Chapter D: E B O. A Rain-bow about the Sun, forming an entire Circle, but (5)

To all which the Author endeavors to answer: 1. By delivering all his Observations of that Comet, thereby to shew, what care and diligence he had used, _particularly_ to make out, how great its _Diurnal motion_ had been; in what proportion, and how far, it decreased, and where and in what degree it increased again: Which being, as he conceives, duly and exactly deduced, and demonstrated, he esteems it afterwards to be easie for every one, versed in these matters, certainly to collect and to judge, what way the Comet, after it became invisible to the naked Eye, and could be no longer observed with _Sextants_ and _Quadrants_, had taken, and what Line it had described. 2, By subjecting all those Observations, with great diligence and labour, to a rigid _Calculus_, thereby to obtain, for every day, the _Longitudes_, _Latitudes_, _Right Ascensions, Declinations_, _Proper motion_, _Angle_ of the _Ecliptick_ and the _Æquator_, and the _Nodes_ of that Comet; for the construction of an _Ephemerides_ of its whole Motion. From all which he pretends to prove, that he has not erred in his Observation of _February_ 18, nor been prepossest by any _Hypothesis_, nor deluded by any _Fixt Star_, as M. _Auzout_ thinketh; but that near the _First Star_ of _Aries_ there _then_ appear'd a _Phænomenon_, most like to that Comet, that was seen some dayes before, if compared with the Observations make thereof _Febr._ 12, 13, 14. Though he will not hitherto positively determine, whether that _Phænomenon_, which appear'd to him _February_ 18. was {304} indeed that very Comet, which he saw with his naked Eye, and observed with his Geometrical Instruments, the said 12, 13, and 14. dayes of _February_; or whether it was another, and whether he had lost that Comet, which moved towards the _Second Star_ in _Aries_: but leaves it to the Learned World, and particularly to the _Royal Society_, after they shall have well examined and considered all his Observations, and the _Calculus_ raised therefrom, to judge of this, and the other particulars in controversie.

II. _Isaacus Vossius de NILI et ALIORUM FLUMINUM ORIGINE_. It was _Numb._ 14. of these _Transactions_, that gave an account of the _Cause_ of the _Inundation of the Nile_, as it was rendred by Monsieur _de la Chambre_: _This_ is to give you another, not only of the _Inundation_, but also of the _Origine_ of that, and of _other Rivers_, as it is delivered by Monsieur _Isaac Vossius_, who undertakes in this Book to shew;

1. That those _Subterraneous Channels_, through which several _Philosophers_ teach, that the Sea discharges it self into the Rivers, are not only imaginary, but useless, in regard 'tis impossible for the water to rise from the Subterraneous places up to the Mountains, where commonly the Sources of Rivers are.

2. He explicates, why, if a Pipe be put into a Bason full of Water, the water is seen more raised in the Pipe, than in the Bason, and rises higher according as the Pipe is narrower; On the contrary, if the same Pipe be put into a Bason full of Quicksilver, the Quicksilver stayes lower in the Pipe, than in the Bason. The reason, which he renders hereof, is, That as the Water sticks easily to all it touches, it is sustain'd by the sides of the narrow Pipe wherein it is included: And indeed, if the Pipe be quite drawn out of the Water, the Water doth not all fall out, but so much of it remains, as the sides of the Pipe could sustaine: Whence it is, that the Water which is kept up by the Walls of the Tube, weighing no longer upon that which is in the Bason, is thrust upwards, and keeps it self raised above its Levell; but the Quicksilver not adhering so easily, as Water, to Bodies it touches, is not sustained by the sides of the Tube, and so mounts not above its Levell, but rather descends below it, because the Pipe, which is streight, hinders the endeavor that is in the _Mercury_ to rise to its Level. He adds, that this Observation makes nothing for the Explication of the _Origine of Rivers_; because, though it be true, that the Water {305} by this means rises above its Levell, yet it does never run out at the top of the Pipe. Having said this, he answers to the other Arguments, commonly alledged to maintain this Opinion.

3. He pretends, that all Rivers proceed from a _Colluvies_ or _Rendevous_ of Rain-waters, and that, as the Water, that falls upon _Hills_, gathers more easily together, than that which falls in _Plaines_, therefore it is, that Rivers ordinarily take their Source from _Hills_. Thence also comes it (saies he) that there are more _Rivers_, than _Torrents_, in the _Temperate Zones_; and, on the contrary, more _Torrents_, than _Rivers_, in the _Torrid Zone_: For, as in hot Climats the Mountains are far higher, the Water, that descends from them with impetuosity, runs away in a little while, and formes such Collections of Water, as soon dry up, but in cold Climats, the Waters do not run away but slowly, and are renew'd and recruited by Rain, before they are quite dryed up; because the Hills are there lower, and so the Bed of Rivers hath lesse declivity.

Having thus discoursed of _Rivers_ in _General_, he treats of the _Nile_ in _particular_; and there

1. Observes, That the Order of the Seasons of the Year is quite inverted under the _Torrid Zone_. For, whereas it should be then Summer, when the Sun is near; and Winter, when the Sun is farther off: Under the _Torrid Zone_ 'tis never lesse hot, than when the Sun is nearest; nor more hot, than when the Sun is farthest off: So that to the people that live between the _Æquinoctial_ and the _Tropicks_, Summer begins about _Christmass_, and their Winter, about St. _Johns_ day. The reason whereof is, (_saith he_) that when the Sun is directly over their Heads, it raises abundance of vapors, and draws them so high, that they are presently converted into Water by the coldnesse of the Air; whence it comes to passe, that then it rains continually, which does refresh the Air; but when the Sun is farther off, there falls no more rain, and so the Heat becomes insupportable.

