Chapter VII: The Treaty of 1826 and the Removal of the Indian Agency

The year 1825 found the village of Fort Wayne had developed to a town of nearly one hundred and fifty people—that is to say of persons considered more or less permanently settled. The town was in the pathway of many who traveled by way of the rivers, passing chiefly to the southwest; so there was a closer business and social connection with the busy eastern centers than had prevailed during the earlier years.

In many respects the growth of Fort Wayne was typical of what was happening elsewhere in the West. The Indian country, opened to the whites by the treaties between 1795 and 1818, was being speedily settled. The “New Purchase” acquired from the Miami and Potawatomie in 1818 was carved into twenty-two counties and a flood of settlers rushed in to take up the choice locations. In 1829 it was estimated that a hundred thousand people were living in the New Purchase. In 1820, but four years a state, Indiana boasted a population of 147,178 people, and the next census revealed the addition of 195,853. In 1826, the northern third of Indiana was held by less than three thousand Indians while the southern two-thirds was settled by one hundred times as many whites. Within a short time pressure of the whites, who lusted for the rich land north of the Wabash-Maumee line, led to an inexorable demand for Indian removal.

Fort Wayne as a central point along this line of the Maumee and Wabash river, and at the edge of the white civilization, while touching the Indian country, held a unique and paradoxical position. The traders and land speculators at Fort Wayne—the Ewings, Hamilton, Hanna, Barnett, Hood, Comparet, Coquillard, and others—were making a handsome profit in their dealings with the Indians. As long as the Indian agency remained at Fort Wayne, and as long as the Indians remained in this area and received ever-better annuities, these men profited. Removal of the Indians, as William G. Ewing pointed out, would deprive the area of many thousands of dollars distributed annually. This money, he maintained, contributed to the upbuilding of the area.[1]

However, it must be remembered that there was a factor, especially important at Fort Wayne, which made the removal of the Indians very desirable. The craze for internal improvements had struck throughout the West in the eighteen-twenties. In Indiana the most-discussed and most-promising project was the proposed Wabash and Erie Canal, for which the portage at Fort Wayne was the focal point. Many of these traders at Fort Wayne had through their astuteness in business with the Indians acquired valuable property along the route of the proposed canal. Nevertheless, the Indians still held the territory north of the Wabash and Maumee, and their removal was necessary for the work to be able to proceed. In the final analysis, it became a question of which interest was more powerful, the Indian traders and fur companies or the larger group of land speculators, town-site promoters, merchants, and settlers of the Wabash and Maumee valleys. It was inevitable that the latter group should win out, but at Fort Wayne the struggle was a bitter one. Here we see some of the traders, such as Hanna, placed in the paradoxical position of agitating for the removal of the Indians, while at the same time eager to retain their trade. Others, in particular the Ewings, opposed their removal. Both groups had acquired valuable property along the proposed canal line, but those who sided with the Ewings had more money invested in their trading operations with the Indians and usually dealt in the fur trade also.[2]

Somewhere between both groups stood John Tipton, Indian agent. Tipton never doubted that Indiana was destined to be a white man’s country. He thoroughly agreed with the popular demand for internal improvements and for the removal of the Indians. He himself was one of the major holders of choice land, which he had acquired from the Indians and which he hoped to develop. But as Indian agent he had to account for his acts to the Washington officials as well as to opinion in Indiana. Moreover, he was not callous to the sorry plight of the once powerful Miami and Potawatomie, whose contact with the white traders had reduced them to pitiful tribes. Then, too, Tipton could not openly flaunt the powerful traders, who wanted the Indians to remain. Tipton’s position as Indian agent was recognized as one of the best political appointments in Indiana. His hold on his position depended on his ability to keep in the good graces of the Indiana delegation in Congress, and this in turn necessitated making as few enemies as possible. Moreover, Tipton realized that the traders could prevent the negotiation of any treaty and the cession of land by the Indians by reason of their powerful influence with the chiefs. Failure to secure these cessions periodically would ruin any Indian agent.

By 1826 Tipton was ready to act. He felt that the Miamis and Potawatomies were sufficiently softened by their growing dependence on government annuities and on the whiskey and other goods furnished by the traders to be amenable to proposals for another land cession. Accordingly, a commission of Tipton, Lewis Cass, and Governor James Ray of Indiana was appointed to deal with the Indians.

