[214] but missed him, however in the evening I gott him at
home but found him quite a different man from what I had left
him, very reserved and did not offer to show me any letter he
had received during my Absence tho’ Martin[215] informed me he
had given him one the post before. I then talked to him a little
different of the frenches intentions, at least for this Winter
season, to which he answered he looked upon the King of France
as a man of honour, and that to be sure he would not give Mr.
Fisher[212] such promises if he did not seriously intend to serve
him. I endeavoured to show him from the then Situation of the
french officers that it was unreasonable to expect it, but all
to no purpose. Then I told him that Mr. Fisher desired Letters
so and so adressed should Morris,[216] this he said was not in
his power for he did not know the person in the City forwarded
them, but promised to speak with Martin, who was acquainted
with, and usually carried his Letters, who was acquainted with
him. I nixt spoke to him of raising a Sum of money to purchase
Arms as likewise a few thousand pounds for Mr. Burnets[217] Own
Use who was much pinched by the small allowance he had from
Mr. Adams.[218] He told me that was what he could say nothing
off, but that he knew their had been a Sum remitted to him last
Spring by the way of Amsterdam. I then asked him to suppose
the case that the french would do nothing, whether he imagined
Saville[219] would join heartily with Sanderson[220] to bring
about 407. Smith;[221] to which he answered as before, about the
money that he knew nothing about it and so would not give his
Opinion. Upon which I enjoined him upon Mr. Burnets[217] Name
to mention that to none but whom Mr. Bright[222] and he should
agree upon his Coming to Town, and desired to know how soon he
thought that should be, which he still answered as before. From
all which I could plainly see he had gott his Lesson from the
other side. What made this the more obvious to me, in talking of
raising money to purchase Arms, I told him it would be absolutely
necessary, for tho’ in Diepe[223] we had men and them very
willing to fight, yet we had no money, and Arms for not above
7000 if so many; A number far inferior to what I had before told
him would appear. Upon which he immediately indeavoured to catch
me by saying he hoped I had got no bad news from Doit[224] to
Occasion my Diminishing the number of Loyalists which obliged me
to explain the matter by telling him that in 1829, 1274, 1381,
1721,[225] a Gentleman [whose] following consisted perhaps of
800 had not arms for above one half and so of the rest, by which
means they all in general when spoke to, declared they were not
Armed. This, he no doubt did with Intent to find me out in a
Contradiction which he could not have failed to represent to his
friends on the other side by the first post, who would have
made their own use of it with Mr. Burnet.[226] Two days after,
I went again to wait of him and enquire if he had settled that
Correspondence as Mr. Fisher[226] desired, when he told me with
great indifference that he had never spoke of it, and that the
packets were to be stoped going any Longer from Dover to Calais,
so that their must be a new conveyance settled, but how that was
to be done he did not know. I then left him, and wrote the Short
Letter I before mentioned to Mr. Burnet.[226] Then sett out for
Doit, and on tuesday the 2d of October met with 1443, 1721, 530,
1489, 699, 1051, 1798,[227] a young Gentleman of a very large
fortune, who I acquainted in general with my having seen Mr.
Fisher[226] and what he proposed, upon which he very frankly
offered to raise a sum of Money provided the others who I told
off were to be applyed he would agree to it and that he would
stay some time longer than he proposed, having intended to go
to London, and is now in this place but of Opinion that nothing
can be done without either a foreign force or the concurrence
of Sidley.[228] Upon tuesday the ninth of October, I sent an
Express to Mr. Bright,[229] then at the Earl of Nidsdales, and
upon thursday morning he came to my house where I acquainted him
with everything I had done from my Arrival at London. He seemed
very much concerned that so many years and so much money had
been spent to no purpose, but as he was obliged to return early
nixt morning would not give his Opinion of the present footing
things were on till his return home. Upon the 16th, I went with
an intention to see Sir 1293, 43C, 1055, 1744, 1045, 1948, 1679,
1778,[230] and inform him fully of Mr. Burnets[226] resolutions,
but found he was in fife, and his family uncertain of his Return,
so proceeded to Edinburgh from whence I wrote the 18th of October
to Mr. Fergus,[231] begging he would meet me at Mr. Brights[229]
house about the 26th, and one inclosed to Mr. Dan,[232] desiring
him to come immediately. I soon received a letter informing me
that Mr. Dan was come, and desired to see me, but as at this time
my wife was taken very ill, I sent a servant that same night to
town desiring the favour of a visit from him in the Country,
which he declined, thinking it would look too suspicious as I
was so lately come home and he only two days in Town, so rather
choose to delay it for som little time. I likewise received a
letter from Mr. Fergus,[233] telling me he could not for some
weeks see me. I was now become very uneasy to think I had been
for above a moneth in the Country without being able to do any
thing, when luckily, about the of the moneth Mr. Bright[234]
called on me in his very home and promised to be in town 3 or 4
days after, which determined me to go nixt day, and that night
I mett with Mr. Bright (who had been called by express) and
Mr. Dan, when I read them a journal of what had passed from my
leaving Diepe the 7th of July, and acquainted them with Mr.
Burnets[235] Resolutions in case the french failed him. They were
both well pleased with the proposal of Sidly and Sanderson[236]
acting in conjuncion, but Equally against Mr. Fisher’s[235]
relying upon Sanderson alone. I nixt day gave Mr. Dan the Letter
designed for Nicolson,[237] which he delivered to him, and made
an apointment to meet with me the same night which he accordingly
did; but as he had drunk a little too much we differred having
any positive answer from him. I told Mr. Dan there was a
necessity for the other Letters being delivered immediately and
that I depended upon him to do it. Found, as he was then about
getting his Charter from the Duke of Argyle, and had given that
for the reason of his coming up, it was impossible for him to
Return without giving Suspicion. I for the second time had the
misfortune to miss Sir 1293, 43C, 1055, 1744, 1045, 948, 1679,
1778,[238] being gone to his house in the West, nor have I yett
been able to see him, as I have almost ever since been obliged to
Stay in this place. I left town munday 12 and returned thursday
the 15th, where Mr. Dan came to me before dinner and told me
that young Kinny[239] desired to speak with me, so I agreed to
meet him that Evening Att 4 o’Clock, where he informed me that
Lord Semple[240] and Mr. Drummond had refused to do Business
any longer, that they had sent John Drummond[241] to him att
Dunkirk to acquaint him that I had made Mr. Burnet[242] believe
they were not trusted by his friends, and that they had then a
prospect on the _Tapis_ but had given it up, and told him that
I had at the same time perswaded Mr. Fisher[243] to come ovir
with the intent to make himself 1357[244] and leave his father
att _Harfleur_,[245] which I take God to Witness I never since
mentioned to him as indeed it is one of the things in the world
most against my principles upon which alone I have always acted
in Mr. Ellis’s[246] affairs. Kinnys opinion of them, together
with what I told him, easily convinced him of the folly of their
Story.

