Chapter VI: Part 6

1. Inflammable spirits, which revive gold from its solutions in form of yellow films, have no such effect on solutions of platina. This experiment affords not only a criterion for distinguishing with certainty whether gold has been debased by platina, but likewise an infallible means of recovering it perfectly pure from any admixture of that mineral. If the compound be dissolved in aqua-regis, the solution mingled with twice its quantity or more of the spirit, and the mixture suffered to stand for some days in a glass slightly covered; the whole of the gold arises to the surface, leaving the whole of the platina dissolved. The golden pellicles may be collected, by pouring the matter into a filter just large enough to contain it. The dissolved platina passes thro’, leaving the gold upon the paper, which is to be washed with fresh parcels of water till the liquor runs colourless. The paper is then to be carefully squeezed together, and burnt in a crucible previously lined with vitrefied borax: when fully sunk down, a little fresh borax is to be injected, and the fire raised to melt the gold. The use of lining the crucible with borax is to prevent any moleculæ of the gold from lodging in its cavities.--This process is attended with one inconvenience, the slowness of the separation of the gold from the solution: this may be in some measure expedited by employing a spirit, which has been distilled from vegetables, that give over an essential oil.

2. As essential oils take up gold from aqua-regis, and keep it dissolved for a time upon the surface of the acid; a pure colourless oil, that of rosemary, was poured into about half its quantity of a solution of platina, the mixture well shaken, and suffered to rest: the oil quickly arose, without taking up any thing from the platina, or receiving any colour: the acid liquor underneath remained coloured as at first. Compositions of platina and gold being dissolved in aqua-regis, and treated in the same manner, the whole of the gold was imbibed by the oil, and the whole of the platina remained dissolved in the acid. The oil, loaded with the gold, appeared of a fine yellow colour, and, on standing for a few hours, threw off great part of its contents, in bright yellow films, to the sides of the glass. Sundry other distilled oils were made trial of, with the same event. The gold is easily recovered, by setting the oil on fire; and, when thoroughly burnt out, melting the residuum with borax, as in the preceding experiment. After the separation of the oil employed at first, it may be proper, for the greater security, to add a little more; which, if any part of the gold should happen to have been left in the liquor, will effectually take it up.

3. The experiment was repeated likewise with the subtile fluid, prepared from vinous spirits with the vitriolic acid, called by the chemists æther. The separation succeeded in the same manner as before; the æther receiving nothing from pure platina, but instantly taking up the gold from a mixture of the two. It is observable, that the gold imbibed by this fluid is kept permanently dissolved by it; without separating or reviving, as it does from the common essential oils and vinous spirits.

4. The liquors remaining in these experiments, after the extraction of the gold, appear on all trials the same with the common solutions of platina; and readily betray their being impregnated with that mineral by their colour, by the precipitation with tin, by their yielding a sparkling red precipitate with volatile spirits, _&c._ A far more minute proportion of platina, mixed with gold, is more distinguishable by these processes, than by those with alkaline salts above-mentioned; these exhibiting the whole of the platina dissolved by itself, those only a part of it.

4. _By metallic Solutions._

All the metals, which precipitate gold from aqua-regia, have been already shewn to precipitate platina also. As gold is thrown down by some metallic solutions, as well as by the metals in substance, particularly those of mercury and iron, it remains to apply these liquors as precipitants for platina.

1. A saturated solution of mercury in aqua-fortis, which readily and totally threw down gold in its metallic form, being added to a solution of platina, the liquor became immediately turbid, and, on standing for a little time, nearly the whole of the platina fell to the bottom. A solution of mercury in the marine acid, or of corrosive sublimate, likewise precipitated platina, but less perfectly, and with this difference, that the former precipitate was of a greyish brown colour, the latter of a sparkling red.

2. Solutions of iron in the vitriolic acid, or of common green vitriol in water, which totally throw down gold, happily made no change in solutions of platina. Compositions of platina and gold being dissolved in aqua-regis, the solutions diluted with about twice their quantity of water, and a filtered solution of the vitriol gradually added; the mixtures instantly grew turbid, and, on standing, deposited the gold in form of a purplish grey calx, the whole of the platina remaining dissolved. It appeared, on numerous repetitions of this experiment, that no part of the platina was precipitated along with the gold, nor any of the gold kept suspended with the platina. Where the quantity of the mixt to be assayed was very small, the precipitation was usually performed in a filter, that the gold, which separates in very minute moleculæ, some of which might possibly remain unobserved in the bottom of a glass, might be detained on the paper. The colourless sorts of filtering-paper are preferable for this use to the coloured; as these last may be impregnated with astringent matter, which would extricate some of the ferrugineous part of the vitriol. The vitriol was dissolved in about six times its quantity of water, and a few drops of oil of vitriol added, to prevent the separation of any of its iron in the filter. This solution was put into the filter first, the solution of gold and platina immediately poured into it, the whole stirred together with a clean glass rod, and such part of the liquor, as had run thro’ before they had been duly mixed, poured back to the rest. The gold remaining in the filter was washed with fresh parcels of water, the paper cautiously rolled up, and burnt in a crucible, as mentioned in a former experiment.

3. Solutions of the vitriol, recommended by Kunckel and others for precipitating gold of an uncommonly high colour, made no change in the solutions either of gold or platina. The bluish green did indeed precipitate the gold; not as blue vitriols, but by virtue of the ferrugineous matter, of which these kinds largely participate. White vitriol was likewise made trial of, but without producing any sensible effect in either solution.