By this time, the procedure in negotiating Indian treaties had become fairly stereotyped. The Indians were gathered together by agents who made glowing promises of good things to come. At the meeting place preparations were made for feeding great numbers of people; traders were encouraged to attend with attractive selections of goods, numerous barrels of whiskey were imported; and every precaution was taken to satisfy the appetites and desires of the Indians. At the proper time the agent in charge assembled the braves, to whom he read a stilted and pompous message from the Great White Father in which the Indians were upbraided for their depredations, drunkenness, and other misconduct, and reminded of the forbearance, generosity, and friendliness of the whites. Then the Indians were asked what lands they would surrender and if they would move farther west.

Neither the Miamis nor the Potawatomies wanted to leave their lands in 1826, but after food and whiskey had been consumed and goods given out to the value of $61,588, they showed signs of weakening. However, it was apparent that the commissioners could get nowhere unless they could secure the support of the traders. The latter desired to have their claims—sometimes two or three times the actual amount of credit they had extended to the Indians—allowed and paid for out of the annuities. They also wished to gain control of more desirable land through the treaty, thus obtaining it without the land being put up at public auction as was the legal requirement.

There had grown up in the administration of Indian affairs a way of passing Indian lands to the whites without subjecting them to the land laws of the United States. The proper legal procedure of land disposal was for the Indians to cede land to the United States, whereupon it became subject to the administration of the General Land Office. The land would then be surveyed and sold at auction to the highest bidder. The remaining land was sold for $1.25 an acre. This method was fair and democratic. The nonstatutory method of land disposal worked in this way; trader and Indian agents, who generally cooperated closely with one another, would include in the Indian treaties provisions authorizing the patenting of certain lands to the chiefs, half-breeds, or ordinary members of the tribes. In turn these individuals conveyed their rights to traders in payment of real or imaginary debts before the treaty was signed or shortly thereafter. Although presidential approval for such conveyances was necessary, in most cases the approval could be secured easily, provided the agents would report that the Indians had received a fair price for their land. As the agents were either under obligation to the traders for support in treaty negotiations or were personally interested in some of the reserves, they could usually be induced to send in a favorable report even though the Indians might have bartered their land away for some trinkets or a few drinks.

The Ewings, Hanna, Coquillard, Hamilton, Taber, Tipton, and Vermilya, all acquired interests in individual reserves to the amount of thousands of acres. All of these men were involved in the promotion of certain projects (towns, roads, canals) for which their land was valuable.

Thus we see the traders were in full force at the treaty grounds in 1826, fighting for their interests. They worked through the chiefs and headmen of the tribes to whom they gave gifts and loans. To take care of the traders claims, present and prospective, it was necessary to increase the annuities and agree to pay the Indian debts. In addition, goods to the value of $41,259 were to be distributed to the Miamis for two years following the treaty. For these stipulations the Indians surrendered 976,000 acres, the main part of which was along the Wabash and Maumee rivers. From this cession, the Miamis were permitted to retain 81,800 acres for special groups and 13,920 for individual reserves.[3]

The primary importance of this treaty, aside from the surrender of land wanted by actual settlers, is that it opened the way for the construction of the Wabash and Erie canal. The treaty of 1826 and the enlarged annuities it provided also made the ultimate removal of the Indians from this area even more difficult. The frontier community of Fort Wayne could not be disdainful of payments of specie which ran as high as $100,000 in some years. The payments of annuities, the distribution of gifts bought from traders and the assumption of Indian debts were followed by a period of prosperity for agents, traders, and land speculators.

It is no wonder that when the people of Fort Wayne learned that Tipton had applied to the government officials to move the Indian agency from Fort Wayne, many protested vigorously. For a long time, Tipton had desired to remove the agency to a more central location in the Indian country. The exploitation of the Indians at Fort Wayne was reason enough, but Tipton had to wait for a while as the opposition was too strong. The attitude of the traders at the treaty of 1826 gave Tipton plenty of excuse to push the project of removal once more. In a letter written February 7, 1827, which eventually found its way onto the Senate floor, Tipton listed seven reasons why the agency should be removed from Fort Wayne.[4] Not only was the agency too remote from the Indians, argued Tipton, but it was also too close to numerous grog shops and to the traders who sold his wards whiskey, encouraged them to run up debts which must later be deducted from annuities, and cheated them in a hundred different ways. Tipton cited one case in which a white woman at Fort Wayne had purchased a shawl from a drunk squaw for seven apples and 12½ cents. This shawl had cost the squaw $3.50.