Some few days after this Mr. Fergus[247] came to town and stayed
for near two weeks, he has procured the small Vessel by which
this comes, and will order it to and again so often as Occasion
shall offer. I had several conversations with him on the present
State of affairs, but shall confine them all to his Answer, we
shall he Subjoin with that of the rest, having gott them to putt
their several Opinions in writing. I shall there putt down Mr.
Fergus, Mr. Bright[248] and Mr. Dans[249] opinion with regard to
some of the Articles I was charged with in the memorandum. Which
notwithstanding they were (save Fergus) against Mr. Burnets[243]
coming over, at any rate to Doit,[250] I nevertheless insisted
upon it to show that I had not neglected any particular of my
orders, and first as to Mr. Brights[248] going to London he
proposes being there before the end of January, 2ndly The letters
wrote to the several persons for money should be delivered with
an Apology, that they could be wrote to in no other stile in
case they had miscarried, 3rdly, The place Mr. Burnet[243] was
to meet should be some small distance from Aberdeen, upon that
part of the Coast lying towards Dundee, and that we should here
be acquainted by one sent over a moneth before, of the day he
determined to sail, providing the weather favoured him, and the
moment he landed to send an express to Mr. Fergus,[249] and one
to Mr. Dan[247] with instructions what day they were to ...

[_Hiatus in MSS._]

4ly as to providing of Swords it is what they dayly do, but the
number to be had so small as not to be regarded. 5tly The making
of Hilts and Targets impossible to be done without a Discovery
and that a few days only is required to make the Targets so that
they can be provided without trouble. 6thly, As to a ship for
Arms, Mr. Fergus engaged to provide it.

MEMORIAL CONCERNING THE HIGHLANDS WRITTEN BY ALEXANDER MACBEAN, A.M. MINISTER OF INVERNESS

_Inverness, 10 Octr. 1746._

The Islands of Orkney and Shetland I know little about.[251]

The Shire of Caithness is inhabited chiefly by StClairs and Dunbars. The Earl of Caithness is Chief of the StClairs who are by far more numerous than the other. I know not the precise number of men they can raise but I have heard that at the Battle of [252] fought by them against the late Earl of Breadalbin, I think in the reign of King William, they had about 1500 men Horse and Foot. But several gentlemen of that name living in the Orknies would on such ocasion with their men join their friends on the Continent. Mr. James Gilchrist, Minister at Thurso,[253] happened to be walking with a gentleman in Summer 1744 who found a letter on the road which when opened was found to be writ in Cypher by a gentleman of the name of StClair to a correspondent at Edinburgh mentioning that Shuch and Shuch would be ready at a Call each with his number of men plainly exprest; all the names were in Cypher nor could I learn the precise number. Mr. Gilchrist could not prevail with the gentleman to let him have the keeping of the letter, however this discovery was useful as it put the Lords Sutherland and Reay on their guard. ’Twas talked here in time of the Rebellion that the StClairs would have joined the Pretender but that they durst not pass through Lord Sutherland’s country[254] as his men were in arms joined by the McKays, some of the ministers of Caithness can inform you particularly about this and about Sir James Stewart of Burrows[255] who lives in the Orknies.

_Dunbars of Caithness_

I could not as yet be informed how the Dunbars of Caithness behaved, Sir William Dunbar of Hemprigs their Chief, is the principle man. He was reckoned well affected to Church and State.