4. The experiments with green vitriol were repeated on the solutions of platina and gold made in spirit of salt. The event was the same as with those made in aqua-regis; the gold being constantly precipitated, and the platina remaining dissolved.

+REMARKS+.

It may be proper to observe, that by the processes here pointed out, the gold is purified from other metallic admixtures at the same time that it is separated from platina; the inflammable spirits reviving, essential oils and æther imbibing, and green vitriol precipitating, gold alone. Care should be had, that the piece of the mixt, taken for examination, be totally dissolved before any trials are made with the solution; the menstruum not acting with equal facility on the two metals, but dissolving the gold more readily than the platina. Where the acid has been dilute, and only a gentle heat applied, great part of the gold has appeared to be taken up before the platina was considerably acted on. Where the filter, with the gold in it, is burnt in the crucible, borax is the most commodious flux: but as this salt gives a sensible paleness to gold, a little nitre may be injected, after the metal has come into fusion, to restore its colour. If the nitre was added at first, whilst the gold continues subtilely divided, some particles of the metal would be dissipated during the deflagration, which that salt produces with the coaly remains of the paper.

As the foregoing experiments exhibit platina and gold dissolved in a mineral fluid, which by simple mechanic agitation rejects the one and retains the other, and which discovers this different appetite of union so much the more remarkably, as the two metals have been the more intimately combined:--as they further exhibit platina dissolved in liquors incapable of holding gold suspended,--gold dissolved in liquors incapable of holding platina suspended,--gold totally precipitated by substances, which precipitate no particle of platina,--and gold, when mixed _per minima_ with platina, perfectly recovered from it by these means, without increase as well as without diminution:--it follows, that platina is not, as some believe, gold naturally debased by the admixture of some other metallic body, but a metal of a peculiar kind, essentially different from all the others. Before the discriminating characters of platina were discovered, such a notion was highly plausible, and direct experiment seemed to confirm it: a portion of the platina might be separated in the process; a quantity of gold mixed with the remainder, in order to collect the gold supposed to be contained in it; the mixture submitted to operations, which gold alone was supposed capable of withstanding; and the augmentation, which the noble metal still retained, held to be true gold gained from the platina.

The methods of trial above related will, it is presumed, be sufficient to undeceive those, who may have been imposed upon by such appearances, and betrayed into the practice of unintended frauds: to convince them, that all they have gained from platina, after the most laborious attempts to divest it of its imaginary coat, is no other than platina still: and, which is of more extensive utility, to distinguish all the abuses, that may be made with this metal, and restore the gold, so debased, to its original purity and value.

XXI. _An Account of the Temple of_ Serapis _at_ Pozzuoli _in the Kingdom of_ Naples: _In a Letter to_ John Ward, _LL.D. and R.S. Vice-Præs. by the Rev._ John Nixon, _M.A. F.R.S._

[Read Mar. 17, 1757.]

+SIR+,

BEFORE we enter upon a more particular consideration of this noble piece of antiquity, it may not be improper to premise the general account (and indeed the only one I have met with yet published), which is given of it by Mess. Cochin and Bellicard, in a little [57]treatise printed at Paris in 1755. These gentlemen acquaint us, that in 1749 there were only three pillars of this building visible, and that they were buried half way within the ground: but that soon after, workmen being employed by order of the King of the Two Sicilies to dig at the place, they came to the pedestals of those pillars: and at length discovered the building to have been a temple, which (as it was judged by the principal[58] idol found there, and some other circumstances) was dedicated to Serapis. They tell us further, that many statues and vases of excellent workmanship had been taken out of the ruins; and that the whole temple was extremely magnificent, being built, or cased throughout, with marble, even to the parts appropriated to the meanest offices.

This account, tho’ short, is yet sufficient to excite in the curious a desire to be more fully informed, both as to the ancient and modern state of this place. To gratify in some measure that desire is the purpose of the present letter.

In order to form any conjecture concerning the antiquity of the building before us, we must know, that the worship of Serapis, to whom it is supposed to have been consecrated, was not introduced at Rome till towards the end of the republic; and then tolerated in the suburbs only[59]. However, at length he was allowed to have temples erected to him within the precincts of the city; chiefly by the authority of Vespasian, who was thought to have restored a blind man[60] to his sight at Alexandria by the aid and direction of this deity. And upon this account he continued to be held in high veneration by Titus and Domitian, the sons of that Emperor, as appears by their [61]stamping his image on the reverse of their coins. Now as it is reasonable to suppose, that the other cities of Italy followed the example of the metropolis in this instance, as we find, they did in others of a similar nature; we may with some probability place the foundation of this temple at Pozzuoli somewhere within the period assigned above.

As for the particular state of this building, it is situated on the west side of the town, near to, and upon a level with, the beach (_See_ TAB. II.). Its grand entrance is towards the south, and seems to have been a vestibule supported by four columns. This introduces you into a spacious portico, or corridor[62], which was designed to defend such as assembled here to worship from the injuries of the weather; as also to afford a commodious passage into a range of rooms of different dimensions, disposed on all the four sides of the court.

These chambers seem designed for preparing the sacrifices, lodging the priests, and keeping their vestments; as also the fuel, stores, and other things requisite for the service of the temple: not to omit the convenience of purifying both the priests and the worshippers by bathing or washing. This last destination is countenanced, with regard to the chamber on the north-west and that on the north-east corner, by the row of stone seats, which still remains on each of the sides of the former. These seats have a gutter, or channel running along at the foot of them on the floor; and are likewise perforated with holes of a proper size, with funnels passing from them below. On these benches probably the persons to be purified placed themselves, that the water might be let out upon them from pipes; or administred in vases or ewers by the attendants, and afterwards be carried off by the passages mentioned above[63].