Since the removal of the Indian agency would destroy their highly lucrative business, the traders at Fort Wayne put aside petty quarrels and joined in common defense to prevent it. John McCorkle, as a principal owner of real estate at Fort Wayne, wrote to Representative William McLean from Indiana:

This settlement has been formed in consequence of the establishment of
the agency at that place. Reserves were made for the use of the agent,
thereby holding out a guarantee to the purchasers of public lands and
property, that this agency would be continued at that place until the
Indians should be removed from that country. Among others, I became a
considerable purchaser of considerable public lands, for which I paid
an extravagant price. One tract, near and adjoining the reservation
for the agency, I paid $26 per acre for.... If a removal should take
place, the Indians, as well as the inhabitants at Wayne, who have
expended their all there, will be greatly disobliged.[5]

Judging from an earlier letter of McCorkle to Tipton, the former believed that the agent had misled him at the time the Fort Wayne lands were sold by the government. McCorkle sincerely believed that the agency would remain at Fort Wayne when he purchased the original plat.[6] After the agency was removed from Fort Wayne, McCorkle and Tipton became bitter enemies.

Meanwhile some traders at Fort Wayne raised the old cry of mismanagement and misuse of government funds and sought the dismissal of Tipton. Tipton’s perennial enemies—Robert Hood, Benjamin Cushman, and Elisha Harris—brought five charges of misconduct against Tipton before the Secretary of War, James Barbour.[7]

In answering these charges Tipton wrote:

Although it is improper for a man to speak of his neighbours faults
and follies, yet both self defence and truth Justifies the assertion
that a majority of the Citizens of this village are of the lowest
order of society, such as discharged soldiers and dishonourable men.
In this latter class is Robert Hood, Ben Cushman and Elisha B. Harris,
who have fled from the offended laws of their Country elsewhere and
have stopped here on account of the quantity of money annualy
disbursed at this place. Their constant practice is to get money from
the Indians by every artifice in their power ... we should not be
surprised at the unexampled exertion made to oust me, when we reflect
on fate of all my predecessors that Wells and Turner were dismissed,
Stickney put out by address, and M. Hays almost compelled by the
society here to resign. The superintendant knows me and is not wholy
unacquainted with the character of a part of the inhabitants of this
village.... He can satisfy you what kind of people I have to deal
with.[8]

Elisha Harris, one of the men who filed charges against Tipton, had a very questionable record. He was indicted several times for stealing horses from the Indians. The other men, Cushman and Hood, who filed the charges against Tipton, were both elected judges of Allen county and apparently had some standing in the community. Cushman was indicted once for carrying concealed weapons, but he was never convicted on any charge. Indeed there were few leading men in the county who escaped being brought before the court. Subpoenas were served on the Ewings, Suttenfield, and others. Nor was Tipton innocent of all charges. His enemies could truthfully say that he had used his position as Indian agent to gain control of some of the most valuable land in northern Indiana, but this they would not do, as they would expose themselves also.

Despite the vigorous protests and charges leveled against him, Tipton was able to accomplish his purpose, the removal of the Indian agency from Fort Wayne. Through the controversy, Tipton was supported by Lewis Cass, his immediate superior, who in this instance became convinced that the welfare of the Indians and the greater convenience of Tipton required removal. With Cass’ influence on his side, the transfer was authorized on March 14, 1828.

Tipton had a personal interest in securing the removal of the agency to a spot near the junction of the Wabash and Eel rivers. He and his friends were able to lay out to the best advantage and to buy control of the Indian reserves there. Shortly thereafter, Tipton and his associates established the town of Logansport. The new town attracted many of those traders whose prosperity depended on the Indian annuities, among them being Cyrus Taber and one member of the Ewing firm, George W. Ewing. Whiskey became as plentiful at Logansport as at Fort Wayne, and the Indians were persuaded to overpurchase as often and defrauded as badly. One can hardly see what benefit had been attained by the removal of the agency to Logansport other than the enrichment of Tipton and his associates.

