Chapter XI: Preface (9)

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│ POPULAR VOTE. ║ ELECTORAL VOTE.
├─────────────┬─────────────┬─────────────────┬────────────╫────────┬────────┬─────────────┬─────
STATES. │Abraham │Stephen A. │John C. │ John Bell, ║Lincoln.│Douglas.│Breckenridge.│Bell.
│Lincoln, Ill.│Douglas, Ill.│Breckenridge, Ky.│ Tenn. ║ │ │ │
──────────────────┼─────────────┼─────────────┼─────────────────┼────────────╫────────┼────────┼─────────────┼─────
Maine │ 62,811 │ 26,693 │ 6,368 │ 2,046 ║ 8 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
New Hampshire │ 37,519 │ 25,881 │ 2,112 │ 441 ║ 5 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Vermont │ 33,808 │ 6,849 │ 218 │ 1,969 ║ 5 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Massachusetts │ 106,533 │ 34,372 │ 5,939 │ 22,331 ║ 13 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Rhode Island │ 12,244 │ 7,707[18]│ ―――――― │ ―――――― ║ 4 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Connecticut │ 43,792 │ 15,522 │ 14,641 │ 3,291 ║ 6 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
New York │ 362,646 │ 312,510[18]│ ―――――― │ ―――――― ║ 35 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
New Jersey │ 58,324 │ 62,801[18]│ ―――――― │ ―――――― ║ 4 │ 3 │ ―― │ ――
Pennsylvania │ 268,030 │ 16,765 │ 178,871[18] │ 12,776 ║ 27 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Delaware │ 3,815 │ 1,023 │ 7,337 │ 3,864 ║ ―― │ ―― │ 3 │ ――
Maryland │ 2,294 │ 5,966 │ 42,482 │ 41,760 ║ ―― │ ―― │ 8 │ ――
Virginia │ 1,929 │ 16,290 │ 74,323 │ 74,681 ║ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 15
North Carolina │ ―――――― │ 2,701 │ 48,539 │ 44,990 ║ ―― │ ―― │ 10 │ ――
South Carolina[17]│ ―――――― │ ―――――― │ ―――――― │ ―――――― ║ ―― │ ―― │ 8 │ ――
Georgia │ ―――――― │ 11,590 │ 51,889 │ 42,886 ║ ―― │ ―― │ 10 │ ――
Florida │ ―――――― │ 367 │ 8,543 │ 5,437 ║ ―― │ ―― │ 3 │ ――
Alabama │ ―――――― │ 13,651 │ 48,831 │ 27,875 ║ ―― │ ―― │ 9 │ ――
Mississippi │ ―――――― │ 3,283 │ 40,797 │ 25,040 ║ ―― │ ―― │ 7 │ ――
Louisiana │ ―――――― │ 7,625 │ 22,861 │ 20,204 ║ ―― │ ―― │ 6 │ ――
Texas │ ―――――― │ ―――――― │ 47,548 │ 15,438[18]║ ―― │ ―― │ 4 │ ――
Arkansas │ ―――――― │ 5,227 │ 28,732 │ 20,094 ║ ―― │ ―― │ 4 │ ――
Missouri │ 17,028 │ 58,801 │ 31,317 │ 58,372 ║ ―― │ 9 │ ―― │ ――
Tennessee │ ―――――― │ 11,350 │ 64,709 │ 69,274 ║ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 12
Kentucky │ 1,364 │ 25,651 │ 53,143 │ 66,058 ║ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 12
Ohio │ 231,610 │ 187,232 │ 11,405 │ 12,194 ║ 23 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Michigan │ 88,480 │ 65,057 │ 805 │ 405 ║ 6 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Indiana │ 139,033 │ 115,509 │ 12,295 │ 5,306 ║ 13 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Illinois │ 172,161 │ 160,215 │ 2,404 │ 4,913 ║ 11 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Wisconsin │ 86,110 │ 65,021 │ 888 │ 161 ║ 5 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Minnesota │ 22,069 │ 11,920 │ 748 │ 62 ║ 4 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Iowa │ 70,409 │ 55,111 │ 1,048 │ 1,763 ║ 4 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
California │ 39,173 │ 38,516 │ 34,334 │ 6,817 ║ 4 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
Oregon │ 5,270 │ 3,951 │ 5,006 │ 183 ║ 3 │ ―― │ ―― │ ――
├─────────────┼─────────────┼─────────────────┼────────────╫────────┼────────┼─────────────┼─────
Totals │ 1,866,452 │1,375,157 │ 847,953 │ 590,631 ║ 180 │ 12 │ 72 │ 39
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[17] Chosen by Legislature.

[18] Fusion electoral tickets.

The election of Lincoln was the second great political revolution in the history of the country, and it came with fearful import. The revolution won by Jefferson in 1800 simply displaced the Federalists, gave authority to the Republicans, and liberalized the policy of the Government. The revolution that brought Lincoln into the Presidency was the first popular expression emphasizing the purpose of the nation to halt the extension of slavery; and while the Republican policy meant no more than to prevent slavery extension, it was well understood in the South that it menaced the safety of slavery even where it was then undisputed. The Southerners had little tolerance for Republicanism. They had seen it grow from the despised Abolition cranks to the Republican party that had dominated Congress before it elected a President. Republicans in Congress were seldom treated with respect by their Southern associates, and often the most wanton and flagrant insults were given them not only on the floor of the House but on other occasions.

