Chapter VI: A Memorial concerning the Furr-Trade of New-York, by C. Colden, (2)

Besides these Difficulties in the Transportation, the _French_ labour under greater in the purchasing of the principal Goods proper for the _Indian Market_; for the most considerable and most valuable Part of their Cargo consists in _Strouds, Duffils, Blankets_, and other _Woollens_, which are bought at a much cheaper Rate in _England_ than in _France_. The _Strouds_ (which the _Indians_ value more than any other Cloathing) are only made in _England_, and must be transported into _France_ before they can be carried to _Canada_. _Rum_ is another considerable Branch of the _Indian Trade_, which the _French_ have not, by reason they have no Commodities in _Canada_ fit for the _West India_ Market. This they supply with _Brandy_, at a much dearer Rate than Rum can be purchased at _New-York_, tho' of no more Value with the _Indians_. Generally, all the Goods used in the _Indian Trade_, except _Gun-Powder_, and a few Trinkets, are sold at _Monreal_ for twice their Value at _Albany_. To this likewise must be added, the necessity they are under of laying the whole Charge of supporting their Government on the _Indian Trade_. I am not particularly informed of their Duties or Imposts, but I am well assured, that they commonly give six or seven hundred Livres for a Licence for one Canoe, in proportion to her Largeness, to go with her Loading into the _Indian Country_ to trade.

I shall next consider the Advantages the Inhabitants of _New-York_ have in carrying on this Trade. In the _first_ place, the Ships that constantly use the Trade to _England_, perform their Voyage to and from _London_ twice every Year; and those that go to _Bristol_ (the Port from whence the greatest part of the Goods for the _Indian Trade_ are exported) frequently return in four Months. These Goods are bought much cheaper in _England_ than in _France_: They are transported in less Time, with less Charge, and much less Risque, as appears by the _Premio_ for Insurance between _London_ and _New-York_, being only _Two per Cent_. Goods are easily carried from _New-York_ to _Albany_, up _Hudson's River_, the Distance being only 140 Miles, the River very strait all the way, and bold, and very free from Sandbanks, as well as Rocks; so that the Vessels always sail as well by Night as by Day, and have the Advantage of the Tide upwards as well as downwards, the Flood flowing above _Albany_. It may therefore be safely concluded, that all sorts of Goods can be carried to _Albany_ at a cheaper Rate than they can be to _Quebeck_, which is also three times further from the _Indian Country_ than _Albany_ is. To put the Truth of this out of all dispute, I need only observe what is well known both at _New-York_ and _Albany, viz_. That almost all the Strouds carried by the _French_ into the _Indian Countries_, as well as large Quantities of other Goods, for the Use of the _French_ themselves, are carried from _Albany_ to _Monreal_. There has been an Account kept of nine hundred Pieces of Strouds transported thither in one Year, besides other Commodities of very considerable Value. The Distance between _Albany_ and _Monreal_ is about two hundred Miles, all by Water, except twelve Miles between _Hudson's River_ and the _Wood-Creek_, where they carry their Bark Canoes over Land, and about sixteen Miles between _Chambly_ and _La Prairie_, overagainst _Monreal_. And tho' the Passage be so short and easy, these Goods are generally sold at double their Value in _Albany_.

But as this Path has been thought extremely prejudicial to the Interest of this Colony, I shall leave it, and go on to another, that leads directly from _Albany_ into the _Cataracui_ or _Ontario Lake_, without going near any of the _French_ Settlements.

From _Albany_ the _Indian Traders_ commonly carry their Goods sixteen Miles over Land, to the _Mohawks River_ at _Schenechtady_, the Charge of which Carriage is _Nine Shillings New-York_ Money, or _Five Shillings Sterling_ each Waggon-Load. From _Schenechtady_ they carry them in Canoes up the _Mohawks River_, to the Carrying-place between the _Mohawks River_, and the River which runs into the _Oneida Lake_; which Carrying-place between is only three Miles long, except in very dry Weather, when they are obliged to carry them two Miles further. From thence they go with the Current down the _Onondaga River_ to the _Cataracui Lake_. The Distance between _Albany_ and the _Cataracui Lake_ (this Way) is nearly the same with that between _Albany_ and _Monreal_; and likewise with that between _Monreal_ and the _Cataracui Lake_, and the Passage much easier than the last, because the Stream of the _Mohawks River_ is not near so strong as the _Cataracui River_ between the _Lake_ and _Monreal_, and there is no Fall in the River, save one short one; whereas there are (as I have said) at least five in the _Cataracui River_, where the Canoes must be unloaded. Therefore it plainly follows, that the _Indian Goods_ may be carried at as cheap a Rate from _Albany_ to the _Cataracui Lake_, as from _Albany_ to _Monreal_. So that the People of _Albany_ plainly save all the Charge of carrying Goods two hundred Miles from _Monreal_ to that Part of the _Cataracui Lake_, which the _French_ have to carry before they bring them to the same Place from _Monreal_, besides the Advantage which the _English_ have in the Price of their Goods.