Although the Indians failed to secure any benefits from the removal of the agency, actually it produced a blessing in disguise for the village of Fort Wayne. While the change was not immediately apparent, the removal of the agency meant that the town would secure a higher type of settler than before, and that its growth would depend more on its own natural advantages and industry than on the artificial boom of the annuity payments. Most important of all, the removal of the agency turned the attention of the villagers to new enterprises. Chief among these was the construction of the Wabash-Erie canal, which proved the means by which Fort Wayne achieved a new and more permanent reason for existence. The removal of the Indians in 1826 had made the land available for the canal. Now the removal of the Indian agency indirectly resulted in local enthusiasm for its construction.

On the other hand the agency played an important role in the early development of Fort Wayne. While it was in existence here, the agency attracted many men to this area, such as Hanna, Comparet, and the Ewings, who later remained to build a city. The Indian agency also contributed indirectly to the ultimate construction of the canal. Many of the leading traders, in particular Samuel Hanna, had secured by means of trading with the Indians the choice lands they hoped to develop through the construction of the canal. Consequently, they vigorously championed the Wabash-Erie canal program.

For a short time after the principal Indian agency had been removed, a sub-agency was maintained at Fort Wayne with Samuel Lewis and Abel C. Pepper in charge. When, on December 30, 1829, Pepper reported that the public buildings were in such a state of decay that a hundred dollars would be needed to repair them, the government officials determined to discontinue even the sub-agency.[9] Thus early in 1830, Congress authorized the sale of the public lands yet retained by the government at Fort Wayne. This act sounded the death-knell of the old fort, which was purchased by a land company from New Haven, Connecticut. The other twenty acres were purchased by the county.

[1]_John Tipton Papers_, I, _IHC_, XXIV, ed. Nellie Robertson and
Dorothy Riker, p. 13.

[2]By the late 1820’s, a distinction must be made between the Indian
trade and the fur trade. The latter was still valuable but an
increasing number of furs were being trapped by whites, as the
Indians of the area were becoming less industrious.

[3]C. Poinsatte, _Fort Wayne During the Canal Era_, p. 15.

[4]_John Tipton Papers_, I, _IHC_, XXIV, ed. Nellie Robertson and
Dorothy Riker, pp. 651-2.

[5]_John Tipton Papers_, II, _IHC_, XXV, 18.

[6]_John Tipton Papers_, I, _IHC_, XXIV, 527.

[7]_Ibid._, pp. 631-3.

[8]_John Tipton Papers_, I, _IHC_, XXIV, 662-3.

[9]_John Tipton Papers_, II, _IHC_, XXV, 233.

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_INDEX_

A
A. Ewing and Sons 90
Abbott, James 20
Agriculture 45
Allen, John 96
American Fur Co. 42, 82, 87, 92
Anahquah 31
Annuities 79, 84, 87, 92, 99, 102, 104
Annuity Money 89
Aquenochqua 10
Archer, Benjamin 98
Assessment Rates 97
Astor, John 90
Aveline, James 82

B
Bailey, William 63
Baptist Missionary 86
Barbee, William 98
Barnett, James 82, 83, 90
Barr, John T. 95
Barron, Joseph 98
Battle of Tippecanoe 38
Beaubien, Charles 14
Beaubien, Josette 81
Beaver 91
Beaver Skins 4
Beef 95
Besiegers 67
Bienville, Sieur De 9
Bienville, Celeron De 5
Bissot, Jean Baptiste 5
Blacksmith 74
Blacksmith Shop 89
Blankets 71
Blockhouse 76
Blue Jacket 19, 54
Boatmen 42
Bondie, Antoine 63, 64, 66, 71
Bonnecamps, Joseph Pierre De 5
Boone, Daniel 15
Boston 83
Bougainville 7
Bourie, John B. 81
Bourie, Louis 35, 74
Boyer, John 27
Bread 95
Brick Building 98
Brick Factory 98
Bruno, John 98
Burbeck, Henry 37