_McKays of Strathnavar_

Next to Caithness, Southward and on the Western coast, is Strathnavar the country of Lord Reay, Chief of the McKays,[256] a zealous Presbyterian and revolutioner; with all his Clan he can raise as near as I can guess about 600 men. The part he acted last year is well known. It will be always mentioned to his honour that by his zeal and diligence he got the large Parish of Diurness divided into three and Stipends made for each of them by a general Collection through Scotland and his own liberal assistance though his estate be but 10,000£ scots there is scarce a family in this country but has been brought to have Family Worship, though that People was of old very rude and barbarous.

_Sutherland of Sutherland_

Next to Caithness, Southward on the East coast, is the Earl of Sutherland’s country, Chief of the name of Sutherland. His Lordship’s affection to our Constitution in Church and State is well known;[257] he can raise ’twixt 1200 and 1500 men; his Estate is reckoned about £3000 scots but somewhat under burden.

_McLeods of Assint_

As the Shires of Sutherland and Caithness make a Peninsula formed by the Firth of Tain from the east Sea and an arm of the Western Ocean, that I may describe the People and the Country more distinctly I will travel along the Western Coast and then return Eastward.

Next to Lord Reay’s country on the south side of the Firth called Edrachaolis and on the west coast is the country of Assint, belonging of old to a branch of the McLeod Family. This country fell into the hands of the McKenzies for debt in Charles the Second’s time.[258] McLeod kept possession violently till Letters of Fire and Sword were executed against him by the Earl of Seaforth. The Commons there are chiefly McLeods. McLeod of Ginnies in east Ross is the heir male of that family. He raised one of the independent Companies last year and continued in the Government’s service till dismissed a few weeks ago. His dwelling is about 30 miles east from Assint. After the battle of Preston McDonald of Barisdale[259] with a few men went to that country and recruited about 60 men, but the Lord Reay’s or Lord Sutherland’s people--I’m not sure which--fell upon him and [recaptured] the men. He and his company were obliged to take to their heels. This country is an entire parish, and prodigious rough and mountainous but famous for good pasture and good cattle. A few of the Earl of Cromarties family lived here and were obliged to go with him to the Rebellion. Viz. McKenzie of Ardloch.

_McLeods of Cogach_

To the south of Assint is the country of Cogach, a part of the parish of Loch-Broom formerly belonging to another family of the McLeods. [Margaret] McLeod of Cogach, the heiress of the family, was married to George, the first Earl of Cromarty.[260] This Earl, who was an antiquary, alleged that McLeod of Cogach was Chief of the whole clan, and consequently he as their representative, in right of his wife, procured the Title of Lord McLeod from Queen Anne as his secondary title, and this country continued the property of the family till now. Out of Cogach and some branches of his family in Loch-Broom together with the few I have mentioned from Assint, the Earl of Cromarty raised above 200 men for the late Rebellion. What number he had altogether will be mentioned when I come to the East Coast where he dwelt.

_McKenzies of Loch-Broom_

Next to Cogach is Loch-Broom, belonging to several small Heritors of the name of McKenzie. John McKenzie of Ardloch and James McKenzie of Cepoch, the only Papists that I know in all that tract of ground except the Lady Assint, bred their children Protestants.

Next is the Country of Gairloch, belonging mostly to McKenzies of Gairloch.

_McKenzies of Applecross and Loch-Carran_

To the south of it is Applecross a new erection in the year 1720. And next to it Loch-Carran. To this last place, the Earl of Seaforth,[261] as we call him here, retired when the Rebels retreated North and gathered 600 or 800 of his men about him by which he kept them in readiness for any service proper for him to do and preserved them from straggling companies of the Rebels who went about recruiting men. This last is the property of the Earl.

_Mathesons and Murchisons of Loch Ailsh_

Next to the South is the country of Loch Ailsh the property of the Seaforth Family. The McDonalds of Glengarry of old pretended right to the country and had many battles and skirmishes with the McKenzies about it. The last was a Sea-fight in Birlins and Boats, with long poles, corn forks and Lochabyr axes, in which the McDonalds were defeated, and Glengary with many of his company killed.[262] This happened before the Reformation. Most of the Commons are Mathesons and Murchisons but they join the McKenzies.

_McRaes of Kintail_

Next to the South is the Parish of Kintail and the Parish of Muick[263] a new erection in the year 1726 taken from the old Parish of Kintail. The whole country goes under the name of Kintail. The bulk of the inhabitants are of the name of McRae, descended from the Campbells,[264] but they follow the Seaforth Family. Here lies Glen Shiel.

In all this tract of ground, viz., from Lord Reay’s country on the north to Glenelg on the south, the people are but late converts to Presbytery. The old Episcopal Incumbents having lived long, some of them till the year 29, I could not find that any of them took the oaths to the Government. The gentlemen are most Episcopal and they or their predecessors were at Shirefmoor and Glen Sheil with the late Seaforth.[265] But by the good disposition of the present Seaforth to our happy establishment, they did not think fit to join in the late Rebellion, excepting a few younger brothers who had nothing to lose and are now prisoners in London. The first Presbyterian Minister was planted in Assint in the year 1727 at Loch-Broom. He landed much sooner, but though married to a native he was so miserable that he could not live in the country.