2. He proves by many recent Relations, that the _Sources_ of the _Nile_ are on this side of the _Æquinoctial_ in _Æthiopia_, of which he gives a very accurate _Mappe_, correcting many faults which _Geographers_ are wont to commit in the Description of the Kingdom of the _Abyssins_, which they believe to be much greater than indeed it is. {306}

3. This supposed, he easily gives an account, why the _Nile_ yearly overflows about the end of _June_: For, as at that time there falls much rain in _Æthiopia_, it must needs be, that the _Nile_, whose source is in that Country, should then overflow, when those rains begin, and subside, when they cease.

There are besides, in this Book, two other _Tracts_. In the _first_, M. _Vossins_ endeavours to maintain the Doctrine, he had deliver'd in his Book _De Lumine_, and to shew, that the _Soul_ of Animals is nothing but _Fire_, that there are no invisible Atoms; nor so much as any Pores, even in the Skin of man. Here he treats also of _Refractions_, and alledges the Examples of several persons, who have then seen the Sun by the means of Refraction, when really He was under the _Horizon_.

In the _second_, He discourses of some points of the _Mechanicks_; and relates among other things, that the _Arrows_ and _battering Rams (Aries)_ of the Antients did as much execution, as our _Muskets_ and _Canons_; and then, that the Vehemence of the percussion depends as much upon the Length of the percutient Body, as upon the velocity of the Motion. He adds, that the Length of a Canon ought not to exceed 13 foot, and that a greater length is not onely useless, but hinders also the effect of the Gun, not because the Bullet is thrown out of the Gun, before all the powder is fired (as some believe;) but because the Bullet is then beaten back into the Gun by the Air, re-entring into it with impetuosity, when the flame is extinct.

III. _LE DISCERNEMENT DU CORPS ET DE L'AME_, par M. _de Cordemoy_.

This _French_ Treatise (but very lately come to the _Publisher's_ hands) examines the different Operations of the Soul and Body, and the Secret of their Union, pretending to discover to every one, what he is, and what is transacting within him. It consists of six Discourses.

[Sidenote: * _It sounds hard, To say, An _extended_ substance is _indivisible_._]

1. In the _first_, the Author examines the Notions, we have in _general_ of _Bodies_ and _Matter_; of _Quantity_; of _Qualities_; of _Place_; of _Rest_; of _Motion_; of _Vacuity_; of _Forms_: to shew what is to be understood by these Terms, which cause all the perplexity that is in the ordinary _Physicks_. He begins with taking notice, that hitherto _Philosophers_ have had no _distinct_ notions of _Bodies_ and _Matter_, from the want whereof he conceives, that almost all the Errors in Common _Physiology_ have {307} sprung. To rectify which, he defines _Bodies_ to be * _Extended Substances_, and _Matter_ an _Aggregate of Bodies_. Whence he inferrs, that _Bodies_ are Indivisible and _Matter_ divisible; a _Body_ being nothing but _one_ and the _same_ substance, whose different extremities are inseparable, because they are the extremities of one and the same Extension, and, in a word, of one and the same Substance; but _Matter_ being nothing but an Association or Collection of Bodies, 'tis evident, (_saith he_) it must be divisible. This doctrine he so much insists upon, that he conceives, Nature cannot subsist, if a Body in the sence he takes it, be divisible; and that _Motion_ and _Rest_ cannot be explicated without it. As for _Quantity_, he makes that to be nothing but More or Less Bodies; not allowing, that each Body should be a Quantity, though it be a part of Quantity; no more than an _Unite_ is a Number, though it make part of a Number: so that _Quantity_ and _Extension_ are two distinct things with him, the _first_ belonging properly to _Matter_, the last to a _Body_. Touching _Vacuity_, he conceives, that the Bodies, which compose a mass, are not every where so near one another, as not to leave some interval in several places. Neither does he think it necessary, that those intervals should be fill'd up; nor unconceivable, that there should be no Body between two Bodies; which touch not one another. And when 'tis said, that those intervals cannot be conceived without Extension, and that consequently there are Bodies that replenish them, he frankly pronounces that not to be true; and affirms, that though it may be said, that between two Bodies, which touch not one another, other Bodies may be placed of so or so many feet, &c: yet ought it not to be inferred, that therefore they _are_ there, but onely, that they are thus placed, that there _may_ be put between them so many Bodies, as joyned together would compose an Extension of so many feet. So that one conceives onely, that Bodies _may_ be placed there, but not that they _are_ there: and as we can have an _Idea_ of many Bodies, though none of them be in being; so we can conceive, that some Bodies _may_ be put between others, where really there are none. And when 'tis alledged, that if all the Bodies, that fill a vessel full, were destroyed, the sides of the vessel would be closed together; He professes, he understands not that ratiocination, nor can conceive, what one Body does to the subsistence of another, more than to sustain themselves mutually, when they are thrust by the neighbouring ones: and therefore sees not, why the sides of the vessel should close, if nothing did thrust them together; but understands clearly, that two Bodies may well subsist so far from one another, that one might place a great many Bodies between them, or none at all, and yet they neither approach to, not recoil from one another. {308}

2. In the _Second_, he examines the _Changes_, which he knows in Matter, and makes it his business to explicate all those that respect _Quantity_, _Qualities_ and _Forms_, by _Local Motion_, esteeming that needs no other.

3. In the _third_, he explains the Motion of _Artificial_ Engins, and that of _Natural_ ones, by one and the same Cause; endeavouring among other things to shew, that the Body of an Animal is moved after the same manner with a Watch. That cause of motion he makes the _Materia Subtilis_; and the finer or subtiler that is, the better and fitter he conceives it to be to preserve Motion.