I have said, That when we are in the _Cataracui Lake_, we are upon the Level with the _French_, because here we can meet with all the _Indians_ that design to go to _Monreal_. But besides this Passage by the _Lakes_, there is a River which comes from the Country of the _Sennekas_, and falls into the _Onondaga River_, by which we have an easy Carriage into that Country, without going near the _Cataracui Lake_. The Head of this River goes near to _Lake Erie_, and probably may give a very near Passage into that Lake, much more advantageous than the Way the _French_ are obliged to take by the great Fall of _Jagara_, because narrow Rivers are much safer for Canoes than the Lakes, where they are obliged to go ashore if there be any Wind upon the Water. But as this Passage depends upon a further Discovery, I shall say nothing more of it at this time.

Whoever then considers these Advantages _New-York_ has of _Canada_, in the first buying of their Goods, and in the safe, speedy, and cheap Transportation of them from _Britain_ to the _Lakes_, free of all manner of Duty or Imposts, will readily agree with me, that the Traders of _New-York_ may sell their Goods in the _Indian Countries_ at half the Price the People of _Canada_ can, and reap twice the Profit they do. This will admit of no Dispute with those that know that Strouds (the Staple _Indian Commodity_) this Year are sold for _Ten Pounds_ apiece at _Albany_, and at _Monreal_ for _Twenty-five Pounds_, notwithstanding the great Quantity of Strouds said to be brought directly into _Quebeck_ from _France_, and the great Quantities that have been clandestinely carried from _Albany_. It cannot therefore be denied that it is only necessary for the Traders of _New-York_ to apply themselves heartily to this Trade, in order to bring it wholly into their own Hands; for in every thing besides Diligence, Industry, and enduring Fatigues, the _English_ have much the Advantage of the _French_. And all the _Indians_ will certainly buy, where they can, at the cheapest Rate.

It must naturally be objected, _That if those things are true, how is it possible that the Traders of_ New-York _should neglect so considerable and beneficial Trade for so long time?_

In answering this Objection, I shall show the Difficulties _New-York_ has labour'd under, by giving a short History of the Country, so far as it relates to this Trade. Which Method, I think, can be liable to the least Objection, and put the whole in the truest Light.

When this Country (the Province of _New-York_) came first under the Crown of _Great-Britain_, our _Five Nations_ of _Indians_ were mortal Enemies of the _French_ at _Canada_, and were in a continual War with them, and all the _Nations_ of _Indians_ round the Lakes; so that then it was not safe for the _English_ to travel further than the Countries of the _Five Nations_; nor would our _Indians_ permit the far _Indians_ (with whom they had constant War) to pass thro' their Countries to _Albany_. Besides, the _Five Nations_ of _Indians_ were at that time so numerous, (consisting of ten times the Number of fighting Men they now do) that the Trade with them alone was very considerable for so young and small a Colony. In the latter End of King _Charles_'s Reign, when the _Duke of York_, and _Popish Councils_ prevail'd, the Governor of _New-York_ (who was likewise a _Papist_) had Orders to use all his Endeavours to make up a Peace between our Nations (the _Iroquois_) and the _French_; and that he should persuade the _Five Nations_ to admit _French Priests_ among them, in order to civilize them. The Consequence of which was, that the _French_ thereby obtained a free Commerce upon the _Lakes_, and obtain'd leave to build _Cataraqui Fort_ upon the North-side of _Cataracui Lake_, and have two Vessels of Force upon the same Lake. From this Time, during all King _James_'s Reign, the _French_, whenever they had any Differences with our _Five Nations_, threaten'd, that the _English_ of _New-York_ would join with them, and destroy the _Five Nations_; by which, and the Practices of the _French Priests_, our _Five Nations_ became very much alienated in their Affections from the _English_, and look'd upon them as a People depending upon the _French_. The Consequences of this appeared so dangerous to Colonel _Dungan_, the Governor of _New-York_, (though, as I have said, a _Papist_) that he again and again complain'd to his Master of the ill Offices the _French Priests_ did the _English_ among _our Nations_. When the _English_ had thus procur'd a Peace for the _French_, they thought they might justly reap some Advantage from it; and it's hardly to be doubted but that they had Promises of that kind. They were therefore encouraged to send forty Men, with great Quantities of Goods, into the _Lakes_, under the Command of Major _McGregory_, to trade with the far _Nations_. At this time Mr. _Denonville_, Governor of _Canada_, was gathering together all the Force of _Canada_, and of the _Indians_, (Enemies of the _Five Nations_) in order to surprize the _Five Nations_, and destroy them, at the Time they thought themselves secure by the Peace so lately made. Major _McGregory_, and his Company, were met by a _French_ Officer on _Lake Erie_, coming with a great Number of Men to the general Rendezvous of the _French_, and he, with all the _English_, were made Prisoners. They were used with such Severity as has never been practis'd between _Christian Nations_ in open War, tho' the two Crowns, at that time, were not only at Peace, but under the strictest Ties of mutual Friendship; for the _French_ used these People as Slaves in building _Cataraqui Fort_, and a poor _Frenchman_ that had conducted them, was publickly shot to Death, as if he had brought an Enemy into their Country. Such was their Apprehensions then of the _English_ getting any Footing among the _Indians_.