Personal encounters disgraced the record of both House and Senate, and the most respectable term the South ever applied to antislavery members was that of “Black Republican.” Even in Philadelphia, that became the most loyal of all cities, nearly the whole commercial and financial interests were arrayed against Lincoln, because they regarded the Republican party as disturbers of national tranquillity and of all the interests of trade. So strong was the conservative element among the old Whigs in that State that the name of Republican had to be discarded. Curtin was elected Governor as the candidate of the “People’s party,” and the delegates to the Chicago convention represented only that organization. When Lincoln’s election was announced the Democrats could not reconcile themselves to the mastery of a party they had so openly and persistently despised.

I witnessed an interesting episode in Philadelphia, on the night of Curtin’s election. The Prince of Wales was then on a visit to this country, and had just arrived at the Continental Hotel in Philadelphia. My headquarters as chairman of the Lincoln committee were at the Girard House immediately opposite, and I saw the handsome young Prince, then a picture of manly vigor and beauty, stand on the Chestnut Street balcony for an hour, surrounded by his suite of nobles, watching what he regarded as the dying agonies of the Republic. The main streets of the city were crowded with shouting, wrangling, and rioting partisans, and the Prince obviously congratulated himself that he had just happened in this country in time to see its angry dissolution. He witnessed the riotous enthusiasm of the Republicans, and the much more riotous madness of the defeated party, until he wearied of it, and he was astounded the next morning to discover that the city was as quiet and serene as an average Philadelphia Sunday.

Lincoln brought to the Presidency the strongest personality that has ever adorned the highest trust of the nation. It is studied with increased interest as time passes onward in its flight, and it is worthy of extended notice here. I had not met Lincoln personally until after his election. I had attended the Chicago convention as chairman of the State committee along with Curtin, and bore some humble part in aiding the nomination of Lincoln; and my correspondence with him during the campaign would have made one of the most interesting of Lincoln relics, but unfortunately the letters were destroyed when Chambersburg, including my own house, was burnt by General McCausland.

Pennsylvania was the battle ground, and he naturally tried to keep in close touch with it. His letters were always kind and hopeful, sometimes quaint, and always going directly to the point of winning the State. He communicated with me every week from the time I opened headquarters early in June until after the election, and I prized more highly the Lincoln correspondence of that struggle than any of all the many valued letters I have ever received. I think it safe to say that he was as familiar with the details of the contest in Pennsylvania as I was myself, and knew every element of strength and every element of weakness in our lines. He was never enthusiastic or sentimental, but always thoroughly practical, with occasional flashes of his exquisite Western humor.

After such intercourse with Lincoln, lasting from the beginning to the close of the great battle of his life, I of course had formed what I supposed to be an intelligent and accurate estimate of the character and attributes of the man, but I never had a glimpse of the grandeur of Lincoln’s character until I met him personally at his home in Springfield on the 3d of January, 1861. A contest over the appointment of Cameron to the Cabinet, in which I took part, in opposition to Cameron, made Lincoln telegraph me on the 2d of January to visit him at Springfield. I was then a member of the Senate; the Legislature was just about to meet, and I made as hurried a trip as possible. I reached Springfield about seven o’clock on the evening of the 3d, having telegraphed him in advance that I would arrive at that hour and must return at eleven. I went from the depot directly to his house, and when I rang the bell the door was opened by Lincoln himself, and I saw no other person during my stay.

I think I did not well conceal my disappointment when I stood before him in the dimly lighted hall looking up into the face of the new President. There was nothing in his appearance calculated to make a favorable impression at first sight. He was illy clad, ungraceful in movement, and his rudely chiselled face, that was always sad in repose, clearly portrayed the fretting anxieties which his election to the Presidency to meet the severest trial of the Republic had brought upon him. He had then decided to appoint Cameron to the Cabinet, against which I had protested, and he had sent for me to know whether there were good reasons for a change of judgment. We sat down in his plainly furnished parlor, and for an hour or more he heard me patiently with evident interest. During this part of the conversation he said but little, but gave many incisive questions to be answered. He did not exhibit a single trace of humor, and it seemed to me most of the time as if I were making my appeal to a sphinx. He gave no sign whatever as to whether I impressed him or not, and when I left him I had not a single clue by which to judge what importance he had attached to my arguments, but before he retired that night he wrote a letter to Cameron revoking the appointment, and suggesting that Cameron should regard the position as tendered, and give a letter of declination.

In that letter, which can be found in Nicolay and Hay’s “Life of Lincoln,” he uses this language: “You will say this comes of an interview with McClure, and this is partly but not wholly true.” The result was that the position of Secretary of War was held open until Lincoln arrived in Washington, when Seward and Weed finally prevailed upon the President to give the position to Cameron. He advised me of his purpose after he had decided, and was much gratified for the assurance that no factional hostility would be made against either Cameron or the administration. Seward and Weed were much embittered at Curtin and Lane for defeating Seward at Chicago, and they dealt a retributive blow by securing the appointment of Cameron, as Cameron and Curtin were never in political accord after the bitter struggle they had for Senator in 1855.

It was not until after the question of the Cabinet appointment was dismissed that I had an opportunity to see something of Lincoln as he was. It was my part to do the talking on the Cabinet issue; after that it was his part to talk, and he gradually developed all the great and grand qualities of his character. He was appalled at the prospect of civil war being the sequel of his election to the Presidency, and above all things, he wanted peace if consistent with the line of duty. He fully appreciated that he was confronted by graver problems than had ever beset American statesmanship, and that he was compelled to meet the great issue of the threatened dismemberment of the Republic.