C
Cadillac 3
Canada 89
Canadian 86
Canal 45, 80, 83
Cannon 28, 71, 81
Carpenter Shop 98
Carrying-Trade 80
Cart Track 86
Cass, Lewis 81, 87, 91, 104
Catholic Faith 86
Cattle and Hogs 66
Celoron, Pierre Joseph 9
Cession of Lands 40
Chapeau 18
Chapeteau, Angeline 35
Chene, Money 12
Chief Chondonnai 75
Chief Cold Foot 9
Chief Richardville 75, 81, 94
Chippewas 22
Christianity 80
Circuit Court 97
Clark, George Rogers 15
Clark, James 80
Clark, William 27
Clinton, George 10
Coal House 89
Columbia Street 80
Comparet, Francis 82, 90, 96, 98
Congress 59
Congressional Debates 85
Conner, John 55
Coquillard, Alexis 82, 90
Corn 8, 22, 69, 86
Cornfields 65
Council House 36, 80
Council of Marine 6
County Officers 96
Credit 92
Croghan, George 13, 34
Curtis, Daniel 74, 80
Cushman, Benjamin 96

D
Dancing 18, 19
Daniel Boone 15
Darnaud 6
Darneille, Isaac 54
Davis, Anthony 96
Dawson, John W. 76
Debauchery 84
Delawares 4, 13, 20, 43, 51
Dennis, Philip 45
DePeyster, Arent S. 14
DeRaymond, Charles 8
DeRome 81
Detroit 3, 7, 20, 32, 61, 73, 98
Dresses 75
Drinking 19, 84
Drunkenness 56, 101
Dubuisson 5
Duplessy 16

E
Edsall, Mrs. Peter 98
Eel River 88
Eggs 75
Election 96
Ellicott, George 45
Elskwatwa 50
English Traders 8
Erie Canal 100
Evacuation 81
Everly, Jacob 98
Ewing, Alexander 90, 96, 98
Ewing, Charles W. 98
Ewing, George W. 104
Ewing, William G. 99

F
Fallen Timbers 23, 31, 50
Fines 97
Finney, J. B. 85
Flagstaff 76
Flaming Arrows 68
Flatboats 72
Flour 86
Forsyth, James 56
Forsyth, Polly 56
Forsythe, Maria 89
Forsythe, Robert 74
Fort Dearborn 63, 64, 73, 79, 86
Fort Dearborn Massacre 75
Fort Defiance 37, 70
Fort Harrison 63
Fort Recovery 23, 86
Fox Indians 3
French 83
French Families 14
French Jesuits 86
Frenchtown 34
Friends 45
Fur Companies 100
Fur Prices 91
Fur Trade 11, 17, 48, 100
Fur Traders 74
Fur Trading 42
Furs 42, 86, 89

G
Gambling 84
Gamelin, Antoine 20
Garrison 63, 67, 81
Garrison Life 32
General Store 74
Gibson, John 46
Girties 13
Girty, George 19
Girty, James 19
Girty’s Town 69
Glossbruner, Benjamin 98
Glossbruner, Jacob 98
Godefroy, Jacques 12
Goodwin, Rees 98
Gouin 16
Gray, David 17
Great Britain 43
Great White Father 101
Greenville 28, 29, 44, 75
Griggs, John J. 98
Grog Shops 102
Guns 66

H
Hackley, Ann 81
Hamilton, Allen 94, 96
Hamilton, Henry 14
Hamtramck, John Francis 28
Hanna, Hugh 98
Hanna, Samuel 82, 89, 96, 98, 104
Harmar 20, 28
Harris, Elisha 103
Harrison 40, 52, 60, 69, 70, 79
Harrison, William H. 42
Hay, Henry 18
Hays, John 85, 86, 88, 91
Heald 56
Heald, Nathan 38
Hedges, John 95
Hedges, John P. 74
Hendricks, William 96
Hoffman, George 33
Holman, Joseph 94
Holmes, Robert 12
Homeseekers 82
Hood, Robert 90
Hood, William 90
Hood, William N. 98
Hopkins, Gerard T. 45
Horse-Racing 84
Howitzers 68
Hull, William 61
Hunt, George 74, 81
Hunt, John 74
Hunt, Thomas 37, 74