After him Mr. James Smith, now Minister at Creich in Sutherland, was ordained for the place by the Presbytery of Dingwall. The first night he came to his Parish both the eyes were plucked out his horse as his welcome to the country. Applecross, Kintail and Muick were not planted till the year 1730; Loch Carran in the year 1725. Mr. John McKilikin was ordained at Dingwall for the parish of Loch Ailsh a good time ago and though he lived for several years, he never durst enter his parish, and after his death, the Presbytery who went there to command the people about filling the parish in the year 1721 or 1722, were made prisoners in the house where they met, by men in women’s clothes, and their faces blackened. A pledge was demanded of them that they should never come to that country, which they refusing, they sent a Guard of this black crew with each of them towards their respective homes. But in the year 1727 a minister was planted there who got peaceable possession. In all or most of these parishes the Sacrament of the Supper has been lately administered and the Commons are already much recovered from their blindness and bigotry, and some of the gentlemen.

[_The Long Island_][266]

In all this tract of ground there are no Papists but what I have named. I know the country minutely, and ministers are tolerably well accommodated in Stipend, Manse, and Glebe. I will speak of the number of men Seaforth can raise when I come to the east side of the country where his seat stands.

Opposite to the coast I have been describing is the Long Island. That part of it to the North, called Lewis, belongs to the Seaforth Family. It was formerly the property of McLeod of Lewis, now extinct.[267] The People here are Protestants and do not dislike the present Clergy; there were two new erections made here, Anno 1726, before the estate of Seaforth was sold by the Government; so that this country is in a tolerable state of reformation.

The next district of the Long Island is called Harris. The people Protestants: it belongs to the Laird of McLeod. The next portion southward is called North Uist. The people Protestants; Sir Alexander [Macdonald] of Slate, Proprietor, South Uist belongs to McDonald of Moidart, or the Captain of Clanranald, as they call him. The present Clanranald lived here: he and his People are Papists, as is McNeil of Barra,[268] and his People. In the Uists and Barra are one or two new erections of late; but by the influence of the Gentry, the diligence and insolence of the Priests, and the bigotry of the people, the ministers had little success till now. Old Clanranald was not in arms in the late Rebellion nor could many of his people in Uist get over to the Continent, for the ships of war that cruised upon the coast.

[_The Macdonalds_]

As I have mentioned two families of the McDonalds, I will say something of them in general. They would be a great Clan and next to the Campbells in strength and number, if united under one head: but the several families of them, viz.: Clanranald, the Slate family, the Glengarry family, the Keppoch family, and even the Glencoe family, all pretend to be the lineal heir of McDonald of the Isles, Earl of Ross, who was forfeited in the time of James the Second, for joining with the Duglases and others in the Great Rebellion that then happened; and this division makes them less potent and formidable than otherwise they would be.[269] I once made an abstract of the several Rebellions and Insurrections of the McDonalds against the Kings of Scotland, and especially against the Stuart Family; by which it was very evident this people was seldom loyal to any King on the throne. If they could find no Pretender, they would find some pretence or other for war and plunder. But this paper I have lost.

[_Skye_]

The next Island to the South and East is Skye, the property of McDonald of Slate, McLeod and McInnin,[270] The people Protestants, the Commons and most of the Gentry better disposed than those in Seaforth’s country, on the opposite continent. Here is a new erection or two made Anno 1726. Egg, Rum, Muick and Canney, etc., are little Isles adjacent to Sky; the inhabitants Popish. But about 30 years ago, McLean of Coll is said to have converted a pragmatical, forward fellow, who misled the rest, by insulting him in their presence, and on this the inhabitants of that Island became Protestants.[271] These Isles were erected into a Parish in Anno 1726.[272]

[_Glenelg and Knoydart_]

The next country southward on the continent is Glenelg, the property of the Laird of McLeod. The people Protestants and honest, and generally well disposed: here are Barracks built for two or three companies of soldiers near the Strait that divides Sky from Glenelg: this country is fertile in grass and corn. Here are two famous Danish Forts of dry stone built very high which I have seen.

To the south an arm of the sea called Lochiurn, _i.e._, Helsloch[273] runs up ’twixt this country and Cnoidart. This last is the property of Glengarry, and the most mountainous, craggy, and coarse of all the Highlands: the roads are so eminently bad that there is no thought of riding in it, and in some places so steep and rocky, that they have ropes of withs tied to trees to take hold of, lest passengers should fall and break their bones. The people all Papists and mostly thieves. ’Tis a part of the parish of Glenelg, but they never give the minister any trouble, except in collecting his Stipend. Here lived those famous Cadets of Glengarrie’s family, Barisdale, and Scotos,[274] who had almost the whole country in bondage, and the people their slaves.

[_Moidart and Arisaig_]

To the south of Knoidart lies Moidart and Arasag, the property of Clanranald. The people Popish but not so thievish as in Knoidart. Next it lies two great glens called Moroirs; the one of them belongs to Glengarry and the other to McDonald, commonly called McDonald of Moroir. The Inhabitants Popish. The two principal Cadets of the Clanranald family are Kinloch Moidart and Moroir, and their branches,[275] all Popish. These four last countries, viz., Moidart, Arasag and the two Moroirs are in the parish of Ardnamurchan, and they with Knoidart are commonly called the Highlands by the other Highlanders. The people of Lochabyr, Glengarry, and Stratherrick reckoning their own country level in comparison of these.