4. In the _Fourth_, he teaches, that though Experience seems to evince, that the Soul moves the Body, and that one Body moves an other; yet there is nothing but God, that can produce any notion in the World, and all other Agents, which we believe to be the _Cause_ of this or that Motion, are no more but the _Occasion_ thereof. In doing this, he advances certain _Axioms_, and Conclusions, which are in short,

a. The _Axioms_: That no substance has that of it self, which it can loose, without ceasing to be, what it is: That every body may loose of its motion, till it have no more left, without ceasing to be a Body: That we cannot conceive but two sorts of substances, _vid._ a _Spirit_ (or _That which thinketh_) and a _Body_, wherefore they must be considered as the Causes of all, that happens, and what cannot proceed from the one, must necessarily be adscribed to the other: That to _Move_, or to cause motion, is an Action: That an Action cannot be continued but by the Agent, who began it.

b. The _Conclusions_: That no _Body_ hath Motion of it self: That the First Mover of Bodies not a Body: That it cannot be but a _Spirit_, that is the First Mover: That it cannot be but the same Spirit, who has begun to move Bodies, that continues to move.

In the _Fifth_, He treats of the Union of the Body and Soul, and the manner, how they act one upon the other; and esteems it not more difficult to conceive the Action of Spirits upon Bodies, and of Bodies upon Spirits, than to conceive the Action of Bodies upon Bodies: the cause of the great difficulty in understanding the two former, arising (according to him) from thence, that we will conceive the one by the other, not considering, that every thing acting according to its own nature, we shall never know the action of one Agent, if we will examine it by the notions we have of another, that is of a quite differing nature. Here he notes, that the Action of Bodies upon Bodies is not {309} more known to us; than that of Spirits upon Bodies, or of Bodies upon Spirits; and yet most men admire nothing but _this_, believing to know the _other_; whereas he Judges, that all things being well examin'd, the Action of Bodies upon Bodies is no more conceivable, than that of Spirits upon Bodies. Mean while the opinion of the Authour touching this subject, is, That the union of Soul and Body consists onely in this, that certain motions of the Body are followed by certain _Cogitations_ of the Soul, and, on the contrary, that certain Thoughts of the Soul are follow'd by certain _Motions_ of the Body. And, having supposed, that Bodies are said to act upon one another, when they cause some change suitable to Extension; and Spirits to act upon one another, when they cause some change suitable to a Thought; he infers, that when a Body acts upon a Spirit, that cannot be by causing any change of motion, of figure, or parts, as having none of all these; nor when a Spirit acts upon a Body, that cannot be by producing any change of Thought, as having none: But, when this Body, or its motion, or figure, or other thing, depending upon its nature, can be perceived by a Spirit, so as, upon that occasion, this Spirit has thoughts, it had not before, it may be said, that the Body has acted upon this Spirit, for as much as it has caused all the change in it, whereof it was capable according to its nature.

In the _Sixth_, After he hath shew'd, what is to be understood by what we call _Soul_, and by what we call _Body_, he labours to make it out, that we are much more assured of the Existence of the Soul, than of that of the Body, which he conceives he can prove from hence, that we cannot doubt, that we think, because even doubting is thinking; but one may doubt, whether one has a body, for several reasons, which he alledges, and thinks so cogent, that he concludes, it is not evident to him by the light of reason, that he has a Body. But supposing, there be Bodies, he examines, what are the Operations, that belong to the Soul, and what those, that belong to the Body; and lastly, what those, that result from the Union of both: And then explains, how all those operations are perform'd, and particularly, _Sensation_; where he shews, that the Nerves, holding at one end to the Brain, whereof they are but Allongations, and being at the other end extended to the extremities of the Body; when an Object comes to touch those exterior ends of the Nerves, the interior ones in the Brain are presently shaken; and cause different sensations according to the diversitie of Nerves, and the differing manner, in which they are shaken. And to shew, that 'tis this shaking, that causes Sensation, he notes, that if any thing shakes the interior parts of the Nerves, though the object be absent, the Soul has presently the same {310} sensations, as it would have, if it were present. As, if one should knock on's head forcibly against a wall, the shaking, which the blow gives to the Brain, moving the interior extremities of the Nerve, which causes the sensation of Light, the Soul has the same sensation, which it would have, if it saw a thousand Candles: On the contrary, if the interior extremities of the nerves are not shaken, though the object be present, it causes no sensation; whence it comes, that if a strong Ligature be made upon the middle of the Arm, and the hand be then prickt, no pain is felt, because the shaking of the nerves that are pricked, being stopped by the Ligature, cannot reach to the extremities of the Nerves, that are within the Brain.

* * * * *

_Advertisement._

The following _Errata_, left by the _Press_ in _Num._ 16, the _Reader_ is desired thus to correct.

Page 269. lin 27. read, _motion of B above the Center; G. is also_, with a _Semi-colon_ after the word _Center_. p. 274. l. 13, r. _it to do to the_. p. 277. l. 24. r. _natural days_. p. 281. l. 16. r. _of his_. ib. l. 27. r. _a notion_. p. 293. l. 4. r. _enough without_. ib. l. 43. r. _to the Sine of_. p. 294. l. 1. r. _to the Sine of_.

* * * * *

_LONDON_,

Printed for _John Martin_ and _James Alestry_, Printers to the Royal Society. 1666.

{311}

* * * * *

_Numb._ 18.

PHILOSOPHICAL _TRANSACTIONS._

* * * * *

_Munday_, _October_ 22. 1666.

* * * * *

The Contents.