He was painfully and profoundly impressed with the fearful responsibility that devolved upon him, but the first great attribute of his character developed by this discussion, or rather by his statements of the situation, was his unswerving fidelity to duty regardless of all personal or political interests, and even regardless of life itself. He well understood that armed rebellion was apparently inevitable, and that he must meet the most appalling peril that ever confronted our free government, and one for which neither the history of this Government nor of any other Government of the world furnished precedents to guide him in his course. The right of secession had been claimed and denied since the formation of the Constitution with almost equal ability and integrity, and there he was, crowned with the laurels of the highest trust of the civilized world, with the prospect of a nearly united South in rebellion, and the North divided—and intensely divided—as to the power of the Government to maintain the unity of the States by force. I heard Lincoln in this conversation but a short time before I discovered that he had but one purpose, from which no interests could swerve him, and that was to perform his duty with fidelity and accept the consequences. He felt that as a Republican President he would owe it to his party to give it the advantages of power; yet he understood that the Government could not be maintained without the co-operation of the Democrats.

My next meeting with Lincoln was under circumstances well calculated to study his true character intelligently. I was one of a dozen or more who dined with him at what is now the Commonwealth Hotel in Harrisburg on the evening of the 22d of February, 1861. The dinner was given by Governor Curtin to the President-elect, and I believe that none of the guests are now living but myself. The story of Lincoln’s sudden departure on the memorable midnight journey to Washington from Harrisburg on that night has been many times told, and in no instance with entire correctness. He arrived in Philadelphia on the evening of February 21, and the published programme of his journey to Washington was from Philadelphia to Harrisburg on the 22d, and from Harrisburg to Washington by the Northern Central Railroad through Baltimore on the 23d. He was met in Philadelphia by Mr. Fenton, President of the Philadelphia, Wilmington and Baltimore Railroad, and by Pinkerton’s detectives, who informed him that he could not pass through Baltimore according to his published programme without inviting assassination, that had been deliberately planned; and the son of Senator Seward brought Lincoln a letter signed by Seward and General Scott, insisting that he should change his route, because he could not safely pass through Baltimore if the time of his coming were known.

He was earnestly urged to omit his Harrisburg appointment and take the eleven o’clock train from Philadelphia to Washington that night, but he peremptorily refused, and left the question to be determined at Harrisburg. He hoisted the flag on Independence Hall early on the morning of the 22d, and delivered an address that betrayed none of the serious emotions which must have agonized him at the time. He arrived at Harrisburg early in the afternoon, where I was one of the legislators to receive him, had a reception and delivered a brief address in the hall of the House, and soon after five o’clock he sat down to the dinner at the hotel as the guest of Governor Curtin, who was there advised by Colonel Lamon and Colonel Sumner of the information received in Philadelphia the night before, and of the necessity of considering the question of changing his route.

Dinner was hastily served, when the servants were cleared from the dining-hall, and Governor Curtin stated the facts to the dining guests, and insisted that Lincoln’s programme should be changed. Every one present promptly responded in approval, and the only silent man at the table was Lincoln. I sat near enough to him to watch and study his face, and there was not a sign of agitation upon it, and when he was called upon to give his views, it was at once made evident to all that he thought much more of commanding the respect and honor of the nation than of preserving his life. His answer was substantially, and I think exactly, in these words: “I cannot consent. What would the nation think of its President stealing into its capital like a thief in the night?” His voice was clear and distinct, and his cool and earnest manner made his expression painfully pathetic.

Fortunately, among the guests was the late Colonel Thomas A. Scott, and when Governor Curtin declared that the question was not one for Lincoln to decide, Colonel Scott at once proposed to take charge of the new programme, and send Lincoln back to Philadelphia on a special train in time to make the eleven o’clock from Broad and Prime Streets to Washington that night. Scott was a master alike in keenness of perception and swiftness of execution. He at once directed the Governor to take Lincoln down to the front of the hotel, where there were multitudes awaiting to cheer them, and loudly call a carriage to take them to the Executive Mansion, as that would be the natural place for them to go. They entered the carriage, drove up along the river front toward the Executive Mansion, and then made a detour to reach the depot in thirty minutes, as instructed by Colonel Scott. I accompanied Colonel Scott to the depot, when he first cleared one track of his line to Philadelphia, forbidding anything to enter upon it until released, and with his own hands cut all of the few telegraph wires which then came into Harrisburg. A locomotive and a car were in readiness at the time appointed a square below the depot, where Lincoln and Curtin arrived with Colonel Lamon, and Lincoln and Lamon entered the car for their journey. When I shook hands with Lincoln and wished him God’s protection on his journey, he was as cool and deliberate as ever in his life.

Every precaution had been taken to prevent the knowledge of a change in Lincoln’s programme being known to any who might possibly communicate by telegraph, and when the wires were all cut we felt assured that unless Lincoln should be accidentally detected in Philadelphia, none would know of his journey until he arrived at Washington. But one person in Philadelphia was advised of the movement, and he was Superintendent Kenney, of the Philadelphia, Wilmington and Baltimore Railroad, still prominently connected with its service, who was instructed by Colonel Scott to meet Lincoln at the Pennsylvania depot and conduct him to the Broad and Prime station. Beyond Superintendent Kenney, no one outside of the few in Harrisburg who had arranged and started Lincoln on his journey had any knowledge of the change in his route.

He was received by Superintendent Kenney in a carriage, taken to the Broad and Prime station, where a section of a sleeping car had been engaged for him, entered it without attracting attention, and at six o’clock the next morning he was in Washington. We had a sleepless and a terribly long and anxious night at Harrisburg, but about six o’clock Colonel Scott reunited the wires in his railroad station, and received the despatch: “Plums delivered Nuts safely,” which announced the safe arrival of the President.