Next lies Ardnamurchan in which is the famous Lead Quarry, Strontian, the property of Murray of Stanhope:[276] it belonged till of late to Sir Duncan Campbell of Lochnell: and was taken about the time of the Reformation by Sir Donald Campbell of Ardnamurchan, a natural son to Calder, from McDonald the old Proprietor. The people are generally Protestants, but with a mixture of Papists. Many of the inhabitants are Camerons and McLachlans, and violently Episcopal.

[_Ardnamurchan, Morvern and Maclean’s Country_]

As I am now arrived at the Cape commonly called Ardnamurchan, I turn back to the north east, where on the Sound of Mull lies the country of Morven the property of the Duke of Argyle. The people Protestants; many of them Camerons, McLachlans and McLeans: much inclined to Episcopacy, and consequently Jacobites. There are few or no Papists: of old this country belonged to the McLean family.

The next country on the north east and still on the Sound of Mull is Kingairloch, the property of McLean of Kingairloch. He himself was not in the Rebellion but I saw two or three of his brothers there. The people Episcopal, and Jacobite.

Next, still north east, and on an arm of the sea lies Ardgour, the property of McLean of Ardgour; his country lies ten or twelve miles along the sea-coast till you come to the head of Locheil. He is a well disposed old man, but as his estate is much out of his hand, his influence was not great; the people Protestants. Here lived Ludovick Cameron,[277] Uncle to Locheil, who brought out many of the inhabitants to the Rebellion, especially the Camerons who lived here.

Having now travelled on the north side of the Sound of Mull as far as the sea goes up, the last five miles of which is called Locheil, I go back to the islands in the Sound, and then will come along the south coast, and describe the countries inhabited by Rebels; I will afterwards describe the rest of Argyle if you require it.

[_Lismore, Mull, Strathlachlan_]

The first island of any note is Lismore; a most fertile soil; all founded on Limestone, and like garden ground, which the name of the island imports. Here was the seat of the Bishop of the Isles: it lies in the Sound opposite to Lorn and Appin; the people Protestants and well disposed. It is but eight miles long and one broad, and is the property of ten or twelve heritors. To the west hereof lies Mull, a large island containing three Parishes, mostly the Property of the Duke of Argyle; formerly the property of McLean of Dowart. McLean of Lochbuie has still an estate here, of about 6000 Merks: the people Protestants mostly and well affected; but from this island, Morvern and Kingairloch there came about nine score McLeans to the Rebellion, of whom returned but 38 as a McLean told me.[278] The islands of Tyree, Coll, Jura, Colonsay, Islay, Gigha, etc. I omit as there were no men from them in the Rebellion. Only before I come to the southeast coast of the Sound of Mull, I must not omit a gentleman who rose with his men from the heart of the country of Argyle, I mean the Laird of McLachlan;[279] his small country called Strathlachlan lies to the south of Inverary and on the south side of Lochfine. He is Chief of the McLachlans, and had as I am informed, near 300 men in the Rebellion, but of the number I am not quite sure; Mr. Alexr. Campbell, minister of Inverary, must know.[280] His people of a long time profest to be of our Communion, but one Mr. John McLachlan,[281] a most violent Episcopal minister poisoned his Chief and the gentlemen of his name to a strange degree, and indeed did more mischief among other clans than any three priests I ever knew.

[_Appin and Glencoe_]

I now come as I promised to the coast on the south east side of the Sound of Mull. The first dissaffected country is Appin, inhabited by the Stuarts. The Laird of Appin[282] keeps quiet at home but the gentlemen of his clan and his tenants were in the Rebellion. The people here are Protestants, but strangely poisoned by the Nonjurant Episcopal Clergy. Adjacent to Appin is Glencoe; a small place; McDonald of Glencoe is Superior.[283] He can raise of his tenants and followers 100 men. He and his people the same as to religion as his neighbours of Appin.

[_Lochiel’s Country_]

To the north east of Glencoe, an arm of the sea runs up from the Sound of Mull called [Loch Leven], which I now cross to describe the country of Mamore, inhabited by Camerons and belonging heritably to the Duke of Gordon, but a good part of it feued off to Locheil. The people all Protestants, but of the same kind with Appin and Glencoe. To the north east of Mamore lies Fort-William and a small Glen called Glennevis, above which stands the largest and the highest mountain in Scotland, called Ben Nevis.

On the north side of the River Lochy lies the rest of Locheil’s estate, viz., Locheil, Strathlochy, and Locharkaig. The first and second of these, six miles long each; the last, twelve miles.

On the north side of the Loch of Arkaig (the south side being all wood and desert) mostly inhabited by thieves, the minister of Killmaly preaches to them once a quarter or twice at most, and then the half of them cannot be present if they were willing to attend. In Winter the snow and storm hinders, and in Summer they are scattered through the hills with their cattle. The Camerons boast of their being Protestants, and Locheil hindered his brother the priest[284] to preach among them, when he told him he would bring them from that villainous habit of thieving, if he would allow him to preach, and say Mass among them: his answer was that the people of Glengarry, Knoidart, Arisag, etc., who were profest Papists, were greater thieves than his people, and if he would bring these to be honest and industrious, he would then consider his proposal as to the Camerons, and till he would bring that good work to a bearing he positively forbad him to middle with his people. But Locheil and the gentlemen of his clan were great encouragers of the Nonjurants and as far as they could they perverted the Commons.