The _French_ Governor surprized a Village of the _Five Nations_, who, on the _French_ Faith, liv'd in great Security, but seven or eight Leagues from the _French_ Fort, and sent these miserable People to the Galleys in _France_. He afterwards fell upon the _Sennekas_, and burnt their Villages, but without any Advantage to the _French_, they having lost more Men than the _Indians_ did. This renew'd the War with greater Fury than ever, between the _French_ and _our Indians_. For some time afterwards, _our Indians_, in a great Body, fell upon the Island of _Monreal_, while Mr. _Denonville_ was in the Town: They burnt and destroy'd all the Villages and Houses round _Monreal_, and kill'd some hundreds of Men, Women, and Children. Afterwards they came into the open Fields before _Monreal_, and there defy'd the _French_ Governor, who did not think it proper to fight them. And when they had done all the Mischief they could, they retir'd without any Loss.

About this Time the Revolution happen'd in _Great-Britain_, which was succeeded by a War between _Great-Britain_ and _France_. In _February_, 1689/90, a Party of three hundred Men, consisting of equal Numbers of _French_ and _Indians_, surprized _Schenechtady_ in the Night-time, when the poor People were in their Beds, in the greatest Security, where they barbarously murdered sixty-three Men, Women, and Children, in cold Blood, laid the Village in Ashes, and then retir'd, without reaping any other Advantage besides this cruel Revenge on innocent People, for the Mischief _our Indians_ had done them. This rais'd a cruel War between the two Colonies, in which there was much Mischief done, and Blood shed, without any Advantage to either side.

In Time of this War, the _most Christian King's_ Governor of _Canada_ was so much provoked, that he thought fit to follow the Example of our barbarous _Indians_, and burn his _Indian Prisoners_ alive, in the most cruel Manner, in sight of all the Inhabitants of _Quebeck_, and to deliver up the _English Prisoners_ to the _French Indians_, who indeed had more Mercy, for they kill'd none of them.

King _William_'s Peace put an End to this War; but the Peace lasted so short a while, that the People of this Province hardly had time to re-settle their Farms on the Frontiers, which they had deserted in the Time of the War, much less to adventure trading in the _Indian Countries_, so lately the Scene of so much Cruelty. But both Colonies having now an Abhorrence of the Cruelties of the last War, agreed on a kind of Neutrality for the _Indians_, during Queen _Anne_'s War, in which Time we lost much ground with our own _Indians_: For the _French_ having learn'd, by dear Experience, that it was not possible for them to conquer _our Five Indian Nations_, resolv'd to try all Means to gain their Affections, and in this Art the _French_ are always more successful than in that of War; and the _English_ failing in two ill-concerted Expeditions against _Canada_, the _Indians_ lost much of the Opinion they had of the _English_ Power and Valour.

In Time of this last War, the clandestine Trade to _Monreal_ began to be carried on by _Indians_, from _Albany_ to _Monreal_. This gave Rise to the _Kahnuaga_, or _Praying Indians_, who are entirely made up of Deserters from the _Mohawks_ and _River Indians_, and were either enticed thither by the _French Priests_, or by our Merchants, in order to carry Goods from _Albany_ to _Monreal_, or run away for some Mischief done here. These _Indians_ now consist of about eighty fighting Men, and live about four Leagues above _Monreal_: They neither plant nor hunt, but depend chiefly upon this private Trade for their Subsistence. These _Indians_, in time of War, gave the _French_ Intelligence of all Designs here against them: By them likewise the _French_ engaged our _Five Nations_ in a War with the _Indians_ Friends of _Virginia_, and from them we might expect the greatest Mischief in Time of War, seeing every Part of the Province is as well known to them as to any of the Inhabitants. But if this Trade was entirely at an end, we have reason to believe, that these _Indians_ would return to their own Tribes, for they then could not long subsist where they now are.