A. _Ancient grand Entrance._

B.B.B.B. _Portico or Corridor._

C. _Atrium._

D. _Temple properly so call’d._

E. _Altar with it’s Drain._

F. _Sacrarium._

G.G. _Two large Chambers for washing &c._

H. _Modern Entrance over Ruins. This seems to have been formerly such a Chamber, as is express’d in the Drawing at_ (L)

_A Scale of Feet._]

Nor can a provision for washing or bathing in this temple seem strange to any one, who reflects, how high a rank this mode of purification held among the religious ceremonies of almost all nations of the world. As for the Romans, with whom we are principally concerned in the present inquiry, the subsistence of this usage among them might be abundantly shewn by the testimonies of their writers; and also by the accommodations provided for it in other buildings of the same character with that before us. Some of these still remain within the neighbourhood of Pozzuolo, _viz._ the magnificent temple near the lake of Avernus ascribed to Apollo, which has an apartment adjoining to it indisputably intended for the purpose intimated above. For it is furnished with several stone cisterns, whose inward dimensions are proportioned to the ordinary size of an human body; and near them is a spring, out of which the water was taken up, and poured into a bason hollowed out in the side of the wall: from thence it ran along in a groove or channel cut in the ends of the cisterns, to be let out upon the persons bathing in them, according to their pleasure, or as occasion should require. So likewise in the temple of Venus (as it is commonly called) near Baiæ, there is a large chamber containing several stone seats for washing, with little cells contiguous to it for undressing before, and anointing the body and dressing afterwards.

I have but one more particular to add concerning the apartment in the north-west angle of the temple, _viz._ that, when it was cleared of its rubbish, there was found in a niche in one of its sides a male and female figure naked, and in the most flagrant act of natural lewdness. It is now (as we were informed) in a private room in the palace at Portici, nor can be seen without the King’s special permission. In the same place, probably, may stand the statue of a satyr in an unnatural action with a goat, which was found at Herculaneum, and is, they say, of exquisite sculpture, but concealed in the palace above-mentioned with the same strict care as the former.

Having thus viewed the several chambers in the exterior parts of the building, it is requisite (in order to a regular prosecution of our design) to return to the grand entrance. And here, passing thro’ the corridor above described, we come to a square court or _atrium_ paved with large slabs of white marble streaked with blue or greyish veins. At the distance of 25 feet further, in the center of the said court, stood the temple properly so called, containing a circular area of 54 feet diameter, and elevated above the level of the pavement, so as to admit an ascent to it of five steps[64], in four different parts answering to the four sides of the corridor. This area is surrounded with sixteen pedestals, on which formerly were columns to support a rotundo or dome. Against each of these columns, on the outside, there seems to have been placed a statue, and, in the intermediate spaces, vases for incense, or lavers for washing, upon low stands on the floor. In the middle of the temple was erected the grand altar, the traces of which still remain, with a sink or drain near it to receive and carry off the blood of the victims, _&c._

Northward of the temple, and at the distance of 25 feet, being the same space, that was between it and the corridor at the entrance, was once another stately vestibule or pavilion, supported by four columns four feet and an half in diameter, and of the Corinthian order, as appears by three of them, which still subsist standing in a line with the outer face of the corridor. This pavilion (if we may judge by analogy from what we find in other temples) led to an inner recess or _sacrarium_ terminating, probably, in the segment of a circle: but of this we had no certain proof, as the rubbish was not yet removed from this part of the building.

I beg leave further to mention a remarkable appearance in some of the columns of this temple, _viz._ that that part of them, which was lowermost, as well as that, which was nearest the capitals, is well preserved and pretty entire; while part of the intermediate space for two or three feet together is discoloured, as if it had suffered by burning; and also excavated in such a manner[65], as to contain multitudes of little shell-fish, which appear, like the pholades in some stones, almost totally inclosed within their cells, so as not to be got out without breaking. I know no way to account for this so probable; as by supposing, that the lower parts of these columns were secured by the mass of rubbish, that inclosed them, as the uppermost were by their elevated situation, from being perforated either by the corrosive quality of the sea, which (according to tradition) formerly covered the site of this temple; or by the animalcula, which are bred in that element; while the middle parts standing in the water were (perhaps for ages) exposed to the injuries mentioned above. I had no opportunity of taking the height of the uppermost line, where the above-mentioned alteration in the columns ended, from the level of the sea in the bay; which would have shewn how high the water must have risen formerly above its present mark, to produce the effect ascribed to it on this hypothesis. But, however that may be, the nature of the situation of this place[66] being considered, the innovation supposed to have happened in it will not, I presume, be thought improbable; especially in a country so plentifully stored with combustible matter in its interior parts, and consequently so liable to changes in its outward form, as this is, and has been for many ages. For an extraordinary instance of this we need go but a little way from this place, _viz._ to Il Monte Nuovo, a hill about four miles in compass, which in 1538 was cast up in one night’s time by an eruption, whereby the greatest part of the Lucrine lake was filled up, and the town of Tripergola, with a church, convent, hospital, and other buildings, intirely buried.