[_Keppoch_]

The South of the River Lochy is the property of the Duke of Gordon for 6 miles benorth Fort William: inhabited mostly by Camerons. And then begins the country of McDonald of Keppoch, partly the property of the Duke of Gordon; and partly the Laird of M‘Intoshes, Keppoch having but a small interest in it. Anno 1687 McIntosh wanting a great arrear of rents of Keppoch, and getting no satisfaction, went to that country to poynd their cattle, and brought in his train above 500 men. Keppoch, with the assistance of Glencoe and others, his good friends, paid him his rents by giving him battle,[285] killing great numbers of his men, and taking himself prisoner, and getting such good conditions as he pleased before he released him. The whole ended in a famous Highland song, mocking McIntosh, and placing the true property of the country in Keppoch, as worthier to possess it. Next year Keppoch and his men came northward within 4 miles of Inverness, and sent a message to that town, to find him and his men, money, clothes, and provisions; with a threatening if they scrupled this, he would plunder the town. The town sent out three or four of their Top Burghers to commune with him. These he detained close prisoners, and sent another message demanding 4000 Merks in Specie, and a suit of their finest scarlet mounted with gold for himself with a certification that if this was not done next day, which happened to be the Sabbath, he would hang up their ambassadors, and then plunder their town. Accordingly the town redeemed themselves at the rate he was pleased to prescribe, and his fine and rich suit was finished on Sunday. Then the Ambassadors were released after a severe reprimand for their insolence in prescribing anything to him further than to ask his pleasure.

Keppoch’s people and the Duke of Gordon’s tenants in the neighbourhood are mostly Popish;[286] the greatest number of them were perverted in the Reigns of Queen Anne and George the first. They deal pretty deep in the thieving trade.

[_Glengarry_]

The next country to the north east is Glengarry, the people Papists and better at thieving than the worst of the other tribes. Their gentlemen found a way to put most of their neighbours under Black Mail which raised them some hundreds of pounds Sterling, for several years back.

[_Abertarff and Stratherrick_]

The next country still eastward is Abertarff, mostly the property of the Lovat Family: some of it feued out to Glengarry: all betwixt Fort Augustus are Popish: the few villages of Abertarf, be-east the Garrison, are inhabited by a mixture of Papists and Protestants: the people not free from theft.

Here lies Lochness, the country on the South side is called Stratherrick the property of the Lovat Family. The people Protestants: they submitted to the Established Clergy for many years back. The Commons went to the late Rebellion with great reluctance, and most of them violently compelled. The first country on the north side of the lake is called Glen Morrison, the property of Grant of Glen Morrison.[287] The old man with his men were in the Rebellion: the young Laird is an Ensign in Lord John Murray’s Regiment.[288] The people a mixture of Papists and Protestants, much given to theft.

[_Urquhart and Glenmoriston_]

Forward to the north east is the country of Urquhart, belonging to the Laird of Grant. Their neighbours, the McDonalds and Frasers, raised most of the men and carried them off to the Rebellion.[289] These and the Glen Morrison men after the Battle of Culloden surrendered to the young Laird of Grant, and were brought by him to the Duke of Cumberland to Inverness to deliver their arms; but by some mistake in the Report, as if they were taken in arms rather than surrendered, they were made prisoners and sent off by sea to England. The people are Protestants, though none of the most civilized.

[_The Aird_]

Next is the country of the Aird belonging to Lord Lovat, and where his house stood. The people Protestants, and of our Communion, save very few.[290] The Commons here are an honest, civilized sort of people if left to themselves.

[_Strathglass_]

Next, to the North, is the country of Strathglass, mostly inhabited by Papists. I do not hear much of their thieving, though they suffer much by the Glengarry thieves. This country belongs mostly to Chisholm of Comar (whose men were in the Rebellion, though he himself was not)[291] and partly to the Frasers.

[_Seaforth, Munro, and Cromartie’s Country_]

Next is Seaforth’s country, all along pretty low and level, till you come to Ferrindonall, the country of the Munro’s; (the Highland part of his estate, I described on the first sheet as it lies on the North Sea). The Gentlemen and Commons of the McKenzies are Protestants save very few, but very much devoted to the Nonjurant Episcopal Clergy. The Seaforth family embraced the Reformation in the Minority of James the sixth. Coline, then Earl, entertained the famous Mr. Robert Bruce[292] at his house with great respect and esteem when he was banished to Inverness and the country beyond it. I saw the subscription of Earl George, brother to the said Colin, to an original copy of the Covenant ingrossed on parchment, but he was afterward excommunicated by the Church for breach of trust. I am not sure if this family turned Popish before James the seventh’s time, but the then Earl, whose name was Kenneth, was Popish, as was his son the late Earl. The present Earl was very faithful to the Government all the time of the Rebellion.[293] The Munros and Rosses, I say nothing of, as their good affection to Church and State is well known.

Next is the Earl of Cromartie’s Estate. In the low country the people well affected to our Constitution in Church and State; and very few of his Low Country tenants went with their Lord to the Rebellion.