I
Illinois Country 8
Immigration 82
Indian Agency 39, 86, 102
Indian Agent 82, 86, 87, 91, 100
Indian Agents 39
Indian Blood 86
Indian Country 99
Indian Crops 50
Indian Debts 102
Indian Dialects 39
Indian Factor 40
Indian Goods 41
Indian Removal 99
Indian School 89
Indian Stores 74
Indian Trade 79, 87
Indian Traders 47, 54, 100
Indian Treaties 82, 101
Indian Villages 70
Indiana Delegation 100
Indiana Territory 30, 46, 59
Indians 29, 41, 46, 58
Intercourse Act 92
Internal Improvements 100
Ironside, George 18
Iroquois 6
Irvine, William 40

J
Jay Treaty 42
Jenkinson, Joseph 71
Jennings, Jonathan 80
Jew 16
Johnson, Richard M. 72
Johnson, William 14
Johnston, John 40, 52, 57, 74, 80, 87
Johnston, Stephen 41, 63, 65
Jonquiere, Marquis De La 10
Jordan, W. K. 61

K
Kaskaskia 43
Kekionga 1, 29, 34
Kercheval, Benjamin 74, 81, 89, 98
Kercheval, Benjamin B. 82, 91
Kercheval, Eliza C. 81
Kickapoo 43
Kinzie, John 18

L
LaBalme 15
LaBerche 18
LaCros 81
Ladies 18
LaFontaine, Francis 81
LaFontaine, Peter 14
Lamberville, Jean De 3
Land Disposal 101
Land Office 82, 94
Land Sites 81
Land Speculators 99, 100, 102
Largro 90
LaSalle 3
Lasselle 16
Lasselle Brothers 29
Lasselle, Antoine 20, 34
Lasselle, Hyacinth 34
Lasselle, Jacques 14, 34
Lawrence, Abbott 83
LeGris 19, 28
Lewis, Samuel 104
License Fee 97
Licensing of Traders 87
Liquor 12, 18
Little Turtle 1, 16, 19, 28, 30, 31, 39, 43, 44, 53, 61, 81
Log Barracks 37
Logan, John 63, 66
Logansport 90, 104
Long, Stephen H. 85
Longueuil, M. De 8
Lorimer 15
Lorrance 16
Louisaneau 74

M
Maloch, Jean Baptiste 35
Maple Sugar 45
Married Officers 32
Mason, John 40
Maumee 80
Maumee-Wabash Portage 1, 29
McArthur, Duncan 75, 87
McCorkle, John 95, 102
McCoy, Isaac 86
McIntosh, William 53
McKee, Alexander 19
Medicine 71
Metea 63
Miamis 13, 43, 63, 88, 99
Miami Villages 30
Michilimackinac 8
Militia 57
Militiamen 27
Minie, Charles 98
Minie, Francis 98
Mission School 82
Mitchel, Edward 98
Montreal 35
Moore, Hugh 71, 73
Morris, Thomas 12
Murphy, William 98
Music 75

N
Necessities of Life 86
Negro Slaves 36
Neutral Tribes 57
New Fort 28, 76
New Purchase 99
Noel, Smalwood 98
Northwest Territory 20, 39
Noyelles, Sieur De 6

O
Observance Sunday 80
Officers’ Quarters 76
Old Fort Park 37
Oliver, Peter 65, 74
Oliver, William 41, 66
Orchard 36
Orderly Books 34
Ostrander 72
Ostrander, Philip 33, 56, 65
Otter 91
Ouiatenons 7

P
Pack Train 74
Pack-Horses 74
Paillet 16
Parke, Benjamin 81
Pasteur, Thomas 37
Pathin, John 10
Payet, Louis 19
Paymaster 73
Peace 79
Pecanne 12
Pelletier, Francois 38
Peltier, Charles 35, 64, 74
Peltier, James 35
Peltries 74
Pepper, Abel C. 104, 105
Peru 90
Piankashaw 43
Pike, Zebulon M. 38
Piqua, Ohio 57, 67, 87
Pirogues 42, 81
Pontiac 50
Pontiac’s Conspiracy 12
Portage 1, 35, 79
Post Surgeon 74
Potawatomie 51, 63, 66, 89, 99, 100
Pottevin 16
Prevost, George 70
Prophet 50, 53, 58
Provisions 27
Public Lands 103