As soon as the Peace was proclaim'd, an open Trade with _Monreal_ was carried on with such Earnestness, that _Monreal_ was fill'd with _Indian Goods_, and _Albany_ exhausted; by which means _Monreal_ became the principal, if not the only _Indian Market_, and the _Indians_ depended entirely on the _French_ for what they wanted.

Our Merchants were fond of the _Canada_ Trade, because they sold large Quantities of Goods without any Trouble, the _French_ taking them from their Doors; whereas the Trade with the _Indians_ is carried on with a great deal of Toil and Fatigue; and as to the Interest of the Country, they either never thought any thing about it, or if they did, had no regard to it.

* * * * *

Now I have brought this Account to the Time your Excellency arriv'd; what has happen'd since, your Excellency knows better than I can by any means inform you. From the whole, it seems plain, that any Difficulties and Disadvantages this Province has been under, have only proceeded from the Wars, which have continued since the first settling of the Province, to the beginning of the last general Peace. But now, that not only _this Province_, but likewise our _six Nations_ of _Indians_ are at Peace, and in Amity, both with the _French_, and all the _Indian Nations_ with whom we can have any Commerce, these Difficulties are all remov'd, and we now enjoy the most favourable Time, that at any time can be hoped for, in order to extend the _British Commerce_ in _North-America_, while the _French_ not only labour under the Difficulties which I have shown to be inseparable from the Situation of their Colony, but likewise under another Disadvantage, (not before taken notice of) by the Furr-Trade of _Canada_ being restrain'd to one Company. This Company is obliged to pay heavy Duties in _France_ upon the Importation of Beaver, or any other Furr; for which reason they always fix a Price upon Beaver, and their other Furrs, in _Canada_; and the _Indian Traders_ of _Canada_ being restrain'd from selling to any but the Company's Agents there, they cannot raise the Price of _Indian Goods_ as the Price of _European_ rise, or as their Profit on the Goods they sell to the _Indians_ is lessen'd.

The Merchants of _New-York_ allow our _Indian_ Traders double the Price for Beaver, that the _French_ Company allow their _Indian_ Traders, the Price established by the Company for Beaver, in _Canada_, being two Livres, or _eighteen Pence Sterling_, the Pound-weight; and the current Price of Beaver in _New-York_ being _five Shillings New-York_ Money, or _three Shillings Sterling_ the Pound-weight. Therefore it plainly follows, that our _Indian Traders_ could under-sell the _French Traders_, tho' they were to give as great a Price for _European Goods_ as the _French_ do, and did transport them at as great Charge, because of the double Price they have for their Furrs in _New-York_.

But as our _Indian Traders_ not only have a double Price for their _Indian Goods_, but likewise buy the Goods they sell to the _Indians_, at half the Price the _French Indian Traders_ do, the _French Traders_ must be ruin'd by carrying on this Trade, in Competition with the _English_ of _New-York_. And the _French Indian Traders_ had been ruin'd before now, if they had not found means to carry their Beaver to _Albany_, where they got double the Price they must have sold for in _Canada_.

It may be objected, against this Argument, _That the_ Canada _Company as soon as they find that the Traders cannot sell at their established Price, will allow a greater Price_. But if we consider the Duties the _French Company_ is obliged to pay to the King, they cannot allow so great a Price as the _English_ can at _New-York_. And if it should be insisted, _That the_ French Company _may obtain a Remission of those_, yet if the clandestine Trade with _Albany_ be entirely stopt, the _French Traders_ will be ruin'd before such Remission can be obtain'd, and their Trade will be at an end.

* * * * *

My Inclination led me to show what Advantages not only the _Indian Trade_ would reap by extending our Frontiers as far as the Lakes, but likewise the _British Trade_ in some other Branches, which the Parliament of _Great Britain_ seem to have much at heart, _viz. Naval Stores_; for the Soil on both Sides of the _Mohawks River_ being as rich as it is possible (I believe) for any Land to be, will be found the most proper for raising of Hemp, of any Part of _America_, and the whole Country round it being full of the largest Pines, the royal Navy is as likely to be well provided with Masts there, and at as cheap a rate as any where else. But I have already too far presum'd on your Excellency's Patience.