[_Mackintosh Country_]

Having in the first sheet described all be-north the broad Ferry of Sutherland at which I have arrived, I come to McIntoshes country, viz., Strathnairn, Strathdearn,[294] and Badenoch. The people are all Protestants, not given to thieving, but strangely poisoned by the Nonjurant Clergy. Their dissatisfaction has sufficiently appeared by their rising with the Lady against the King, rather than with the Laird, their Chief who was a captain in the King’s pay, yea, McIntoshes own company, which he had newly levied, deserted from him and listed in what was called the Lady’s Regiment.[295]

[_Strathspey, Strathavon and Glenlivat_]

The next country, Strathspey, the property and seat of the Laird of Grant: this Clan raised a Regiment at the Revolution and were firm to the interest of King William, but they suffered so much by the depredations of the Camerons and McDonalds that they became rather too cautious in time of the late Rebellion; the truth is they were ’twixt two fires, Lord Lewis Gordon to the east, and McIntoshes, Camerons and MacDonalds to the west, so that their country must have been severely plundered if they had been more than Neuters.[296] Besides the emulation ’twixt Grant and the President in former Elections for a member of Parliament was said to have made the Grants too [cautious]; however their good affection to the Revolution Interest has not been questioned, and they are firm Presbyterians. Theft is scarcely known in this country, though they have been great sufferers by the thieving clans to the West.

To the east of Strathspey is Strathdown[297] and Glenlivat mostly the property of the Duke of Gordon: the people mostly Popish, also the Enzie and Strathbogy, a mixture of Papists and Protestants. From these countries Lord Lewis recruited the most of his men, and in their neighbourhood is Braemar and Cromar the country of the Farquharsons: the people Protestants, with a small mixture of Papists: the Gentlemen much devoted to the Nonjurant Clergy. I am not particularly acquainted with this country; therefore, though it be large and populous, I say little about it.

I can say little of the country of Angus and Mearns, only I know dissaffection prevails there: nor am I much known to the country of the Duke of Atholl; the Stuarts and Robisons there are bigoted Jacobites, as are some of the Murrays. And as little do I know of the Drummonds and McGregors, but their Dissaffection is _Notour_. Therefore I conclude this paper with two lists as near as I can guess of the strength of the Dissaffected, and Well affected Clans in the Highlands and North Country. Which Lists you have in another sheet of this date.

[_Caetera desunt_]

AN ACCOUNT OF THE LATE REBELLION FROM ROSS AND SUTHERLAND WRITTEN BY DANIEL MUNRO MINISTER OF TAIN

We had notice in this country of the Young Pretender’s arrival in Lochaber, about the middle of August 1745. The friends of the Government generally despised the Attempt, and the Jacobite party showed then no open disposition to join him. It is said the first notice of his arrival was sent by the Laird of McLeod to the Lord President,[298] and that the President wrote insolently to Locheil (at whose house the Young Pretender was said to be, dissuading him from a Rising to Rebellion). Locheil was under great obligation to the President, on account of the President’s endeavours to get him reponed to his estate, which had been forfeited in the year 1715. The return Locheil made was, that he had been long in search of an important paper relating to that affair, which he now sent him enclosed: this is all he wrote, and the paper enclosed was the Pretender’s Declaration.

The first Rising in this Country was under the Earl of Cromartie, the Earl had waited on Sir John Cope at Inverness with others: he professed a steady adherence to the Government, for though he had been bred a Jacobite, yet he married young into a Whig family.[299] He had a post and pension of the Government, and was universally thought a Government Man in grant of interest, and was so looked upon in point of Principle, having so often qualified to the Government. He and family joining the Established Church and having educated his eldest son in Revolution Principles.

The first step he took towards joining the Rebels (though it was not so construed at the time) was declining to accept of a Commission for his son Lord McLeod[300] to be Captain of one of the independent companies, offered him by the Lord President. He pretended for so doing a disobligement, being refused by the President the nomination of the Subalterns of said companie. After this he was observed to associate with Lord Lovat, and in the meantime Lord McLeod, his eldest son, repaired to the Highlands of Lochbroom and Cogach, where his Lordship has a considerable estate, vassalage, and superiority, being Heritable Sherriff. Lord McLeod raised the men there; but it was yet pretended this rising was for the defence of his house and person, as Lord Lovat had raised his people and kept them about him under the same pretext.

Soon after the Battle of Preston, McDonald of Barisdale[301] came to this country and was with my Lord openly at his house at Newtarbet, which gave the first rise to any suspicion about the Earl, especially as there was such preparation, as the making of Highland clothes, providing of Arms, and ammunition: but to cover this, it was pretended his Lordship intended a journey to Edinburgh, and must have a strong guard. However early in November he openly declared himself, and went from his house at Newtarbet to West Ross, where a part of his estate lies, and was joined by his son Lord McLeod, with twixt two and three hundred of his men, taken from Lochbroom and Cogach and off his Estate in West Ross, having got none to follow him from his estate about Newtarbet which is in East Ross, but about ten men who were his menial servants and a young gentleman Roderick McCulloch of Glastalich,[302] one of his vassals, and whose family and friends had no connection with Jacobitism, and whom it is generally allowed the Earl decoyed into the Rebellion. He then marched to the Lord Lovat’s house, where he was joined by the master of Lovat, with 300 Frasers and both went to Perth.