I shall conclude with acquainting you, that at the corner of the court of this temple, near the present entrance, there lie some large bases of marble, which (as we were informed) were taken out of the sea at about a mile’s distance from Pozzuolo, and are inscribed DVSARI SACRUM. What was the original situation of these monuments, it may not be possible now to ascertain. As for DVSARES mentioned in the inscription upon them, G. Vossius[67] (upon the authority of Tertullian, and Stephanus Byzantius) makes him to have been an Arabian deity, the same as Bacchus or Sol according to the Roman theology. That learned man is likewise inclined to think, that the name DVSARES is compounded of two Hebrew words; one of which signifies _joy_, and the other, _the earth_, i. e. mortals, who inhabit it. This etymology properly expresses the genial effects of the sun, which makes glad the heart of man by ripening the fruits of the earth, especially the grape: Whence Virgil calls wine,

_Munera lætitiamque Dei._ Æn. i. _v._ 640.

and stiles Bacchus the fabled inventer of it,

----_Bacchus lætitiæ dator._ Ib. _v._ 738.

I am,
+SIR,+
With the greatest respect,
Your most obedient humble Servant,
J. Nixon.

London, March 14. 1757.

XXII. _Some Remarks on a_ Parthian _Coin with a_ Greek _and_ Parthian _Legend, never before published. In a Letter from the Rev._ John Swinton, _M.A. of_ Christ-Church, Oxon. _F.R.S. to the Rev._ Thomas Birch, _D.D. Secret. R. S._

[Read Mar. 24, 1757.]

Reverend Sir,

AS we know little of the reigns of the latter Parthian kings, and less still of their coins; an attempt to strike out even the least new light on either of those heads will not, I persuade myself, prove unacceptable to the Royal Society. In this persuasion, I do myself the honour to send you a few conjectures upon another brass Parthian medal, in my possession, as remarkable, on account of the double legend it contains, as the former, which I endeavoured a little to illustrate about a year ago. This medal, which certainly merits the attention of the curious, is in very good conservation, and approaches near the size of those of the middle Roman brass. It exhibits the head, or effigies, of a Parthian king, with a beard, diadem, and hair formed into such curls as I never yet observed upon any antient coins. Under the effigies, the Greek letters ΒΑϹΙΛΕωΝ ΜΕΓΑϹ ΜΟ⦙⦙⦙, which demonstrate the piece to be Parthian, appear; and, on the reverse, a _Victory_, done something after the Roman manner, tho’ the workmanship is pretty rude, presents itself to our view, together with a legend in a language and character at this time unknown. The legend consists of ten complete elements, placed behind the _Victory_ above-mentioned; besides which there is one in the field of the medal, being probably the initial letter of the name of the city where the coin was struck. The metal, tho’ termed by me brass, discovers something of a composition similar to that of his Grace the Duke of Devonshire’s medal of Vologeses III. as described by [68]Sig. Haym. This coin, of which I herewith transmit you a draught most accurately taken (_See_ TAB. IV. _Fig. 1._), having not yet, as I apprehend, been published; you will permit me now to offer a few cursory remarks upon it, drawn up in the shortest and most concise manner possible.

1. The Greek legend, had all of it appeared, would, undoubtedly have been either ΒΑϹΙΛΕωΝ ΜΕΓΑϹ ΜΟΝΝΗϹΗϹ, or ΒΑϹΙΛΕΥϹ ΒΑϹΙΛΕωΝ ΜΕΓΑϹ ΜΟΝΝΗϹΗϹ; of which I should chuse the former, notwithstanding it is such Parthian Greek, as the round of the medal seems not to have been capable of containing the latter. It will be, at first sight, observed, that this legend is different from those of the Parthian coins hitherto described; which are exhibited in the [69]genitive, not the nominative, case. The last two letters MO leave no room to doubt, tho’ the O is not so extremely well preserved, that the piece was struck when Monneses sat upon the Parthian throne. It is true, indeed, the first element of the prince’s name is not so apparently a _Mu_; tho’ it resembles that letter, even as preserved on this very medal, much more than any other of the Greek alphabet. It is however totally unlike the _Alpha_ near it, as well as all the other forms of that element to be met with in Montfaucon[70], and bears not the least resemblance to _Beta_[71], particularly the _Beta_ which ought to have been impressed on this piece; as most evidently appears from a particle of that letter, visible in its proper place. From whence we may infer, that the character I am considering must be _Mu_; as _Alpha_, _Beta_, and _Mu_, were the only initial letters, according to Dr. Vaillant[72], of the names of the Parthian kings reigning after the introduction of the _Omega_ of the minuscular form, as it here occurs, upon the Parthian coins. But Monneses was the only one of those princes whose name began with _My_, and consequently the two last Greek elements on this medal are part of his name. The metal and size of this piece, as none belonging to the other Parthian monarchs seem to have been yet met with of the same form, which exactly agree with those of Monneses’s[73] coin published by Dr. Vaillant, may likewise be urged, as an additional argument of no small weight, in support of my opinion.

_Fig. 1._

_Num. Parth. apud Jeannem Swinton, A. M. Oxoniens. R. S. S._

_Fig. 2. p. 202._

_Scale of feet, 20-1 Inch_ _J. Mynde sc._]

2. That the Greek and unknown legends on this medal are either of the same or a similar import, will be acknowleged by all versed in this kind of literature extremely probable. The Greek and Phœnician legends on the same [74]coins of Tyre and Sidon, as I have, upon examination, found, and shall hereafter more fully evince, clearly correspond. The Latin and Punic legends on Juba’s medals, as has been by me formerly proved[75], very well agree. The sense[76] I have assigned the legend in unknown characters, exhibited by the reverse of my former Parthian coin, with, I flatter myself, some appearance of truth, sufficiently answers to the Greek one preserved by other medals of the same prince. We may therefore be permitted to suppose, that both the legends handed down to us by the coin before me related to Monneses, and conveyed the same, or at least extremely similar, ideas to the Parthians and the Greeks. Nothing can be more consonant to reason, tho’ we must not directly assume this as a postulate, than such a supposition.