__Patterns_ of the _Tables_ proposed to be made for _Observing of
Tides_; promised in the next foregoing _Transactions_. Other
_Inquiries_ touching the Sea. Some Considerations touching the
_Parenchymous_ parts of the Body. Observables concerning
_Petrification_. A Relation from _Paris_, of a kind of _Worms_, that
eat out Stones. Some promiscuous Observations made in _Somersetshire_.
A Problem for finding the Year of the _Julian Period_, by a new and
very easie Method. An Account of some Books, not long since publish'd,
which are, _1. Tentamina Physico-Theologica de Deo_, Authore _Samuele
Parkero. 2. Honorati Fabri Tractatus duo; Prior, de Plantis et de
Generatione Animalium; Posterior, de Homine. 3. Relation du Voyage de
l'Evesque de Beryte, par la Turquie, la Perse, les Indes_, &c. per
Monsieur de _Bourges_._

* * * * *

__Patterns_ of the _Tables_ proposed to be made for _Observing of Tides_, promised in the next foregoing _Transactions_; by Sir _Rob. Moray_._

In performance of what was promised in the last of these _Papers_ for Observing the _Tides_, here are subjoyned _Patterns_ of the _Tables_ there mentioned; _One_, for marking the _precise Time_ of the High waters and Low-waters during one Month; that is, between _New_ and _New_ Moon, or _Full_ and _Full_ Moon. The _other_, for marking the _Degrees_ of the Risings and Fallings of the Water in _Equal_ spaces of Time, and the _Velocity_ of its motion at _several_ heights: The _Degrees_ of _Heat_ and _Cold, &c._

The _Times_, assigned in the _first_, to the High waters and Lowest Ebbs, are taken out of Mr. _Wing_'s Almanack, for this present year 1666, as he calculates them for the Month of _September_ for _London Bridge_. Only, whereas he takes notice but of _one_ High-water for every day, _Here_ are set {312} down the Times of the other, and the two Ebbs intervening, by subdividing the _Differences_, he assignes between two Tides, equally amongst them. In all which, though there may be Errors, that is not to be considered, seeing the Dissein is to Correct and State the _Times_ of the _Tides exactly_ by _Experiments_, after this method. Mr. _Wing_ states the High waters to fall out at _London-Bridge_ constantly, when the Moon is 46. deg. 30. min. to the _West-ward_ of the _Meridian_. For the Times, he marks for them, are made up by adding every day 3. hours, 6 minutes, to those in his _Table_ for knowing the Time of the Moons coming to the South.

The _First Table_ consists of _two_ Parts, and each part of _four Columns_. The _first_ part marks the Tides and Ebbs from the day of the _New_-Moon to its _Full_: The _other_, from the _Full_ to the next _New_. The _first Column_ in both parts hath the day of the Month and Week; _M._ standing every where for _Morning_ and _A._ for _Afternoon_. The _third_ column hath the _Character_ of the day of the Week prefixt to the Hour and Minute of the High-water, and answering to the day of the Month. The _last_ Column hath the same for the time of Low-water, varying the _Character_ of the day, as often as the low-water falls out more early than the High-water. In this _Example_ between the said _New_ Moons there falls out in all just 57. periods of the Tide or Flowing water, and 58. of the Ebb or Low water; which numbers vary according to the Intervals of the Moons changes, but with what constancy and exactness, is to be inquired after: Which whosoever undertakes to do, may keep such a _Table_, as is here proposed, in a Book by it self.

The _other_ Table doth in 9. _Columns_ comprehend the particular Observations of the _Degrees_ of the Rising and falling of the Tides, and the other things specified at the Tops of them: The _first_ Column marking the Hour and Minut common to all the several Observations. Each hour is divided in 3. equal Parts, that number of Observations being only pitch't upon by way of _Example_: The numbers may else be varied at pleasure, when other more frequent Observations are thought fit to be made, or when they prove too frequent and laborious; though the most frequent are most desirable, till competent information of all particulars be attained.

The _Rising_ of the Tide from Low-water to the highest pitcht of the full Sea, is here supposed to be 60. foot: And the Degrees of its rising every 20. Minuts, to be in the _Proportion_ of _Sines_, The whole time of Flowing supposed to be 6. hours. But this _Example_ will serve for marking the _Spaces_ of the Increasing or Rising, as well as of the falling of the water, in order to the investigation of their _Proportions_ to one another, when the _Duration_ of the Tide exceeds 6. hours by any number of _minuts_, as well as for just 6. hours; seeing they may be easily collected from any Number of Observations; their precise Time and that of the Duration of the waters Rising and Falling (that is, the just interval between the High-Water and Low-water) being known: This Calculation by _Sines_, being only set down as a _Conjecture_, flowing from Observations of the Motion of the water in its Rising and Falling, {313} which seems to observe this or some such like Proportion; which is supposed still to hold in _all_ Tides, be the _Duration_ what it will; the Increase still continuing proportionably till the very midle of the Hight and Duration, and Decreasing afterwards in the same manner: Which whether it be so indeed or not, is that, which is desired to be known.

There is the like Proportion here supposed to be in the _different degrees_ of the _Velocity_ of the Current of the Water after _Equal_ spaces of Times, as in its Rising and Falling: And so it is markt in the _Third_ Column. But because the _true Velocity_ of the Current of the Water, raised above the Levell 456/1000 of a foot, is unknown, it is by way of Supposition set at Ten feet in one Minute of an Hour, which being once stated, the rest distant from each other by the space of 20. Minutes of an Hour, are set down according to the same _Proportions_ of _Sines_ before suggested. It being supposed, that of the _Velocity_ of the Current of the Tide, after it hath flowed 20 minuts of an hour, be such, as a Log of Wood placed in the Water will move 10 foot in the space of one minute of time, at the middle of the Tide it will in the like space of Time move 114 f. 276/1000, and so proportionably at other times: Which, howsoever these Proportions shall be found by Experiments to fall out, may be not unworthy of the pains and charges requisite to acquire the knowledge of it. For, besides the satisfaction it may afford upon other accounts, it may possibly be of no small use to those, who need an exact reckoning of their Ships running, when the Velocity of the Current of the Tide may be necessary to be known; lest through the defect of the knowledge of that, especially when it is reckoned less than indeed it is, the Ship be thrown in the night upon Shores, Rocks or Sands, when they reckon themselves to be far from them.