Upon the Rebels coming North after their retreat from Stirling and their arrival at Inverness, they were joined by the whole Posse of the Frasers, who were formed into three Regiments under the command of the Master of Lovat,[303] Fraser younger of Inverallachie,[304] and Fraser of Foyers;[305] by the Chisholms,[306] all of them under the command of two younger sons of their chief[307] the Chisholm of Strathglass; by considerable numbers of the McKenzies reckoned about 400, besides the Earl of Cromartie’s own Regiment. These McKenzies were of the Estates of Redcastle, Culcoy, Lentron, Applecross, Coul, Fairburn, Gairloch, Balmaduthy and Allangrange. Under the leading of McKenzie of Lentron, a younger brother to McKenzie of Fairburn[308] and a brother to McKenzie of Culcoy formed into a regiment under McDonald of Barasdale with some of the Banditti Highlanders formerly with him. The Earl of Cromartie when Commander in Chief benorth Beullie affected to be chief of the McKenzies. It is certain the men of the above estate were actually in arms under him and I am well assured he threatened Military Execution against McKenzie of Scatwell (a loyal family of that name) if he did not give his men also, which he absolutely refused at all hazards, and reckons himself happy his Lordship did not return with the same power from Sutherland. It is also fact that when the Rebels were exacting Cess and Levy money of all the estates of the gentlemen in Ross in the most vigorous manner, the gentlemen of the name of McKenzie whose men were in arms were excused from paying their proportion of Levy money. The Rebels were joined by the McIntoshes who had not joined formerly, by the McIlivraes and McBeans under the command of McIlivrae of Dunmaglass,[309] commonly called the Ladie McIntoshes Regiment,[310] as she was known to be extremely active in raising them:[311] there were also a mixt multitude from Aberdeen and Banffshire under the command of Lord Lewis Gordon and Mr. More of Stonnywood.

The arts and methods by which the Jacobites endeavoured to raise and spirit people into the Rebellion, and by which they were too successful, were the spreading all sorts of false news to the advantage of their own cause and party; particularly such as related to a French landing, and a junction in England; the venting gross misrepresentations and slanders against the King, Royal Family and Administration; pretending intolerable grievances and confident promises of relief from them: but above all, the indefeasible right of the family of Stuarts, the native interest all Scots men had in them, with the Pretender’s Declaration, were most commonly insisted upon, and this was done with all possible zeal and address, by those Jacobites of power and station who did not think it safe to risk their persons or estates in the cause; though their brothers or sons or other relations and tenants had joined openly. In this view we have been told the Rebellion was a well conducted scheme not like that in the 1715; when all the Jacobite Grandees took the field, but now when their common men were only exposed, though the attempt should not succeed the same Jacobite interest would still subsist.

As to characters all above mentioned whose relations or tenants had joined were regular Jacobites, the Earl of Cromartie, Lord McLeod and the Master of Lovat excepted.

As to the well affected: Mr. Harry Munro Younger of Foulis now Sir Harry who had been newly nominated a Captain in the Lord Loudon’s Regiment having speedily raised a company of Munroes to serve in the said Regiment met Sir John Cope at the Water of Nairn and upon their arrival at Inverness, Capt. George Munro of Culkairn,[312] Sir Harry’s Uncle, waited on them, where it was concerted that the Munroes should instantly take arms and join the King’s Troops, which was done accordingly. Three Companies were raised under the Leading of Culkairn, Hugh Munro of Teaninich and William Munro of Achany, and marched with General Cope as his advanced guard to Aberdeen, where they stayed till the Army took shipping. Sir Harrie and his company went along and were at the Battle of Preston where they were taken prisoners with the other Highland Companies there. At the same time Captain Alexander M‘Cay, son to Lord Reay and Captain in Lord Loudon’s Regiment, raised a company of McCays in Strathnavar and upon notice of General Cope’s arrival at Inverness marched speedily to join him and missing the General at Inverness followed him and being informed that Gordon of Glenbucket was in arms for the Pretender, took boat upon the Murray Coast and came up with the General at Aberdeen, was at the Battle of Preston and taken prisoner, none of his men or the Monroes when prisoners would be prevailed upon to enlist for the Pretender.[313]

Culkairn upon his march homeward from Aberdeen was apprised by a friend from Banff that Glenbucket with 400 men waited to intercept him. He made his best preparation and resolutely went on; when Glenbucket thought proper to withdraw, which must have been owing to the known bravery of Culkairn.

_Lord Loudon and the President_

Immediately after the Battle of Preston, the Earl of Loudon took post for London, and without loss of time came down in a King’s Sloop to Inverness, where he took upon him the Command for the North, and acted always thereafter in concert with the President. The President disposed of the independent companies for raising of which he had blank commissions, in the following manner: A company to Captain Munro of Culkairn, two companies to the Earl of Sutherland, two to my Lord Reay, four companies to the Laird of McLeod, one company to Hugh McLeod of Guineas, four companies to Sir Alexander McDonald whereof only two came to Inverness, a company of Grants, two companies to the Lord Fortrose, a company to the Master of Ross, and a company from Inverness, commanded by Mr. McIntosh, late baillie here. The Munroes, Sutherlands, McCays, and McLeods came to Inverness upon the first call: there was difficulty in raising the McKenzie companies, though Lord Fortrose[314] exerted himself all he could to get it done and showed abundance of zeal for the Government. The best service he was able to do was preventing a more general rising of his numerous Clan, in which he was successful, there being only about 700 of them in Rebellion including Cromartie’s Regiment. The Clan will at least amount to 1500.