THE LINCOLN-McCLELLAN CONTEST

1864

The average intelligent student of our Civil War a generation after the conflict ended, with Lincoln’s achievements in the grateful remembrance of every patriot, would naturally assume that Lincoln’s re-election to the Presidency in 1864 was never in any measure doubtful; but in fact three months after his renomination in Baltimore his defeat by General McClellan was generally apprehended by his friends and frankly conceded by Lincoln himself. On the 23d of August, 1864, he wrote the following with his signature appended:

“This morning, as for some days past, it seems exceedingly probable that this administration will not be re-elected. Then it will be my duty to co-operate with the President-elect so as to save the Union between the election and the inauguration, as he will have secured his election on such grounds that he cannot possibly save it afterward.”

This paper he sealed and delivered to Secretary Welles with notice not to open it until after the election.

There was very earnest opposition to Lincoln’s renomination by men of eminent ability and influential leadership in the Republican party. Chase, Wade, Henry Winter Davis, and Horace Greeley were bitterly opposed to accepting him as the Republican candidate for the second contest, as they believed that he could not be elected. In addition to these, Sumner was not heartily for him; Stevens was earnestly opposed to the President because he had not pressed confiscation and other punishments against the South, and the extreme radical wing of the Republican party was aggressive in its hostility. Lincoln’s strength was with the people, and they overwhelmed the leaders who sought his overthrow.

The only exhibition of weakness I ever saw in Lincoln was exhibited during what might be called the contest for his renomination. There was, in point of fact, no contest at all, as after all the efforts of the opposing leaders had been exhausted the Republican people rallied to his support and asserted their mastery. He was painfully impressed with the apprehension that he might be defeated in the convention, and on a number of occasions I heard him discuss the question with a degree of interest that was painful. Even after a majority of all the delegates to the convention had been positively instructed for him, and certainly two-thirds of the remainder were publicly pledged to his support, he could not dismiss the fears of his possible defeat.

I visited him several times within a month of the convention, in obedience to his telegrams, when he discussed only the political dangers which beset him. He told me that his name would go into history darkly shadowed by a fraternal war that he would be held responsible for inaugurating if he were unable to continue in office to conquer the Rebellion and restore the Union.

Lincoln was human, as are all men, and a more anxious candidate I have never known. The last time I conferred with him on the subject was within two weeks of the meeting of the convention, and I could hardly treat with respect his anxiety about his renomination. He had given close study to the election of delegates, and I called his attention to the fact that a decided majority were positively instructed for him, and that he certainly knew that a majority of the others could not be diverted from him. He had to admit that there seemed to be no plausible reason for doubting the result, but, with a merry twinkle of the eye, he said:

“Well, McClure, I don’t quite forget that I was nominated by a convention that was two-thirds for the other fellow.”

I had to admit that he had been nominated by a convention that was two-thirds for Seward, but no such conditions could arise as presented themselves in the Seward fight to swerve the convention from its purpose.

So anxious was he about the situation that he made the very unreasonable request of me to become a delegate-at-large from Pennsylvania when I had already been unanimously elected a delegate from my Congressional district. I vainly attempted to convince him that it mattered not whether I was a delegate-at-large or a district delegate, as my power to serve him would be just the same; but he persisted in urging me to go before the State convention with the ungracious request to elect me a delegate-at-large—a position that was sought as one of honor—when I was already a member of the delegation from my district.

The only possible explanation I could conceive was that, as Cameron was certain to be a delegate-at-large, he desired me to be one with Cameron, and thus have both the Cameron and Curtin wings of the party equally represented at the head of the delegation. Fortunately, political conditions enabled me to carry out his wish, and Cameron and I were elected on the 1st ballot by a nearly unanimous vote.

I never suspected Lincoln’s purpose in asking me to change my position as a delegate until three days before the meeting of the convention, when I went to Washington in obedience to his summons. He then asked me to vote for the nomination of Andrew Johnson for Vice-President. He had Cameron already committed to the nomination of Johnson as a War Democrat to succeed Hamlin, but he gave me no intimation of Cameron’s position. I was favorable to the renomination of Hamlin, but after hearing Mr. Lincoln’s reasons for the request he made I would have voted for Johnson in obedience to a sense of public duty, although Lincoln was not wrong in assuming that I was likely to vote for any candidate for Vice-President he specially desired. He was not opposed to Hamlin, but he knew that the success of the party depended upon bringing into the Republican fold a large body of War Democrats who had never become Republicans, such as Judge Holt, General Dix, General Butler, and Governor Johnson, and he wished to nationalize the Republican party.