_Cadwallader Colden_.

* * * * *

To this it may not be improper to add the following Original Letter.

_From_ J. A. _Esq; to Mr_. P. C. _of_ London, _shewing the
Success of the Measures taken at that Time_.

_New-York_, 1740.
_S I R_,

If you should be at the Pains to read these printed Papers, it will be a Pleasure to you to hear of the Success of the Measures taken by Governor _Burnet_ for redeeming the _Indian_ Trade out of the Hands of the _French_. He has succeeded far above our Expectations.

Governor _Burnet_, through his earnest Application, and at first chiefly with his Money, Credit, and Risque, erected a Trading-House and Fortification at the Mouth of the _Onondagues_ River, called _Osneigo_, where the Province of _New-York_ supports a Garrison of Soldiers, consisting of a Lieutenant and twenty Men, which are yearly relieved.

At this Place a very great Trade is carried on with the remote _Indians_, who formerly used to go down to the _French_ at _Monreal_, and there buy our _English_ Goods, at second Hand, at above twice the Price they now pay for them at _Osneigo_; whilst, at the same time, the _French_ were chiefly supplied by one Gentleman at _New-York_, who almost entirely engrossed the _Indian_ Trade of this Province, and thereby acquired a very great Estate and Influence. But the prudent Steps taken by our late worthy Governor, to open a free Trade, was the Cause of the Engrosser's losing his.--The Probability of doing this, was the principal Motive of our applying to the King, which is shown by these printed Papers.

The _Indian_ Trade, to the great Advantage of this Province, is now divided into several hundred Hands, and there have been for many Years past upwards of one hundred young Men of this Province, who have gone yearly among the _Indians_, to supply them with our Goods.

By this means, at a modest Estimate, I am assured, that the _Indian_ Trade of this Province is now far above five times as much as when Governor _Burnet_ began to put his Scheme in execution.

And this is not all the Advantages reaped thereby, but a much more considerable one to this, and all the other _English_ Colonies is, that not only our own six Nations, but also many far and remote _Indian_ Nations are drawn off from their Dependance on the _French_, and made, by Trade and Intercourse, dependant on the _English_; by this means a great Security and Protection is acquired by the _English_, in case of a War with _France_; and by this Trade our Settlements in this Province are extended up to the _Onondagues_ Carrying-place, which is now well attended with Waggons, for the more commodious transporting of Goods to trade in the Lakes.

And they are now settling on the Branches of _Sasquehanah_ River; and from the western Branches of this River, there is but a small Land-Carriage to _Allegheny_, a Branch of that great River _Misissippi_; which Branch extending a thousand Miles from its Mouth, where it enters the said River; and which joins so near to our Settlements, as is above taken notice of, opens us a Trade to that vast Country, called by the _French Louisiana_, which they possess on the _Misissippi_.

I am,

S I R,

_Your humble Servant_,

J. A.

T H E

=T R E A T Y=

H E L D W I T H T H E

_I N D I A N S_

O F T H E

S I X N A T I O N S,

A T

_P H I L A D E L P H I A_,

In _J U L Y_, 1742.

T H E T R E A T Y, &c.

The Deputies of the six Nations having, at their last Visit, agreed to release their Claim to all the Land on both Sides of the River _Sasquehanah_, as far South as this Province extends, and to the Northward to those called the _Endless Mountains_, or _Kittochtinny Hills_; in Consideration whereof, they then received a large Quantity of valuable _Indian_ Goods for the Lands situate on the Eastern Side of the said River, but declined at that Time to receive any for those on the Western Side of the said River, chusing to defer the same till another Visit; a large Number arrived from these Nations at _Philadelphia_, on _Wednesday_ the 30th of _June_, with Deputies duly impowered to receive the said Goods; and acquainted the Governor, that being weary from the Fatigue of their long Journey, they should crave three or four Days to rest themselves before they proceeded to their Business: In the mean time they would wait on the Governor to discourse, according to their usual Method, about News and other Occurrences; which the Governor readily agreed to, and ask'd them when they would chuse to pay their first Visit; which they desiring might be on _Friday_ the 2d of _July_, in the Afternoon, the Council was accordingly summon'd, and met at Mr. _Logan_'s House, where were

P R E S E N T,

The Honourable _G E O R G E T H O M A S_, Esq; Lieutenant-Governor.