3. This notion will likewise receive a farther accession of strength from the characters of which the unknown legend is composed. The first of them so nearly approaches one of the forms of the Palmyrene _Pe_, as it appears in [77]Mr. Dawkins’s alphabet, that we may without scruple ascribe to it the power of that letter. The second is so like the Palmyrene and the Chaldee _Daleth_[78], that it ought indubitably to pass for that element. The third differs something, tho’ not greatly[79], from one of the forms of the Palmyrene _He_. The fifth, which likewise occupies the eighth place, is by no means remote from the figures of the [80]Palmyrene and Chaldee _Nun_. The sixth occurred in the third place before. With regard to the seventh, it seems to me pretty strongly to resemble some forms of the Palmyrene _Mem_[81], and even exactly to answer to that of the same letter in [82]one of the Palmyrene inscriptions preserved amongst those celebrated remains of antiquity commonly, tho’ perhaps improperly, stiled _The Ruins of_ PERSEPOLIS. The ninth is the _He_ touched upon before. The tenth, which also succeeded the third, if the powers of the other elements have been rightly determined, must be _Schin_. Nor does this character, if we view it in a certain position, appear very remote from a rude form of that letter. This legend then, according to what is here advanced, as it now remains, consists of the words----PADESHANE MONESH, PADESHAN EMONESH, or [83]PADESHAN AMONESH, that is, MONESH, or AMONESH,----OF KINGS; the word PADISHAH, or rather PADESHAH, as it seems to have been written and pronounced by the [84]ancient Persians, in the Pehlawian, Pehelawian, or Bastanian, that is, the old Persic, tongue, denoting [85]KING. That NI, or NE, was sometimes a masculine plural termination in the antient Persic, seems to appear from the word, or rather words, [bər.zaivašŋī.], BIR. ZEIVESHNI, LONGÆVI, which occurs in Dr. Hyde[86]. And that the vowels A and E were sometimes prefixed to the Persian proper names, in the remoter periods of time, is abundantly manifest, from the words SFITAMAN, ESFINTAMAN, or ESPINTAMAN, the [87]name of either the father or one of the ancestors of Zerâtusht; XERXES, [88]AXERXES, or AXERSES, and others of the same kind, that might, with equal facility, be produced. Whether therefore we read this legend----PADESHANE MONESH, PADESHAN EMONESH, or PADESHAN AMONESH, we cannot greatly err. As the coin was not so perfectly struck, part of the Greek legend is thereby apparently lost; from whence, and the evident want of a word there, we may conclude, that the Parthian legend, for Parthian by the explication here laid down it appears to be, on the correspondent part of the reverse, must have met with the same fate. What that Parthian term was, I cannot take upon me to say; but the whole legend was probably something like THE GREAT KING MONNESES, MONNESES THE KING OF KINGS, or MONNESES[89] THE GREAT KING OF KINGS; all which titles are intirely consonant to those assumed by the Parthian kings[90], and transmitted down to us on their other coins. The Persian, or Parthian, termination of the proper name MONNESES, and others that occur, was ESH. This may be inferred from the legend now before me, in conjunction with Scripture[91], and has been remarked by some good authors[92]. That the Greeks also expressed the _Schin_ by their _Sigma_, and superadded another termination to such words, is sufficiently manifest from the Persian, or Parthian ARSHAK[93], which was converted into ARSACES by the Greek writers. I must farther observe, that, according to Herodotus[94], the antient letters of the Persians were those used by the Assyrians; which I take to have been the same with the elements that prevailed amongst the Syrians, and formed the alphabet of the Palmyrenes. Nay, we may collect from [95]Epiphanius, that a considerable part of the Persians used the Palmyrene characters as late as the decline of the fourth century after CHRIST. All which being maturely weighed, I cannot forbear thinking the interpretation of the Parthian legend here laid down in a good degree probable. I am far however from insisting upon the truth of it. I shall only beg to be indulged the liberty of proposing it to the consideration of our most illustrious Society, and leave the fate of it intirely to the decision of so very eminent a part of the learned world.

4. But however my explication of the Parthian legend may be received, I believe it will scarce be denied, that the coin was struck in the reign of Monneses, one of the Parthian kings; this point having been so clearly evinced, by the reasons above alledged. It may not be improper here to remark, that the republic of letters has been obliged with the publication of two of this prince’s medals; the first of which was [96]coined in the year of the Parthian æra 422, and the other in 425[97]. Neither of them however exhibits the _Victory_ impressed on the reverse of mine. That symbol, adopted by the Parthians in imitation of the Roman manner, must undoubtedly have alluded to some victory, or at least some remarkable advantage, gained by the Parthian forces over the Romans, a little before the piece was struck. What that advantage was, when and where obtained, and whether history conspires with the medal, in order to settle this point, I am next to inquire.