But the conclusive reason why he desired the nomination of Johnson was that it would most effectually prevent the recognition of the Confederacy by England and France. That was the great peril in the last year of the war, and Lincoln believed that in no way could the success of the Government in the suppression of the Rebellion be so clearly presented to the world as by taking Andrew Johnson, of Tennessee, who had filled every important position within the gift of his State, and elect him to the Vice-Presidency from a reorganized rebellious State in the heart of the Confederacy. It is needless to say that, notwithstanding my prejudice against Johnson, I agreed to support him; but Lincoln’s caution prevented him from giving me any intimation as to the attitude of Cameron, who was equally pledged to Lincoln in the Johnson cause. Cameron and I met at the convention in Baltimore on June 7 without either knowing the position of the other, and as our political relations were not of the confidential order, although our personal intercourse was always pleasant, it required some diplomacy for us to reach an understanding. Cameron had been committed to Hamlin, with whom he had served in the Senate, and was somewhat embarrassed, and he suggested that while he was friendly to Hamlin he did not believe that he could be nominated, to which I agreed. He then proposed that we should line up the two factions of the State in the delegation and cast a unanimous vote for Hamlin when the State was first called, and change it to a unanimous vote for Johnson when the roll-call ended, to which I readily assented; and with some effort we had a harmonious delegation on that line with the exception of Thaddeus Stevens, who sat beside me when I cast my vote for Johnson, and who with a grim smile said to me: “Can’t you find a candidate for Vice-President without going down into a d——d rebel province?” The vote of the State was, however, recorded unanimously for Johnson, and it was the like efforts of Lincoln in his very quiet and earnest way that made Andrew Johnson Vice-President and President.

The Republican National Convention met in Baltimore on the 7th of June, 1864, and the venerable Rev. Dr. Robert J. Breckinridge, of Kentucky, was temporary president and Ex-Governor William Dennison, of Ohio, permanent president. Every State outside of the Southern Confederacy, and some that were partially inside of it, were fully represented. There was no contest for President, as the nomination of Lincoln was conceded. He received the unanimous vote of every State on 1st ballot with the exception of the Missouri delegation, that was instructed for Grant, and that was promptly changed to Lincoln to make the vote unanimous. There was a considerable undercurrent in the convention that was not friendly to Lincoln, but so powerless that no attempt was made to assert it.

The important contest of the convention was for Vice-President. Until a short time before the meeting it was generally expected that Vice-President Hamlin would be renominated with President Lincoln; but when the delegates came together, opposition to Hamlin was developed and unexpectedly to many of the members, and it soon became evident that a powerful organization had been quietly crystallized to nominate Andrew Johnson, of Tennessee, then Military Governor of that State. The 1st ballot gave Andrew Johnson 200 and 150 for Hamlin and 108 for Dickinson, with 61 votes scattered; but before the ballot closed Pennsylvania led off by changing from Hamlin and giving a unanimous vote for Johnson. Stevens was opposed to the change, but finding himself alone in the delegation, he permitted his vote to be recorded with the majority. Other changes were made, and the 1st and only ballot was finally announced as 494 for Johnson, 17 for Dickinson, and 9 for Hamlin. The following platform was prepared and reported to the convention by Henry J. Raymond, of New York, and unanimously adopted:

1. _Resolved_, That it is the highest duty of every American citizen to maintain against all their enemies the integrity of the Union, and the permanent authority of the Constitution and laws of the United States; and that, laying aside all differences of political opinion, we pledge ourselves as Union men, animated by a common sentiment, and aiming at a common object, to do everything in our power to aid the Government in quelling by force of arms the rebellion now raging against its authority, and in bringing to the punishment due to their crimes the rebels and traitors arrayed against it.

2. _Resolved_, That we approve the determination of the Government of the United States not to compromise with rebels, or to offer them any terms of peace, except such as may be based upon an unconditional surrender of their hostility and a return to their just allegiance to the Constitution and laws of the United States; and that we call upon the Government to maintain this position, and to prosecute the war with the utmost possible vigor to the complete suppression of the rebellion, in full reliance upon the self-sacrificing patriotism, the heroic valor, and the undying devotion of the American people to their country and its free institutions.

3. _Resolved_, That as slavery was the cause, and now constitutes the strength of this rebellion, and as it must be, always and everywhere, hostile to the principles of republican government, justice and the national safety demand its utter and complete extirpation from the soil of the Republic; and that, while we uphold and maintain the acts and proclamations by which the Government, in its own defence, has aimed a deathblow at this gigantic evil, we are in favor, furthermore, of such amendment to the Constitution, to be made by the people in conformity with its provisions, as shall terminate and forever prohibit the existence of slavery within the limits or the jurisdiction of the United States.

4. _Resolved_, That the thanks of the American people are due to the soldiers and sailors of the army and navy who have perilled their lives in defence of their country and in vindication of the honor of its flag; that the nation owes to them some permanent recognition of their patriotism and their valor, and ample and permanent provision for those of their survivors who have received disabling and honorable wounds in the service of the country; and that the memories of those who have fallen in its defence shall be held in grateful and everlasting remembrance.

5. _Resolved_, That we approve and applaud the practical wisdom, the unselfish patriotism, and the unswerving fidelity with which Abraham Lincoln has discharged, under circumstances of unparalleled difficulty, the great duties and responsibilities of the Presidential office; that we approve and endorse, as demanded by the emergency and essential to the preservation of the nation and as within the provisions of the Constitution, the measures and acts which he has adopted to defend the nation against its open and secret foes; that we approve, especially, the proclamation of emancipation and the employment as Union soldiers of men heretofore held in slavery; and that we have full confidence in his determination to carry these and all other constitutional measures essential to the salvation of the country into full and complete effect.

6. _Resolved_, That we deem it essential to the general welfare that harmony should prevail in the national councils, and we regard as worthy of public confidence and official trust those only who cordially endorse the principles proclaimed in these resolutions, and which should characterize the administration of the Government.

7. _Resolved_, That the Government owes to all men employed in its armies, without regard to distinction of color, the full protection of the laws of war; and that any violation of these laws, or of the usages of civilized nations in time of war, by the rebels now in arms, should be made the subject of prompt and full redress.