_James Logan_, }
_Clement Plumsted_, }
_Samuel Hasell_, }
_Abraham Taylor_, } Esqrs;
_Samuel Preston_, }
_Thomas Lawrence_, }
_Ralph Asheton_, }
_Robert Strettell_, }
The Chiefs of the _Six Nations_, with the Chiefs of the _Shawanese_.
_C A N A S S A T E E G O_, the _Onondago_ Chief, Speaker.
_C O N R A D W E I S E R_, Interpreter.

The Governor opened the Conference as follows.

'_B R E T H R E N_,

'The Proprietor having purchased certain Lands from your Nations
about six Years ago, a Moiety of what was agreed to be given in
Consideration of that Purchase was at that Time delivered to
them, and the other being at their Desire left in the
Proprietor's Hands, he pressed you by _Shikalamy_ to send last
Year for it, and would have been glad to have seen you, and
taken you by the Hand before his Departure. But as the Design of
this Meeting is to hear your News, and converse together in a
free and friendly Manner, I shall say no more about the Goods
than that they lie ready at the Proprietor's House, and will be
delivered when you shall have sufficiently rested from the
Fatigue of your Journey.'

The Chief of the _Onondagoes_ spoke.

'_B R E T H R E N_,

'We propose to rest four Days, and then come to the main
Business. At present we are at a private Conference about News,
and have something of this sort to mention to our Brother
_Onas_.' And on the Governor's signifying they would be glad to
know what it was, the Chief proceeded.

'_B R E T H R E N_,

'It is our Way when we come to our Brethren, or any other
Persons, whom we live in strict Friendship with, to remove all
Obstructions to a good Understanding; with this View we are to
inform you of a Piece of disagreeable News that happen'd in our
Journey.----Some White People living at a Place called
_Conegocheegoe_, whose Names we cannot tell, nor whether they
belong to this or the neighbouring Government, but one of them,
as we heard, had his House burnt over his Head some Years ago,
and he was brought down a Prisoner and committed to the Goal of
this City: These People lighting of our young Warriors, as they
were hunting, made some Proposals about the Purchasing of Land
from them, and our young Men being indiscreet, and unacquainted
with publick Business, were foolish enough to hearken to them,
and to receive five Duffil Strowds for two Plantations on the
River _Cohongoronto_. A _Conestogoe Indian_, and a _French
Indian_, and some others that were in Company, had three Duffil
Strowds, and went away with them; and our young Men carried off
the other two. As soon as this came to our Knowledge, we sent
for our Warriors, and after examining and rebuking them
severely, we took away their two Strowds, and publickly censured
them for exposing us to our Brethren of _Pensylvania_, in doing
a Thing so inconsistent with our Engagements to them; "You are,
said we aloud, that all our People might hear and take Notice,
to know and remember, that the Six Nations have obliged
themselves to sell none of the Land that falls within the
Province of _Pensylvania_, to any other but out Brother _Onas_,
and that to sell Lands to any other is an high Breach of the
League of Friendship." Brethren, this rash Proceeding of our
young men makes us ashamed. We always mean well, and shall
perform faithfully what we have promised: And we assure you,
this Affair was transacted in the Manner we have related,
without our Privity or Consent. And that you may be fully
convinced of this, and of the Sincerity of our Intentions, we
have brought you these two Strowds [_here he presented two red
Strowds to the Governor_] they are the very Strowds our foolish
young Men received; we took them from them, and we give them to
you to return to those white People who made the Bargain, and
desire when the Strowds are returned to them, they may be told
what we now say, and that we shall not confirm such Bargains,
nor any other that may interfere with our Engagements to our
Brother _Onas_.'

The Governor then spoke:

'_B R E T H R E N_,

'I thank you for this Piece of News; you have taken this Matter
perfectly right. All Bargaining for Land within this Province,
is, to be sure, a manifest Breach of your Contract with the
Proprietors, and what we know you will not countenance. We have
hitherto found the _Six Nations_ faithful to their Engagements,
and this is a fresh Instance of their Punctuality. You could not
help these Mistakes of your young Men; they were not done in
your Presence: But as several Inconveniencies may arise from
these kind of clandestine Sales, or from any such loose Sales of
Land by your People, we desire you will, on your Return home,
give publick Notice to all your Warriors not to bargain for any
Land; or if they do, that you will not confirm such Bargains;
and that this very Affair, together with what you have done
therein, may be particularly reported to all your Nation
assembled in Council.'

The _Onondago_ Chief promised to give such publick Notice; and desiring Liberty to mend his former Speech, he proceeded:

'_B R E T H R E N_,

'I forgot one Circumstance: Our People, who pretended to sell
the Land, demanded a Belt of Wampum of the Buyers to carry to
their Chiefs; and on their declaring they had no Wampum, our
Warriors said, they would not answer that their Chiefs would
confirm this Bargain, since they never did any thing of this
Nature without Wampum.'