The Numbers in the 4, 5, 6, 7, and 8. _Columns_ are set down at random, only for _Examples_ sake; there being no difficulty in the apprehension of it, and imitating of it in setting down the true Hights and Variations of the _Thermometer_, _Baroscope_, &c. The Use whereof is so vulgarly known, that there needs no further Direction concerning them. But if any person who would make these Experiments, do not know the fabrick or use of any of the Instruments requisite for some of these Observations, nor where to have them, he may address himself to Mr. _Shortgrave_, one of the _Operators_ of the _Royal Society_, lodged in _Gresham Colledge_, from whom he will receive full satisfaction about these things.

But the labour employed in the Observations of the Heat, Cold, &c. required to be taken notice of in order to the Ends proposed in the former _Tract_, and others that may be of no less delight than advantage, will be much retrenched, when Dr. _Christopher Wren_ puts in practice, what he some years ago proposed to the _Royal Society_ concerning an _Engine_ with a _Clockwork_, which may perform these Observations in the last enumerate _Columns_, without being toucht or lookt after but once or twice a day.

The Tables themselves follow,

{314}

_A Perpendicular Line divided into _Signes_, supposed to be the _Periods_ of the Risings and Fallings of the Tides, as is in the other Table represented._

1666. Age of Time of High water. Time of Low water.
Sept. the moon
ho.mi. Day. Hour. Min. Day. Hour. Min.
Mo. 3. New Mo. 2. 57. Morn. Mo. 9. 8. Morn.
8.38'. 3. 19. Aftern. 9. 30. Aftern.
Tu. 4. Tu. 3. 41. M. Tu. 9. 51½ M.
4. 2. A. 10. 12½ A.
We. 5. We. 4. 23. M. We. 10. 33¼ M.
4. 43½ A. 10. 53¾ A.
Th. 6. Th. 5. 4. M. Th. 11. 14½ M.
5. 25. A. 11. 35½ A.
Fr. 7. Fr. 5. 46. M. Fr. 11. 56½ M.
6. 7. A. Sa. 0. 17½ M.
Sa. 8. Sa. 6. 28. M. 0. 39½ A.
6. 51. A. Su. 1. 2½ M.
Su. 9. Su. 7. 14. M. 1. 23½ A.
7. 37. A. Mo. 1. 48¼ M.
Mo. 10. Mo. 8. 0. M. 2. 13. A.
8. 26. A. Tu. 2. 39. M.
Tu. 11. 1. Qu. Tu. 8. 52. M. 3. 5. A.
10 A. 9. 18. A. We. 3. 31. M.
Mo. 12. Mo. 9. 44. M. 3. 57¾ A.
10. 11½ A. Th. 4. 25¼ M.
Th. 13. Th. 10. 39. M. 4. 53. A.
11. 7. A. Fr. 5. 21. M.
Fr. 14. Fr. 11. 35. M. 5. 49. A.
Sa. 15. Sa. 0. 3. M. Sa. 6. 17. M.
0. 31. A. 6. 45. A.
Su. 16. Su. 0. 59. M. Su. 7. 13. M.
1. 27. A. 7. 41. A.
Mo. 17. Mo. 1. 55. M. Mo. 8. 9. M.
2. 23. A. 8. 36¾ A.

Tu. 18. Full. Tu. 2. 50½ M. Tu. 9. 4¼ M.
11.10'. 3. 19. A. 9. 31¼ A.
We. 19. We. 3. 45. M. We. 9. 58½ M.
4. 11. A. 10. 25½ A.
Th. 20. Th. 4. 39. M. Th. 10. 52½ M.
5. 6. A. 11. 20. A.
Fr. 21. Fr. 5. 34. M. Fr. 11. 48. M.
6. 2. A. 0. 16. A.
Sa. 22. Sa. 6. 30. M. Sa. 0. 44. A.
6. 58. A. Su. 1. 12½ M.
Su. 23. Su. 7. 27. M. 1. 41½ A.
7. 36. A. Mo. 2. 10¼ M.
Mo. 24. Mo. 8. 24½ M. 2. 38¾ A.
8. 53. A. Tu. 3. 6¾ M.
Tu. 25. Tu. 9. 20½ M. 3. 34¼ A.
9. 48. A. We. 4. 1¾ M.
We. 26. last Q We. 10. 15½ M. 4. 29¼ A.
3.11' 10. 43. A. Th. 4. 56½ M.
Th. 27. Th. 11. 10. M. 5. 23½ A.
11. 37. A. Fr. 5. 48. M.
Fr. 28. Fr. 11. 59. M. 6. 10. A.
Sa. 29. Sa. 0. 21. M. Sa. 6. 32. M.
0. 43. A. 6. 54. A.
Su. 30. Su. 1. 5. M. Su. 7. 16. M.
Octob. 1. 27. A. 7. 38. A.
Mo. 1. Mo. 1. 49. M. Mo. 7. 59. M.
2. 9. A. 8. 19. A.
Tu. 2. Tu. 2. 29. M. Tu. 8. 39. M.
New. 2. 49. A. 8. 59. A.
We. 3. 1.38' We. 3. 9. M. We. 9. 19. M.