8. _Resolved_, That foreign immigration, which in the past has added so much to the wealth, development of resources, and increase of power to this nation—the asylum of the oppressed of all nations—should be fostered and encouraged by a liberal and just policy.

9. _Resolved_, That we are in favor of a speedy construction of the railroad to the Pacific coast.

10. _Resolved_, That the national faith, pledged for the redemption of the public debt, must be kept inviolate, and that for this purpose we recommend economy and rigid responsibility in the public expenditures, and a vigorous and just system of taxation; and that it is the duty of every loyal State to sustain the credit and promote the use of the national currency.

11. _Resolved_, That we approve the position taken by the Government, that the people of the United States can never regard with indifference the attempt of any European power to overthrow by force or to supplant by fraud the institutions of any republican Government on the western continent; and that they will view with extreme jealousy, as menacing to the peace and independence of their own country, the efforts of any such power to obtain new foot-holds for monarchical governments, sustained by foreign military force, in near proximity to the United States.

The sixth resolution, read in the light of the present, would seem to be a very harmless and proper expression on general principles, but every member of the convention voted for it, well understanding that it meant a demand from the supreme authority of the party that Montgomery Blair should retire from the position of Postmaster-General. He was not in harmony with the policy of the administration, but Lincoln hesitated to remove him, as their personal relations were always pleasant. Some weeks after the convention had adjourned the more earnest opponents of Postmaster-General Blair were disappointed that Lincoln did not remove him, and several of them called upon Lincoln to explain why he had not obeyed the command of the party. Lincoln answered that he fully recognized the right of the Republican party, through its highest tribunal, to instruct him as to members of the Cabinet, but he added, with a significant twinkle of the eye, that those resolutions related to the next administration and not to the present. Soon thereafter, however, Mr. Blair resigned, and Governor Dennison, of Ohio, succeeded him.

The Democratic convention met in Chicago on August 29, and Horatio Seymour was permanent president. It was on the 23d of the same month that Lincoln had written the paper before referred to, expressing his settled belief that he would be defeated. Grant had been hammering away between the Wilderness and the James with appalling sacrifice of life and without visible substantial results. Sherman had been fighting his way toward Atlanta, and had never won anything approaching a victory over Johnson. Thus the summer was well-nigh ended without the inspiration of victory, and the long, fearful strain and sacrifice suffered by the people made many patriotic hearts inclined to accept peace on any reasonable terms.

The Democratic convention thus met just when the country was most profoundly impressed with the terrible sacrifices of war and the apprehension that the military power of the Confederacy could not be conquered. It was this condition that made the Democrats commit the fatal blunder of declaring in their national platform, “As the sense of the American people that, after four years of failure to restore the Union by the experiment of war, under the pretence of a military necessity of a war power higher than the Constitution,” considerations of humanity, liberty, and the public welfare demand “that immediate efforts be made for a cessation of hostilities with a view to an ultimate convention of all the States.” Had the election been held at that time, McClellan would have been elected, but the delegates from the Democratic convention when on their way home after their fatal deliverance against the war met the people at every city and village cheering to the echo over the capture of Atlanta, and by night they found almost a continuous line of torches displayed by crowds cheering themselves hoarse over the great victory that was the beginning of the end of the war.

It was universally accepted by the Democrats before the Chicago convention met that General George B. McClellan would be their candidate. He had been in retirement at Orange, N. J., after he had been removed from the command of the Army of the Potomac in the fall of 1862, and his friends were very enthusiastic in his support. It was believed that he had sufficient flavor of the soldier to hold war Democrats, and he was known to be in very positive antagonism with the whole political and war policy of the President. He was a man of blameless character and altogether the strongest candidate upon whom the Democrats could unite. The 1st and only ballot for President in the convention gave 174 votes to McClellan, with 38 for Thomas H. Seymour, of Connecticut, 12 for Horatio Seymour, of New York, with 1/2 vote for Charles O’Conor, of New York, and 1-1/2 votes blank. Changes were made before the ballot closed, giving McClellan 202-1/2 votes to 28-1/2 for Thomas H. Seymour, and the nomination of McClellan was made unanimous with great enthusiasm.

There was only one ballot for Vice-President, as follows:

James Guthrie, Ky. 65-1/2
Geo. H. Pendleton, Ohio 55-1/2
Lazarus W. Powell, Ky. 32-1/2
George W. Cass, Pa. 26
Daniel W. Voorhees, Ind. 13
J. H. Caton 16
Augustus C. Dodge, Iowa 9
John S. Phelps, Mo. 8

Very soon after the 2d ballot began Mr. Guthrie’s name was withdrawn, followed by the withdrawal of other candidates, and Mr. Pendleton was nominated unanimously. The following platform was adopted with little opposition:

_Resolved_, That in the future, as in the past, we will adhere with unswerving fidelity to the Union under the Constitution as the only solid foundation of our strength, security, and happiness as a people, and as a framework of Government equally conducive to the welfare and prosperity of all the States, both Northern and Southern.

_Resolved_, That this convention does explicitly declare, as the sense of the American people, that after four years of failure to restore the Union by the experiment of war, during which, under the pretence of a military necessity, or war power higher than the Constitution, the Constitution itself has been disregarded in every part, and public liberty and private right alike trodden down, and the material prosperity of the country essentially impaired—justice, humanity, liberty, and the public welfare demand that immediate efforts be made for a cessation of hostilities, with a view to an ultimate convention of the States, or other peaceable means, to the end that, at the earliest practicable moment, peace may be restored on the basis of the Federal union of the States.