5. Monneses, if Dr. Vaillant[98] may be credited, ascended the Parthian throne in the year of the Arsacidæ 422, nearly coincident with the 166th of CHRIST, when M. Aurelius and L. Verus presided over the Roman world. But so far were the Parthians at that time from gaining any victories over the Romans, that they were every where worsted by them, and put to the rout. A Roman army, under the command of Avidius Cassius, had penetrated into Mesopotamia and Assyria, ravaged those provinces, laid Seleucia in ashes, taken Ctesiphon, and levelled the royal palace there with the ground, according to Dio[99], the preceding year. Nay, it appears both from [100]Capitolinus and the Roman[101] coins, that M. Aurelius and L. Verus triumphed over the Parthians, the very year after Monneses, as [102]Dr. Vaillant will have it, came to the crown. All which that celebrated antiquary acknowleges to be true; and adds, that Monneses concluded an infamous peace with the Romans, ceding to them the whole province of Mesopotamia, for which he was soon after deposed by his subjects. Here then we can discover not the faintest traces of a reason for the appearance of a _Victory_ upon the medals of this prince. Nor does any thing like a reason for such an appearance, in antient history, occur, before the 950th year of Rome, corresponding with the 197th of +CHRIST+; when the Parthians, animated by the civil dissentions, which reigned amongst the Romans, Albinus and Severus then fiercely contending for the empire, entered Mesopotamia with a powerful army[103], and reduced to their obedience most of the cities of that province. Now if, with F. Corsini[104], we admit the commencement of the Parthian æra to have happened in the 525th year of Rome; the 425th or 426th year of the former and the 950th of the latter of those æra’s, wherein the Parthians undertook the Mesopotamian expedition, will nearly coincide. But it may be proved from a medal of Monneses, described by the [105]Marquis Scipio Maffei, in opposition to [106]Dr. Vaillant, that this prince was not dethroned in the year of the Arsacidæ 423, but had two years afterwards the management and direction of the Parthian affairs: wherefore, notwithstanding what has been advanced to the contrary by that antiquary, he might still have sat one or two years longer upon the Parthian throne. This may likewise be inferred from Dio, who mentions Vologeses as presiding over the Parthians, not in 198, but in 199, about two years after their irruption into Mesopotamia. All which being with proper attention considered, it will appear extremely probable, that the medal I have been endeavouring to explain was coined either in the 425th or 426th year of the Parthian æra, that is, the 197th of CHRIST; that the authority of [107]Arrian, [108]Justin, and [109]Athenæus, on which F. Corsini principally sounds his notion, may be intirely depended upon; and, in fine, that the arguments he makes use of on this occasion, to [110]evince the truth of his scheme, however they may be opposed by F. Frœlich, and the medal before me mutually strengthen and support one another.

6. I must not forget to remark, that F. Corsini thinks, without a proper foundation, that the piece of Monneses published by Dr. Vaillant may be considered either as a Parthian or [111]an Armenian coin. This, I say, he takes, without a proper foundation, to be the case. For the medals of the Armenian kings, such as that he has obliged the learned world with a draught of, and a most excellent dissertation upon, discover a taste far different from that which is exhibited by Dr. Vaillant’s coin. The air of the face, the curls into which the hair is formed, and in fine every thing else visible upon the former, except the symbols on the reverses, bear little resemblance to what is presented to our view by the latter. As for the titles, impressed on these medals, they are far from being of the same kind; the Armenian princes in this particular approaching nearer the successors of Seleucus[112], and contenting themselves with more plain and simple titles than that lofty one affected by Monneses, according to Dr. Vaillant, in common with the other Parthian kings. To which I may add, that my coin sets this point beyond dispute, by the Parthian characters it has so apparently preserved; all the Armenian medals I have hitherto met with, about three or four in number, as well as that of Baron Stosch[113], which F. Corsini has so learnedly explained, having only Greek legends upon them. What therefore he has advanced, on this head, must be considered as not altogether so consonant to truth; especially, as he seems to have offered nothing of any great weight in support of his opinion.

7. Before I dismiss the present subject, I must beg leave to take notice of the Parthian character on the field of my medal, which is not very unlike the Chaldee[114] or Palmyrene _Aleph_, tho’ of something a more complex form. Should this be allowed, that character may be considered as the initial letter of ARSACIA, the name of a city subject to the Parthians, placed by [115]Ptolemy in Media; where, according to [116]Dr. Vaillant, many of the Parthian medals were coined. That city is however believed by some to have been seated on the spot occupied at this time by Casbin, or rather Kazwîn[117], one of the principal towns of the Belâd Al Jebâl, or mountainous part of the Persian Irâk; for a particular account of which place, the curious may have recourse to Golius, and the eastern geographers. As I have already far exceeded the limits proposed to myself, when I began this letter, I shall not now touch upon any other observations relative to the medal before me, which is the only one I have hitherto met with carrying a Greek and a Parthian legend upon it; but only assure you that I am, with the most perfect regard,

+SIR,+
Your most obliged
and most obedient Servant,
John Swinton.

Christ-Church Oxon. Nov 29th, 1756.

XXIII. _An Account of a Red Coral from the_ East-Indies, _of a very singular Kind: In a letter from Mr._ John Ellis, _F.R.S. to Mr._ Peter Collinson, _F.R.S._

[Read Mar. 24, 1757.]

Dear Sir,

I Promised you, in my letter of the 7th of February 1754, published in our Transactions, Vol. xlviii. p. 507. that I would, when I had an opportunity, endeavour to illustrate the tubular structure of the common red coral of the Mediterranean sea, and of some of the keratophyta; which two kinds, tho’ evidently of as different natures as stone and horn, yet are, from late observation, found to be fashioned, or raised up into those beautiful forms, by animals of the same class.