1666. Rising, and Thermo- Hygro-
Sept. 3. fall of Tides metre scope
Hour. M. Foot /1000 Inch /10 Inch /10
Velocity of Baro- Azimuth. Force
the Current scope of the Wind
Foot /1000 Inch /10 deg. deg.
00, 000.
0, 000. Weather
XII. 00. 00, 000. 6. 7. 28. 1. 3. 4. S. to W. 50. 3.
0, 456. Rain great
20. 10, 000. 6. 7. 28. 1. 3. 4. S. to W. 57. 3.
1, 353. Rain great
40. 36, 250. 6. 8. 28. 1. 3. 4. S. to W. 60. 3.
2, 211. Rain small
I. 00. 48, 587. 6. 8. 28. 1. 3. 3. S. W. 45. 4.
3, 000. Rain small
20. 66, 658. 6. 8. 28. 1. 3. 2. S. W. 30. 4.
3, 696. Rain very small
40. 81, 053. 6. 9. 28. 2. 3. 1. S. W. 36. 4.
4, 284. Fair but cloudy
II. 00. 93, 289. 6. 9. 28. 2. 3. 0. S. W. 39. 5.
4, 740. Fair and warm
20. 103, 289. 6. 8. 28. 1. 2. 7. S. W. 42. 5.
5, 049. Warm and cloudy
40. 110, 724. 6. 8. 28. 2. 2. 3. S. W. 19. 6.
5, 211. Sunshine
III. 00. 114, 276. 6. 8. 28. 2. 2. 0. S. W. 60. 5.
5, 211. Sunshine and clear
20. 110, 724. 6. 7. 28. 3. 2. 1. S. W. 73. 5.
5, 049. Sun clouded
40. 103, 289. 6. 7. 28. 3. 2. 0. S. W. 90. 6.
4, 740. Cloudy
IIII. 00. 93, 289. 6. 6. 28. 3. 2. 1. S. W. 90. 6.
4, 284. Hazy about the Horiz.
20. 81, 053. 6. 6. 28. 4. 2. 3. N. W. 87. 6.
3, 696. Misty
40. 66, 658. 6. 5. 28. 4. 2. 3. N. W. 70. 7.
3, 000. Misty
V. 00. 48, 487. 6. 4. 28. 4. 2. 3. N. W. 59. 7.
2, 211. Clearing up
20. 36, 250. 6. 2. 28. 5. 2. 3. N. W. 50. 6.
1, 353. Clear
40. 10, 000. 6. 1. 28. 5. 2. 1. N. W. 60. 5.
0, 456. Sunshine
VI. 00. 00, 000. 6. 0. 28. 5. 2. 0. N. W. 60. 4.
0, 000. Sunshine

{315}

* * * * *

_Other Inquiries Concerning the Sea._

The _Publisher_ of these _Tracts_, knowing that the Honorable _Robert Boyle_ had not left unconsidered the Natural History of the _Sea_, of which Subject the late, and these present Papers, have entertained the _Reader_ as to the Observables of its _Flux_ and _Reflux_; He was on this occasion instant, with that Gentleman to impart to him, for publication, these Heads of Inquiries, he had drawn up, touching that Subject: Which having obtained (though the _Author_ desires, they may be lookt upon as unfinisht) he thus subjoyns.

What is the Proportion of Salt, that is in the Water of differing Seas; And whether in the same Sea it be always the same? And if it be not, how much it differs?

[Sidenote: * _This last Clause containing difficult _Quaere_ and that may seem something odd, Mr. _Boyl_ thinks fit to note, That having recommended this matter, among others, to a learned Physician, that was sailing into _America_, and furnished him with a small _Hydrostaticall_ Instrument, to observe from time to time the Differences of Gravity he might meet with; This account was returned him, That he found by the Glass, the Sea-water to increase in weight, the nearer he came to the _Line_, till he arrived at a certain Degree of _Latitude_; as he remembers, it was about the 30th; after which, the Water seemed to retain the same specifick gravity, till he came to the _Barbadoes_, or _Jamaica_._]

What is the Gravity of Sea-waters in reference to Fresh Waters and to one another: Whether it vary not in Summer and Winter, and on other Scores? And whether in the same Season its Gravity proceed _only_ from the greater or lesser Proportion of Salt, that is in it, and not sometimes from other Causes? And what are the differing Gravities of the Sea-water, according to the Climats. *

What are the Odors, Colours and Tasts, observable in Sea-water?

What is the depth of the sea in several places, and the Order of its increase and Decrements? And whether the Bottom of the Sea does always rise towards the Shore, unless accidentally interrupted?

Of the Bottom of the Sea, and how it differs from the Surface of the Earth, in reference to the Soyl, and evenness or Roughness of the Superficies, And the Stones, Minerals and Vegetables to be found there?

What the Figuration of the Seas from North to South, and from East to West, and in the several Hemispheres and Climats?

What communication there is of Seas by Streights and Subterraneal Conveyances?

Of the Motion of the Sea by Winds, and how far Storms reach downwards towards the Bottom of the Sea?

[Sidenote: * _The particulars whereof (saith the Author) are here omitted; Sir _Robert Moray_ and Dr. _Wallis_ having by there more accurate inquiries about _Tides_ made them needless._]

Of the grand Motions of the Bulk or Body of the Sea; especially of the Tides *; Their History as to their Nature and Differences.

{316} What power the Sea hath to produce or hasten Putrefaction in some Bodies, and to preserve others; as Wood, Cables, and others that are sunk under it?

Of the Power ascribed to the Sea to eject Dead Bodies, _Succinum_, _Ambergris_?

Of the shining of the Sea in the night?

What are the Medical vertues of the Sea, especially against _Hydrophobia_?

What is its vertue to Manure Land? And what are the Plants, that thrive best with Sea-water.

* * * * *

_Some Considerations concerning the _Parenchymous_ parts of the Body._

These were communicated by the inquisitive M. _Edmund King_ at the Instance of the _Publisher_, as follows;

The _Parenchymous_ parts of the Body, are by _Anatomists_ generally supposed to be in very many places wholly _void of Vessels_; designed chiefly to fill up Cavities and interstices between the Vessels, and to boulster up the same, and to convey them through the parts.