_Resolved_, That the direct interference of the military authorities of the United States in the recent elections held in Kentucky, Maryland, Missouri, and Delaware was a shameful violation of the Constitution; and a repetition of such acts in the approaching election will be held as revolutionary, and resisted with all the means and power under our control.

_Resolved_, That the aim and object of the Democratic party is to preserve the Federal Union and the rights of the States unimpaired; and they hereby declare that they consider that the administrative usurpation of extraordinary and dangerous powers not granted by the Constitution; the subversion of the civil by military law in States not in insurrection; the arbitrary military arrest, imprisonment, trial, and sentence of American citizens in States where civil law exists in full force; the suppression of freedom of speech and of the press; the denial of the right of asylum; the open and avowed disregard of State rights; the employment of unusual test oaths; and the interference with and denial of the right of the people to bear arms in their defence; are calculated to prevent a restoration of the Union and the perpetuation of a Government deriving its just powers from the consent of the governed.

_Resolved_, That the shameful disregard of the administration to its duty in respect to our fellow-citizens who are now, and long have been, prisoners of war and in a suffering condition, deserves the severest reprobation, on the score alike of public policy and common humanity.

_Resolved_, That the sympathy of the Democratic party is heartily and earnestly extended to the soldiery of our army and the sailors of our navy, who are and have been in the field and on the sea, under the flag of our country; and, in the event of its attaining power, they will receive all the care, protection, and regard that the brave soldiers and sailors of the Republic have so nobly earned.

The renomination of Lincoln by the Republican National Convention was so entirely assured early in the year that the Republican opponents of the President made a desperate effort to crystallize an opposition to Lincoln of such formidable character as to compel the national convention to choose another candidate. The call for the Republican convention to meet at Baltimore was issued on the 22d of February, and very active efforts were made by the leaders of the opposition to place a Republican ticket in the field before Lincoln could be renominated. A mass convention was called, to meet at Cleveland on the 31st of May, and some three hundred and fifty responded to the call. John Cochrane, of New York, was made permanent president, and without the formality of a ballot John C. Fremont was nominated for President and John Cochrane for Vice-President by acclamation. Both promptly accepted the nominations, but instead of inspiring Republican revolt against Lincoln, as was anticipated, the nominations gave no exhibition of popular strength, and after considerable conference between the insurgents and the regulars, Fremont and Cochrane announced their retirement from the contest on the 21st of September, and urged the re-election of Lincoln. The following platform was adopted by the Fremont convention:

_First._ That the Federal Union shall be preserved.

_Second._ That the Constitution and laws of the United States must be observed and obeyed.

_Third._ That the Rebellion must be suppressed by force of arms, and without compromise.

_Fourth._ That the rights of free speech, free press, and the habeas corpus be held inviolate, save in districts where martial law has been proclaimed.

_Fifth._ That the Rebellion has destroyed slavery, and the Federal Constitution should be amended to prohibit its re-establishment, and to secure to all men absolute equality before the law.

_Sixth._ That integrity and economy are demanded at all times in the administration of the Government, and that in time of war the want of them is criminal.

_Seventh._ That the right of asylum, except for crime and subject to law, is a recognized principle of American liberty; that any violation of it cannot be overlooked, and must not go unrebuked.

_Eighth._ That the national policy known as the “Monroe Doctrine” has become a recognized principle, and that the establishment of an anti-republican government on this continent by any foreign power cannot be tolerated.

_Ninth._ That the gratitude and support of the nation are due to the faithful soldiers and the earnest leaders of the Union army and navy for their heroic achievements of deathless valor in defence of our imperilled country and civil liberty.

_Tenth._ That the one-term policy for the Presidency adopted by the people is strengthened by the force of the existing crisis, and should be maintained by constitutional amendments.

_Eleventh._ That the Constitution should be so amended that the President and Vice-President shall be elected by a direct vote of the people.

_Twelfth._ That the question of the reconstruction of the rebellious States belongs to the people, through their representatives in Congress, and not to the Executive.

_Thirteenth._ That the confiscation of the lands of the rebels, and their distribution among the soldiers and actual settlers, is a measure of justice.

The country was prepared, at the time the Democratic platform was adopted, to receive its demands relating to the war with some respect, but the aspect of the contest was speedily changed by Sherman’s capture of Atlanta and Sheridan’s brilliant victories in the Shenandoah Valley. General McClellan and his friends appreciated the unfortunate expression of the convention against the war, that was made very generally odious among loyal people by the thrilling victories of the army, and in his letter of acceptance, that he delayed long enough to give the fullest consideration to the subject, he plainly dissented from the war plank of the platform. He said: “I could not look in the face of my gallant comrades of the army and navy who have survived so many bloody battles and tell them that their labors and the sacrifice of so many of our slain and wounded brethren had been in vain, that we had abandoned that Union for which we have so often perilled our lives;” to which he added: “No peace can be permanent without union.”