The Governor, after a short Pause, spoke:

'_B R E T H R E N of the Six Nations_,

'I take this Opportunity to relate to you a Piece of
disagreeable News I received some Days ago in a Letter from _Le
Tort_, the _Indian_ Trader, at _Allegheny_, who says, "That in
_May_ last some _Indians_ of the _Taway_ Nation, supposed by us
to be the _Twightwees_, in their Return from War, called and
staid some Time with the _Shawanese_; who being asked, and
denying they had brought either Scalps or Prisoners, the
_Shawanese_ suspecting them, had the Curiosity to search their
Bags, and finding two Scalps in them, that by the Softness of
the Hair did not feel like _Indian_ Scalps, they wash'd them
clean, and found them to be the Scalps of some Christians. On
this Discovery, the _Twightwees_ were so much ashamed, that they
stole away from their Town in the Night-time; and coming, as
they afterwards understood, to a little Village belonging to
the _Shawanese_, they told our People that their Hearts were
full of Grief; for, as they came along the Road, they found it
all bloody; and having good Cause to believe it was made bloody
with the Blood of some of the white Brethren, they had very
sorrowfully swept the Road; and desired them to inform the
Governor of _Pensilvania_ of their (the _Twightwees_) Grief; and
how they had swept the Road clean." '_Le Tort_ adds, on Behalf
of the _Shawanese_,' "That they were much grieved at this
unfortunate Accident; and prayed, as they had no Concern in it,
more than by being Instruments to discover it, their Brethren
would not blame them, nor suffer a Misunderstanding to arise
between them on this Account: They would sweep the Road clean,
and wipe all the Blood away; and desired their Brethren would be
satisfied with this, and not weep too much for a Misfortune that
might not happen again as long as the Sun and Moon shone."

'The Person who delivered me _Le Tort_'s Letter, brought this
Bundle of Skins as a Present to me; but I told the Messenger, I
would not meddle with it; he might leave it if he pleased: The
Affair appear'd to me in a bad Light, and I would represent it
to the _Six Nations_, who were expected in Town every Day. This
is the Fact, as I have it from _Le Tort_: I desire to be
inform'd if you know any thing of this Matter; and if you do
not, that you will make diligent Enquiry who committed the
Murder, and who are the unhappy Sufferers, and assist us to
obtain Satisfaction, if it shall appear to be any, of our
Fellow-Subjects that have been treated in this Manner.'

_To inforce this Request, I present you with this String of
Wampum_.

The _Onondago_ Chief, in Reply, said:

'_B R E T H R E N_,

'We take this Information kindly at your Hands; we will take
this String of Wampum home with us to our Lodgings, and there
consult about the most regular and proper Steps to be taken by
us to answer your Expectations, and when we have duly considered
the Matter, we will return you an Answer.'

Upon this the Governor put an End to the Conference; and calling for Wine, and other Liquors, according to the _Indian_ Custom, after a decent and chearful Entertainment, the _Indians_ withdrew.

* * * * *

At a C O U N C I L held at the Proprietor's House, _July_ 5, 1742.

P R E S E N T

The Honourable _G E O R G E T H O M A S_, Esq; Lieutenant-Governor.

_James Logan_, }
_Clement Plumsted_, } Esqrs;

With several Gentlemen of the Town.

_The Chiefs of the Six Nations_.