This I shall attempt to do, by comparing them with bodies of a similar kind, but of a less compact texture: for which reason I formerly referred you, in the above-mentioned letter, to a figure, which I have given of the herring-bone-coralline with its animals alive in it, _Phil. Trans._ Vol. xlviii. TAB. XVII. _Fig._ E, F, G, to shew you the nature of the tubular structure of the keratophyta.

_J. Mynde_

A. _A piece of pithy knobbit and Coral from the Spice Islands in the East Indies which appears to be form’d by animals of the Polype kind, contrary to the receiv’d opinion of these bodies being vegetables; the vermicular tubes, of which it is compos’d, being no more than the cases or coverings of the bodies of these Insects._

B. _The radiated holes on the yellow mealy surface, through which these insects extend their arms or claws, as in the common red coral._

CC. _Small Branches almost cover’d by a further addition of tubes, that have risen all round and increas’d the bulk of the Stem, continuing themselves along it to extend the ramifications; by this means they involve the former side branches into their own stem, differing intirely from the laws of vegetation._

D. _A piece of yᵉ. knobby joints magnified to shew their reticular texture like that of spongy orange wtʰ tubes._

_d._ _The same in its natural size._

E. _A piece of yᵉ. blood red tubes which is harden’d into a shelly or stony substance with some appearance of reticulations, taken from yᵉ. space between yᵉ. knobs._

_e._ _The same in its natural size._

F.F. _Small holes in yᵉ. branches of yᵉ. polypes._

G. _A mass of the stem not so highly magnified shewing yᵉ. tubes passing from stony to spongy._

_g._ _The same in its natural Size._

H. _The transverse section of the base shewing the holes in the ends of the tubes._

I. _One of the radiated cells magnified, this is guarded by 8 pointed valves, which close inward, when_

K. _the Polype draws in his head_ (_which is figur’d at_ K) _and opens outward when it extends it._]

I now lay before you a piece of red coral (_See_ TAB. III. _Fig._ A.) from the East Indies of a very singular kind, which I received from your friend Abraham Hume, Esq. The stem and branches of this appear evidently to the naked eye to consist of a combination of vermicular tubes closely connected together: and, if we trace these little tubes to their starry openings on the surface, _Fig._ B. we shall plainly discover them to be the red testaceous coverings of certain marine polypes, which have raised themselves thus upright, and disposed themselves into this remarkable vegetable form.

In order to form some idea, how these masses are increased and extended to the sizes we often meet with them, and where the same regularity of shape is preferred in the large, that we find in the small; we think it more than probable to suppose, that the species of polypes, that compose this coral, breed as we find all other polypes do: and this appears more evident to me, from what I have already discovered in many kinds of corallines (_See Plate 38. of my Essay on Corallines_), where the young polypes in some species are produced in the egg state, while others fall in great numbers from their matrices, completely formed, down to the roots of their parent corallines, either to begin a new race of the same species near them, or to increase the trunk, and extend the ramifications, of the plant-like figure which they just descended from.

From observing this method in nature, we shall the easier account for the progress of those generations of young testaceous polypes of this coral; which appear to us succeeding each other, and raising themselves up from the root or base, passing along the stem and branches, and covering the whole anew with their shelly cases: and in this their passage upwards we may observe, in the specimen before us, how they have involved and incrusted the small lateral branches of the former generation, so as almost to hide their appearance. From hence we may trace them extending themselves to the extremities of the upper branches, and there forming a new series of slender twigs, proportionable to those which they had just covered, still keeping order and exact symmetry in the whole structure.

The distinguishing character of this red coral, after we have considered its fistulous texture, is the knotty joints, of which it is composed: these appear more distinct, and are placed at a greater distance, in the smaller branches than the large; and, as we descend to the trunk, the traces of these inequalities but just appear.

From these protuberances, or knots, the lateral branches take their rise; and as these and the leading branches grow up together, they frequently inosculate at these joints, forming a kind of network, like what we observe in many of those species of keratophyta, which are called sea-fans.

The surface of this coral, when recent, is covered with a mealy friable matter, of a yellow colour, not unlike that of the true red coral, but much fuller of little raised starry cells. The figure of these cells is owing to the radiated position of the claws of the polypes.

Upon removing this friable matter, we observe, that the polypes of these cells have had a communication with a small hole or opening into one of the tubes, that lie immediately under it.

This frequent intervention of the openings of the small tubes, or their ramifications, between the sides of the larger ones, makes the latter appear more irregular, and not so parallel, as in the true red coral; where we find fewer stars; and, where those occur, we may observe it always alters the direction of the tubes.

I must further remark to you, that many of the tubes of this coral appear, thro’ a magnifying glass, full of small holes, like those I have described in the keratophyton (_Plate_ 26. _Fig._ G. _p._ 62. _of my Essay on Corallines_); and these holes will appear more distinctly to you, when you examine the half tubes, or broken irregular ones, on the stem and great branches of this coral.

Further, if you compare the transverse section, at the base of this coral, with a section of a common Rattan cane, they will both appear full of holes in the same regular order, and of nearly the same diameter: whereas the tubes, on the surface of the stem of this coral, look as irregular as so many holes pierced or eaten out by worms.