Q
Quakers 38, 45

R
Raccoon Skins 91
Rainwater 76
Randolph County 80
Religion 18
Rhea, James 38, 55, 56
Richardville 10, 28, 46, 79
Richardville, Jean B. 98
Richerville, Joseph Drouet De 81
Riley, James 83
Rivard 18
Rivard, Antoine 35
Robertson, William 18
Robinson, Rachel 40
Rockhill, William 96
Rue, Thomas 98
Rum-Sellers 85

S
Sale of Lots 96
Sanosket 8
Sargent, Winthrop 38
School 86
School House 81
Scott, Alexander 72
Scott, James 98
Scott, Moses 98
Scriptures 80
Settlement 82
Settlers 100
Shaw, John 58
Shawnee 4, 13, 55
Shields, Martha 92
Siege 56, 67
Skins 42
Slavery 73
Smith, Daniel 74
Society of Friends 45
South Bend 9
Speculators 53
Spoils System 92
Spy Run 72
Squatters 83
St. Clair 21
St. Mary’s, Ohio 69, 79, 81
Stewart, William 98
Stickney, Benjamin 40, 58, 64, 70, 76, 86
Stickney, Benjamin F. 86
Streets 96
Strong, David 33, 37
Sunday, Observance 80
Supplies 72, 73
Supply Wagons 40
Supreme Court 92
Surgeon 80, 86
Surveys 83
Sutlers 35, 74
Suttenfield, Laura 75
Suttenfield, William 74, 98
Suttenfield, William F. 74

T
Taber, Cyrus 104
Taber, Paul 82
Tahcumwah 10
Tallow Dip 79
Tavern Rates 97
Taylor, Laura 74
Taylor, Marshall K. 96
Teas, Thomas 86
Tecumseh 45, 50, 53, 58, 59, 73, 77
Terre Haute 63
Thames 73
Thompson, John 20
Tiffin, Edward 83
Tippecanoe 43, 57, 59, 91
Tipton, John 100
Town Plat 97
Traders 4, 18, 19, 22, 34, 35, 41, 81, 82, 84, 87, 88, 92, 94, 99,
102
Trading Establishment 71
Trading House 88
Trading Post 41, 83
Transportation 36
Treaties 40, 99
Treaty Grounds 102
Troops 57, 63
Turner, William 82, 86, 88

U
Unscrupulous Traders 47

V
Vallequitte, Christopher 98
Vance, Samuel C. 94
Vaudreuil, Marques De 5
Vigo, Francis 46
Villiers, Neyon De 10
Vincennes 31, 35, 52, 60, 82
Vincennes, Sieur De 5
Vose, Josiah N. 80

W
Wabash 80
Wabash-Erie Canal 100, 104
War Dances 19
Warriors 63
Warwhoop 58
Washington 21
Washington Hall 96
Waterway 80
Wayne, Anthony 13, 23, 27, 73, 79
Weas 43, 51
Well’s Family 31
Wells, Anne 88
Wells, Rebeckah 38
Wells, Rebekah 55
Wells, William 30, 36, 38, 55, 60, 81
Western Forts 32
Western Policy 21
Western Posts 79
Whipple, John 38
Whiskey 47, 56, 82, 84, 85, 88, 92, 101, 102
Whistler, George 73
Whistler, John 73
Whistler, William 56
White Loon 54
White Racoon 65
Wilkinson 33
Wilkinson, James 36
Winamac 54, 66, 67, 68
Winchester 80, 85
Winchester, James 68, 70
Wine 75
Winnebagoes 63
Wolf Scalps 97
Wyandots 4, 8
Wyman, James 96

Transcriber’s Notes

—Retained publication information from the printed edition: this eBook
is public-domain in the country of publication.

—Corrected a few palpable typos.

—Crosslinked footnotes and references; for some footnotes, no references
were found.

—In the text versions only, text in italics is delimited by
_underscores_.