It being judg'd proper, at this critical Time, when we are in daily Expectation of a _French_ War, to sound the _Indians_, and discover what Dependance we might have on them, in case their Aid should be wanted, an handsome Dinner was provided for their Chiefs; and after they had made an hearty Meal, and drank his Majesty's Health, the Proprietors, and the Health of the _Six Nations_, the Chiefs gave the solemn Cry, in Testimony of their Thanks for the Honour done them. And soon after the Governor began, in a free Way, to enquire for what Reason the _Senecas_ were not come down, since they had an equal Share of the Goods with the other Nations.----_Canassateego_, their Speaker, said, 'The _Senecas_ were in great Distress, on Account of a Famine that raged in their Country, which had reduced them to such Want, that a Father had been obliged to kill two of his Children to preserve his own, and the rest of his Family's Lives; and they could not now come down, but had given Directions about their Share of the Goods.'----The Governor express'd his Concern for the unhappy Circumstances of their Brethren of the _Seneca_ Nation; and, after a short Respite, enquired if any of their Deputies were then at _Canada_, and whether the _French_ Governor was making any warlike Preparations. And on their answering _Yes_, the Governor said, with a smiling, pleasant Countenance, 'I suppose, if the _French_ should go to War with us, you will join them.' The _Indians_ conferr'd together for some Time, and then _Canassateego_, in a chearful lively Manner, made answer.----'We assure you, the Governor of _Canada_ pays our Nations great Court at this Time, well knowing of what Consequence we are to the _French_ Interest: He has already told us, he was uncovering the Hatchet, and sharpening it, and hoped, if he should be obliged to lift it up against the _English_, our Nations would remain neuter, and assist neither Side.----But we will now speak plainly to our Brethren: Why should we, who are one Flesh with you, refuse to help you, whenever you want our Assistance?----We have continued a long Time in the strictest League of Amity and Friendship with you, and we shall always be faithful and true to you our old and good Allies.----The Governor of _Canada_ talks a great deal, but ten of his Words do not go so far as one of yours.----We do not look towards them; we look towards you; and you may depend on our Assistance.' Whilst the _Onondago_ Chief made this open and hearty Declaration, all the other _Indians_ made frequently that particular Kind of Noise which is known to be a Mark of Approbation.----The Governor bid the Interpreter tell _Canassateego_, 'He did not set on foot this Enquiry from any Suspicion he had of the _Six Nations_ wanting a due Regard for the _English_.--Our Experience of their Honour and Faith, said he, would not permit us to think any other of them, than that they would esteem our Friends their Friends, and our Enemies their Enemies, agreeable to the strict Union which had ever subsisted between us.--As to the Governor of _Canada_, he told them they need not mind what he said.--The _English_, on equal Terms, had beat the _French_, and could beat them again: And were they but to consider the Advantages which the _English_ have, by possessing so many large and populous Countries, and so many good Ports on the Continent of _America_, they would soon see who had most Reason to fear a War, the _French_ or the _English_.'

* * * * *

Here the Conversation dropped; and after another Glass of Wine, the _Indians_ resumed the Discourse, by asking whether their Brethren had not been for some Time engaged in a War with the King of _Spain_, and what Successes they had met with.

The Governor told them, the King of _Great-Britain_ lived in an Island, and being surrounded with the Sea, his chief Strength lay in his Ships; in which he was so much superior to his Enemies, that they were seldom to be met with on the broad Ocean, but sculk'd and hid themselves, only venturing out now and then; and whenever they did, they were almost sure to be taken; and that the King of _Great-Britain_ had with his Ships, beat down, or taken several of the _Spaniards_ great Forts in _America_.--The _Indians_ said, they were pleased to hear their Brethren were an Over-match for their Enemies, and wish'd them good Success.

The Governor then enquired into the State and Condition of the Nations to the Westward of the Great Lakes, and whether they had any Warriors then in those Countries? Whether they had concluded Peace with the Southern _Indians_? And whether they had heard what their Deputies had done at _Albany_?

They made Answer: That they had always Abundance of their Men out amongst the Nations situate to the West of their Lakes.--That they had kindled a Fire with a vast many Nations, some whereof were Tributaries, and they had a good Understanding with all.--They set out from their own Country in Company with two Sets of Deputies, one going to hold a Treaty with the Southern _Indians_, and they believed a Peace would be concluded: The other going to meet the Governor of _New-York_, at _Albany_; but they could not tell what had been done at either Place.--On their return, they were to hold a General Council, and would inform their Brethren of these Particulars.

Then the Governor put an End to the Conference, by telling the _Indians_ the Goods would be delivered to them at a Council to be held To-morrow Afternoon at the Meeting-House.

* * * * *

At a Council held in the Meeting House, _Philadelphia,
July_ 6, 1742.

P R E S E N T,

The Honourable _G E O R G E T H O M A S_, Esq; Lieutenant-Governor.

_James Logan_, }
_Clement Plumsted_, }
_Abraham Taylor_, } Esqrs;
_Samuel Preston_, }
_Ralph Asheton_, }
_Robert Strettell_, }

_C A N A S S A T E E G O_, Chief of the _Onondagoes_, Speaker.

S h i c a l a m y, and a great Number of _Indians_, whose Names are as follows, _viz_.

O N O N T O G O E S.

_Sawegaty_, } _Caxhayion_, } Counsellors. _Saguyassatha_, _Kayadoghratie_, alias _Slanaghquasy_, _Rotier-uwughton_, _Tokaughaah_, _Tiorughwaghthe_, _Tokano-ungoh_, _Aronty-oony_, _Tohanohawighton_, _Tioghwatoony_, _Auughrahysey_.