I hope by this time our ingenious botanical friends, whom we could not persuade to part with these beautiful sea-productions from the vegetable kingdom, are thoroughly convinced, that this mealy, friable, or calcarious covering, full of starry cells, which we are sure to find covering all the recent red corals and keratophyta, is not a mere blight of insects, common to the sea vegetables as well as land ones, which they have formerly insisted on; but that they will consider this covering, for the future, as proper and necessary for the well-being of these little animals, as they do at present hair and wool for beasts, feathers and down for birds, and scales and slime for fishes.

This red coral is mentioned by Rumphius, in his _Herbarium Amboinense_, Vol. vi. Tab. 85. p. 264, but, as the figure he has given, is not sufficient to demonstrate its tubular texture and animal structure, I have had it more accurately drawn; and those parts in particular magnified, which may tend to illustrate the foregoing description. He mentions, that it is in great esteem with them, on account of its beautiful figure; but would be much more so, if it was not for the great difficulty they find in preserving the smallest twigs from falling off; which is the reason, I suppose, that the specimen is not more complete.

Lastly, he tells us, that it is used by the inhabitants of the Spice-islands as a principal ingredient in their medicines to expel poison: as also, that they have it in great esteem on account of its excellent diuretic quality.

Upon examining this coral in the microscope, I observed, that the outside tubes of the stem were chiefly stony, but that the inward parts were composed of as many divisions of spongy tubes, as there were of stony ones.

This I find arises from the smaller ramifications, which being spongy at the knobs, and stony in the spaces between them, are inclosed and united together into one common mass during the growth of this coral; so that both the soft and hard parts together make up the inside of its trunk or stem. When we examine minutely the two parts, that compose the branches, we find, that the knobs consist of little sponge-like tubes interwoven together, as they appear magnified at _Fig._ D; and the shank or part between the knobs is composed of stony tubes, that are more erect (_See the piece magnified at_ E): these tubes appear to be branched from the lateral holes at FF. The Fig. E likewise shews the appearance of the tubes on the surface of the main stem.

The radiated openings in the little wart-like figures on the surface of the branches are guarded by eight pointed valves, as magnified at _Fig._ I.: these inclose the heads of the polype, one of which is figured at K.

The stem of this specimen is so intirely divested of its yellow mealy covering, that we may easily trace the manner in which the animals, that compose it, have carried up their stony tubular cells, which lie side by side along the surface. These tubes have still some marks of sponginess at particular distances, which, as they come to join together, form those irregular cross-lines, that surround the stem in several places. _See Fig._ A.

In other specimens I have observed the principal stems covered over with calcarious tubes, such as I have described in the Essay on Corallines, _&c._ in that species of keratophyton called Venus’s Fan. _Plate 26_.

The sponginess of the knobby joints occasions that excessive brittleness in the lesser branches; which accounts for the difficulty, which Rumphius mentions, of getting good specimens of this beautiful coral.

I have lately seen a white pipy and stony coral with spongy knobs, which is only a different species of this genus, in the very curious cabinets of our friends Dr. John Fothergill, M. D. and Mr. Isaac Romilly, F.R.S. specimens of which they have both lately received from the East Indies. The examining of these has given me an opportunity to be more particular in the description of this coral; which seems to point out to us the great affinity there is between corals, keratophyta, and sponges.

I am,

Dear Sir,
Your most affectionate humble Servant,
John Ellis.

Laurence Lane, Mar. 24, 1757.

XXIV. _An Account of the Effects of a Storm at_ Wigton _in_ Cumberland. _Communicated by Mr._ Philip Miller, _F.R.S._

_To the Rev._ Tho. Birch, _D. D. Secr. R. S._

[Read Mar. 31, 1757.]

SIR,

I Received the inclosed letter by the post, giving an account of the storm, which happened lately in the north. If the Royal Society have not already been informed of the effects of it, and you think the contents of it worthy their notice; I beg you will be so good as to communicate it to them. The facts therein mentioned have been confirmed to me by a person of skill and integrity. Mr. Thomlinson’s conjecture of the cause of the leaves of trees appearing scorched after the storm, I believe to be true; having two or three times myself observed the same in Sussex, at a considerable distance from the sea; when all the hedges, trees, and woods, on the side toward the sea, have had their leaves scorched, as if fire had passed over them; and their opposite sides from the sea have continued in full verdure; which frequently happens in storms from the south-west: and, upon tasting their leaves, I have found them as salt, as if they had been steeped in brine. I am,

SIR,
Your most obedient humble Servant,
Philip Miller.

Chelsea, Nov. 23. 1756.

_To Mr._ Philip Miller.

Wigton, Nov. 15. 1756.

+SIR,+

ON the 6th of last month, at night, happened a most violent hurricane, such an one, perhaps, as has not been known in these parts in any one’s memory. It lasted four hours at least, from about eleven till three. The damage it has done is very deplorable. The corn has sufferd prodigiously. Stacks of hay and corn have been intirely swept away: houses unroofed, and in several places driven down by its fury: trees without number torn up by the roots; others snapt off by the middles, and their fragments scattered over the adjoining fields. Some were twisted almost round, or split down to the very ground; and, in short, left in such a shattered, mangled condition, as scarce any description can give you an adequate idea of.

The change in the face of the country was very surprising in one single night: for, to complete the dismally-desolate scene, the several tribes of vegetables (in all their verdure the day before), as if blasted with æthereal fire, hung down their drooping heads. Every herb, every plant, every flower, had its leaves withered, shrivelled up, and turned black. The leaves upon the trees, especially on the weather side, fared in the same manner. The evergreens alone seem to have escaped. The grass also, in a few days time, recovered itself in a great measure.