But having many years endeavoured to excarnate several parts of the Body, _viz._ the Liver, Lungs, Spleen, Kidneys, &c. (not to name the _Placenta Uteri_, which seems to be _Parenchymous_ too;) and being very desirous to make a _Scheme_ of the Vessels of any of these, what ever they were, I fixt upon; I found, notwithstanding all my care to preserve the Vessels, when I was freeing them, as heedfully as I could, from the supposed _Parenchyma_, that in every breach, I made, either with my fingers or otherwise, all my endeavors were destructive to my purpose: and that, upon examination of those bits, much of which is called _Parenchyma_, I met in them more Vessels, than I had preserved in the parts whence they came: And though the portion were never so small, yet my bare eye could make this discovery; much more could I, when assisted by a _Microscope_, perceive, I had destroyed more Vessels than preserved, in despite of the exactest care, I was capable to use. And being not a little concern'd, that I should undertake to preserve the Vessels by such a Cause, as I saw plainly to be their definition (were the part never so big, or never so small) I was both confounded and tired. For I saw (and so must any, that will attempt this work) in my endeavouring to preserve one Vessel of a traceable magnitude, I spoiled an infinite number of others less discernable, which were as truly Vessels, as the other, differing only in size and figure (as to appearance.) Then reviewing what mischief I had done in every place, quite through the whole Tract of my Fingers, Knife, &c. I begin to think with my self, That it was not impossible for these parts to consist wholly of Vessels curiously wrought and interwoven (probably for more Uses, than is yet known;) And the {317} consideration, which came into my mind, of a piece of fine Cloth (which consists of so many several minute Hairs, call'd _Wool_) was no discouragement to this opinion. Yet I durst not be presumptuous as to indulge my self too much in it; much less to venter presently to speak of such a thing, which seem'd to contradict so many Learned Men's belief. But being restless, till I might receive more satisfaction in the thing, I iterated experiments over and over; some of which prov'd so successful to my apprehension, that I was encouraged in the year 1663. and 1664 to discourse of it to several very worthy Persons, as Mr. _Boyl_, Sir _William Petty_, Dr. _Williams_, Dr. _Lenthal_, Dr. _Jaspar Needham_, Dr. _Samson_, (who afterwards sent me a Letter from _France_, intimating the acquaintance he had made with the learned _Steno_, who hath since published something of the same Discovery) Mr. _Daniel Cox_, and Dr. _Samuel Parker_, &c, who doubtless cannot but remember, that then I related to them, I found much cause to believe, that that substance commonly called _Parenchyma_, was in most, if not in all its _Parenchymous_ parts, full of Vessels; however it had been imagin'd by all, I could ever meet with, to consist in great part of a substance, in many places void of Vessels, designed for such uses, as are above mentioned.

Against which I have now further to alledge, 1. That I observe in a piece of _Musculous_ flesh (so call'd) either raw, rosted, or boiled, &c. that if I so far extend it as to make it to be seen through, I can (assisting my Eye) perceive it full of Vessels placed as thick as is possible to be imagin'd, (the fat if there be any, being first removed) there appearing then nothing but vessels, yet so as with a _Microscope_ may be seen through, when they are extended. 2. That, if any one, as he is at dinner, take a piece of flesh, and begin either at the head or tail of a _Muscle_, he may divide it _in infinitum_ all along from head to tail, without breaking any thing of that, called Flesh, only these transverse _Fibres_, that seem to stitch them together, and (as I am apt to think) pass through the very Bodies of the smallest of them, and quite through the whole Muscle up the Cutaneous porosities; so that there is not one of these small _ducts_, that run _per longitudinem_, but 'tis furnisht with a sufficient number of outlets, when need requires, though too minute to suffer any _alimentary_ juice to pass transversly (in a living Body) or any other liquor, when the Body is dead and cold. But to wave their use at present, and to return to what I was saying. Compress between the fingers this bit of flesh, and you shall find the Juice, especially if the Meat be Hot, to go before your fingers toward either end you please; but if you compress both ends, you shall see it swell into the middle; and again, if you press the middle, it will run out at both ends. But further, suppose a piece of flesh, called _Parenchyma_, as big, or as little as you please, in any part of the Body, and let me prick it with a Needle, where you shall appoint; if you feel it, I presume you will acknowledge, a _Nerve_, or a _Fibrilla_, related to it, is touch'd; If you feel it not, I am sure some liquor either sanguineous or other, will follow the Needle; And from whence can that come, but out of Vessels? unless {318} accidentally, as by a _Contusion_, &c., it be extravased, in which case my Argument will not be injured, because the part is depraved, whereas I speak of the parts, as they are in their natural State.

To confirm and illustrate all which, I desire, that the following _familiar_ Observations may be considered:

1. If a Horse, fat and fair to look on, without a hollow to be seen between his Muscles, be rid extreme hard, and into a great sweat, and then kept one day without water or moist meat, you shall see him took so thin in many places as in the _musculous_ parts, that you will hardly believe it to be the same Horse, especially if he be (as the Phrase is among Horse-masters) a _Nash_ or _Wash-Horse_. The cause of which thinness will easily be granted to be only an exhaustion of Juice, expended out of the Blood, which did stuff out these Vessels. And whoever, that is used to ride hard, shall observe, how thick this foul Horse breaths, and at what a rate he will reek and sweat, will not much wonder at the alteration. But if the Horse be a hardy one, and used to be hard ridden, then you will see, that one days rest, and his belly full of good meat and drink, will in one day or two almost restore him to his former plight, the food being within that short space of time so distributed, that all the Vessels will be replenish'd again, as before. And the cleaner the Horse is, the sooner recruited, and the less sign of hard riding will appear. This seems to shew the facility, with which the Juice, called Blood, passeth; Which surely, if there were such a thing as a _Parenchyma_ might by several accidents (not difficult to mention) be so deprav'd in several parts of it, that it might lose its receptive faculty; than which it may be thought to have none of greater use, being supposed to be without Vessels.