While the contest had been fairly doubtful and at times exceedingly gloomy for Lincoln, the victories of Sherman and Sheridan caused a sudden tidal wave, that utterly overwhelmed McClellan and left him the worst defeated candidate of history in any contested election, receiving only 21 electoral votes to 212 for Lincoln. The following table gives the popular and electoral vote, with the soldier vote in a separate table, as cast in the field:

══════════════╤═════════════════════╦═══════════════════
│ POPULAR VOTE. ║ ELECTORAL VOTE.
STATES. ├──────────┬──────────╫────────┬──────────
│ Lincoln. │McClellan.║Lincoln.│McClellan.
──────────────┼──────────┼──────────╫────────┼──────────
Maine │ 72,278 │ 47,736 ║ 7 │ ――
New Hampshire │ 36,595 │ 33,034 ║ 5 │ ――
Vermont │ 42,422 │ 13,325 ║ 5 │ ――
Massachusetts │ 126,742 │ 48,745 ║ 12 │ ――
Rhode Island │ 14,343 │ 8,718 ║ 4 │ ――
Connecticut │ 44,693 │ 42,288 ║ 6 │ ――
New York │ 368,726 │ 361,986 ║ 33 │ ――
New Jersey │ 60,723 │ 68,014 ║ ―― │ 7
Pennsylvania │ 296,389 │ 276,308 ║ 26 │ ――
Delaware │ 8,155 │ 8,767 ║ ―― │ 3
Maryland │ 40,153 │ 32,739 ║ 7 │ ――
Kentucky │ 27,786 │ 64,301 ║ ―― │ 11
West Virginia │ 23,223 │ 10,457 ║ 5 │ ――
Ohio │ 265,154 │ 205,568 ║ 21 │ ――
Indiana │ 150,422 │ 130,233 ║ 13 │ ――
Illinois │ 189,487 │ 158,349 ║ 16 │ ――
Michigan │ 85,352 │ 67,370 ║ 8 │ ――
Iowa │ 87,331 │ 49,260 ║ 8 │ ――
Wisconsin │ 79,564 │ 63,875 ║ 8 │ ――
Minnesota │ 25,060 │ 17,375 ║ 4 │ ――
Kansas │ 14,228 │ 3,871 ║ 3 │ ――
Missouri │ 72,991 │ 31,026 ║ 11 │ ――
Nevada[19] │ 9,826 │ 6,594 ║ 2 │ ――
California │ 62,134 │ 43,841 ║ 5 │ ――
Oregon │ 9,888 │ 8,457 ║ 3 │ ――
├──────────┼──────────╫────────┼──────────
Totals │2,213,665 │1,802,237 ║ 212 │ 21
══════════════╧══════════╧══════════╩════════╧══════════

[19] Nevada chose three electors, one of whom died before election.

═════════════════════╤══════════════════════
│ SOLDIER VOTE.
STATES. ├─────────┬────────────
│ Lincoln.│ McClellan.
─────────────────────┼─────────┼────────────
Maine │ 4,174 │ 741
New Hampshire │ 2,066 │ 690
Vermont │ 243 │ 49
Pennsylvania │ 26,712 │ 12,349
Maryland │ 2,800 │ 321
Kentucky │ 1,194 │ 2,823
Ohio │ 41,146 │ 9,757
Michigan │ 9,402 │ 2,959
Iowa │ 15,178 │ 1,364
Wisconsin │ 11,372 │ 2,458
California │ 2,600 │ 237
├─────────┼────────────
Totals │ 116,887 │ 33,748
═════════════════════╧═════════╧════════════

The army vote of Vermont, Kansas, and Minnesota was not received in time to be taken into the official count, and part of the vote of Wisconsin was rejected for informality.

The States of Tennessee and Louisiana also held elections and were carried for Lincoln, but their votes were not necessary to the election of the Republican ticket, and although Lincoln earnestly desired that these States should be recognized and the votes counted, Congress, by joint resolution, that Lincoln signed with great reluctance, declared that they should not be recognized, and they were omitted in the final count by Congress.

Pennsylvania was the only Republican State that faltered in the fall elections of 1864. There was no State ticket to be chosen, and the Republicans in charge of the campaign assumed that Lincoln would carry the State without extraordinary efforts, while the friends of McClellan, a native of the State, with strong individual and social relations, made exhaustive efforts to give him the victory.

The October election was practically a stand-off, and Lincoln telegraphed me on the morning after the election to come to Washington. He was much distressed at the attitude of our State, and apprehensive that New York, with Horatio Seymour as Governor, one of the ablest Democrats of the country, might vote for McClellan, as Tammany was then in the very zenith of its power. I had been Chairman of the State Committee when Lincoln was elected in 1860, and General Cameron was my successor in 1864. He was thoroughly competent for the task, but evidently did not appreciate the perils which confronted him. Lincoln asked me to join Cameron and devote the intervening month between the October and November elections to assure a victory. I answered that I could not make the suggestion to Cameron, as our political relations were not especially friendly, to which he replied, asking me whether I would do it if so requested by Cameron. I of course assented, and the following day I received a letter from Cameron at my home in Chambersburg, requesting me to join him, where I found Honorable Wayne MacVeagh, who had been the Republican chairman the year before and who was then not more friendly to Cameron than myself. We all united in an earnest effort to win the State, always acting in entire harmony with Cameron and his committee.

I had private quarters at the Continental, while Cameron’s quarters were at the Girard, and, as requested, advised Lincoln each day of the apparent progress of the battle. My reports were not so assuring as he desired, for the friends of McClellan, inspired by the partial victory of October, renewed their energies for the November fight. Postmaster-General Dennison came to see me on a special mission from Lincoln about two weeks before the election to learn the situation as precisely as possible, and I had to tell him that I saw but little hope of carrying the State on the home vote. The army vote would doubtless be largely for Lincoln and give him the State, but it would be declared a “bayonet election,” and with such a result in Pennsylvania, and New York lost, as was possible, while Lincoln’s election could not be defeated, as the Southern States did not vote, the moral power of the new administration to prosecute the war and attain peace would be greatly impaired. My answer to Lincoln was that I would go to Washington within a few days if it should appear necessary to take extreme measures to save the State on the home vote.