2. Discoursing sometimes with _Grasiers_ in the Country, about the Pasture of Cattle, I have been informed by them, that, if they buy any Old Beasts, Oxen, or Cows to feed, they choose rather those that are as poor as can be, so they be sound; because that, if they are pretty well in flesh, what they then add to them by a good pasture, though it make them both look and sell well, yet it will not make them eat so well, their flesh proving hard and very tough: Which some may suppose to be the age of _Parenchyma_; and so it is of that so called. But if those Beasts be old and extremely poor, then they feed very kindly, and will be not only very fat but spend well, like young ones, and eat very tender.

Of which I take the reason (excluding a _Parenchyma_ now) to be this. When an Oxe or a Cow is grown old, and in an indifferent plight as to his _flesh_ (for so it is called) all those Vessels having been kept at that size for the most part, have contracted a tenseness and firmness, and their _fibers_ less extensive, nor so fitted for the reception of more unctuous particles to relaxe them; and that additional unctuous matter, which occasions fatness, is forced to seek new quarter any where (often remote from Muscles) where it can be with least difficulty received; sometimes to one place, sometimes to {319} another, as may be seen in Shambles. Whereas, if there were such a thing as a _Parenchyma_, that certainly would, like a hungry Sponge, immediately swell up in several parts, (which without much difficulty might be discover'd in the dissection) and more eminently, where it should find the pores most potent: And in the dissection of such Muscles it would be very strange, not to find some, if not many, pieces of them in various shapes, to the great inconvenience of the parts, in which they are seated: Which yet I confess I could never find in any Muscle unless it were where there had been a _Contusion_, or an _Impostume_, or the like. But according to my opinion of the _Parenchymous_ parts, the reason, why the Flesh of a very lean Ox or Cow, that hath got new Flesh in a good pasture, eats tenderer, seems to be this: That in a very lean Beast the Vessels designed for admitting and distributing the nourishing Juice, are so near contracted, and lye so close together; that, when once they are relax'd; by fresh and unctuous nourishment, they extend every way in all _extensive_ parts, until in a short time the whole Creature is, as it were, created a new, having got new flesh upon old bones. And the necessity of extreme extension makes all those parts, that are, as has been said, for the admission of nourishment, so thin and fine, that it will make the lean Beast, put into a rich pasture, eat young and tender: Whereas one of the same Age, that never was very poor, fed in the same pasture, shall eat hard and tough.

3. It has been observed, that Corpulent Persons in some Diseases, that seize on them, do fall away to wonder, not only in the Wast, but in the Arms, Legs, and Thighs; and the very Calves of the Legs have been observed so flaccid and loose, that one might wrap the skin about the bones. The reason whereof, according to the opinion deliver'd, may be easily rendred to be, A great Consumption of the Stock of Liquors, that in Health kept the Vessels turgid; Which Vessels I suppose to make up those Muscles. But when the Pores are obstructed, that the nourishment is hindred (which then also uses to be but sparingly administred) and sweats, either spontaneous, or forced, are large, there must needs be a great expence of those Liquors, the supply being but inconsiderable: which cannot but contract all these ducts of all sorts nearer together, and make them much less in themselves, meerly from Exhaustion: Or, if there should be no sweats, the internal Heat spends the spirits, and dries up the Liquors; the consequence whereof may reasonably be presumed to be this Flaccidity of parts, and great and sudden Change, made in them; not that there is need of any _Parenchyma_ to fill up these Muscles considering what hath been said. Mean while, I humbly conceive, that if it be in any part of a Muscle, their Ingenuity, that plead for it, will put them upon some experiments, to bring it to Ocular Demonstration, either in Living or Dead Muscle, any kind of flesh, raw, rosted, boyl'd, or in what they can best make it out. And when I shall be convinc'd of an Errour in what I have discoursed, I shall beg pardon for giving the Occasion of the trouble of that Experiment, which shall prove a {320} _Parenchyma_ in any Muscle; and think my time well spent in receiving a full satisfaction of the ungroundedness of my opinion; and readily submit to the Author, with a grateful acknowledgement of my Obligation to any one that shall rectifie me in my mistake, if it be one.

* * * * *

_Observables touching _Petrification_._

Though much hath been already said and written of _Petrification_, yet 'tis conceived, that all that comes so far short of a competent stock for the composing of a perfect _History of Petrification_, that the incompleatness thereof ought to awaken the more diligent attention of the Curious, and to call in their aid for Additions, thereby so to encrease and to complete the _Materials_ for that work, that it may the better serve to clear and make out the Cause of that Transmutation. And that the rather, because if it lay in the power of humane Skill (by the knowledge of _Nature_'s works) to raise _Petrification_, or to allay, or prevent it, or to order and direct it (which perchance in time might be attained the said way) much use might be made of this Art; especially if it could be made applicable to hinder the Generation of the Stone and Gravel in humane Bodies, or to dissolve the Stone, where 'tis formed; besides other valuable Uses, that might be excogitated.

Upon this Consideration, care is, and further _will be_ taken in these Papers, to record, among other Observables of Nature, what shall be communicated of this kind of _Change_.

In _Num._ 1. 2. and 5. several Relations have been made belonging to this Argument. Much of it, together with considerable Reflections may be seen in Mr. _Boyle_'s _Essay of Firmness_: In _Helmont de Lithiase_, where, among other remarques, is recited the Testimony of _Paræus_ of a _Petrified Child_ seen at _Paris_, and by the Owner used for a _Whetstone_: In _Densingius_'s Historia _Infantis in Abdomine inventi, & in duritiem lapideam conversi_: In Mr. _Hook_'s _Micrography_, and in others. To omit now, what has been related (but perhaps not well enough attested) by Authors, concerning the stupendious Petrifications of whole Companies of Men, and Troops of Cattle; by _Aventinus_, lib. 7. _Annal. Bojorum_; by _Purchas_ in his _Pilgrimage_ p. 416. in fol. printed at _London_ 1614, and, (of a Troop of _Spanish_ Horsemen) by _Jos. Acosta_ lib. 3. c. 9.