Chapter XIX: Part 19

The Sixth New Hampshire was formed in line to the left of the road, and its commander ordered to support the four pieces of artillery. Owing to the excessive fatigue of the men, they met with some delay in reaching their position. Meanwhile the enemy kept up a brisk artillery fire, which was gallantly responded to by the small pieces under charge of Colonel Howard, of the Coast Guard. As soon as the Fifty-first Pennsylvania and Twenty-first Massachusetts had succeeded in turning their left, they opened a brisk musketry fire, and, about the same time, the Ninth New York, also coming in range, eager to engage, unfortunately charged upon the enemy’s artillery. It was a most gallant charge, but they were exposed to a deadly fire of grape and musketry, and forced to retire, but rallied immediately upon the Eighty-ninth New York. General Reno then ordered both regiments to form a junction with the Twenty-first Massachusetts. In the meantime, the Fifty-first Pennsylvania and Twenty-first Massachusetts kept up an incessant fire upon the rebels, who had withdrawn their artillery, and commenced to retreat in good order. The Sixth New Hampshire had steadily advanced in line to the left of the road, and when within about two hundred yards poured in a deadly volley, which completely demoralized the enemy and ended the battle.

The men rested under arms in line of battle, until about ten o’clock, P. M., when they were ordered to return to the boats, having accomplished the principal object of the expedition, that of conveying the idea that the entire Burnside Expedition was marching upon Norfolk. Owing to a want of transportation, sixteen of the most severely wounded were left behind. Assistant-Surgeon Warren was left with them. Only about ten or fifteen prisoners were taken. Most of them belonged to the Third Georgia regiment. The Ninth New York suffered most severely, owing to their premature charge. The total loss of the Federal troops in killed and wounded was about ninety, some sixty of the number belonging to that regiment.

Just as the decisive volley of the Sixth New Hampshire had compelled the rebels to abandon their position, a terrific thunder storm broke upon the scene of conflict, and a heavy rain rendered the hope of pursuit futile. After burying the dead, and taking a brief rest, General Reno and his command took up their march for headquarters, at Newbern. On the advance the sun beat fiercely upon his exhausted men, the weather was intensely hot, and they were almost prostrated with the fatigue of the battle and the labor of the march, before they reached a place of rest.

CAPTURE OF FORT MACON, N. C.

APRIL 26, 1862.

The occupation of the town of Beaufort and Morehead City by the Federal troops, on the 24th of March, was followed by active preparations for the reduction of Fort Macon, which commanded the entrance to the harbor. It was anticipated that on the retreat of the rebel troops from Beaufort the overwhelming numbers and equipment of the national forces would demonstrate to the commander of the fort the hopelessness of any attempt to resist the armament that would be brought against him in the event of his refusal to surrender. This hope was not realized. Colonel M. J. White, the commander, resolved to meet the Union forces with every possible resistance, and if the fort was captured by the Federal arms, the doughty rebel determined that it should be purchased at no slight cost.

Fort Macon is situated on a bluff on Bogue’s Bank, nearly two miles from the town of Beaufort. It commands the entrance to the harbor, and no vessel can enter the main channel without coming within range of its guns. Opposite the fort, at the entrance of the harbor, is Shackelford Banks, distant about one mile and a half. Fort Macon is of a hexagonal form, and has two tiers of guns—one in casemated bomb-proof, and the other _en barbette_. Its armament consisted of twenty 32-pounders, thirty 24-pounders, two 18-pounders, three field pieces for flank defence, twelve flank howitzers, eight 8-inch howitzers (heavy), eight 8-inch howitzers (light), one 13-inch mortar, three 10-inch mortars, and two Cohorn mortars—total, 89 guns. The war garrison of the fort was 300 men. There are large furnaces in the fort for heating shot, and before the investment there was a considerable quantity of powder in the magazine. The construction of Fort Macon was commenced in 1826, by Captain Eliason, of the United States Engineer Corps, and was finished in 1860, by Captain, afterwards Brigadier-General John G. Foster.

This fort, like most others in the Southern States, at the opening of the rebellion, was in an almost defenceless condition. Ordnance Sergeant Alexander was the sole guardian of this important position in April, 1861.

In March, the vote on the question of calling a State Convention was taken in North Carolina, and a majority was given against the Convention. Governor Ellis assured the officer in command that the fort would not be taken from under the control of the government, but on the 11th of April, a citizen of Beaufort, in the interest of the secessionists, collected a body of fifty men, with whom he crossed over to the fort and demanded its surrender. Sergeant Alexander delivered up the keys, and the rebel flag was hoisted on its walls. Subsequently stores and supplies for a garrison of 500 men were collected and placed within it, and an efficient body of troops took possession, under Colonel White.

On March 25th, 1862, Morehead City, on the mainland, opposite Bogue Island, was occupied by a portion of General Parke’s division of Burnside’s army. A few days subsequently a landing had been effected on Bogue Island, and a camp established for the force selected to operate against Fort Macon. On the 11th of April the enemy’s pickets were driven in by the Fifth Rhode Island regiment and one company of the Fourth Rhode Island, and eligible localities for the batteries were selected by Captain Williamson, Topographical Engineer on General Burnside’s staff. On the next day a working party commenced the erection of the main battery, and from that time the labor proceeded night and day. The troops employed in this service were the Fourth and Fifth Rhode Island and the Eighth Connecticut regiments. The labor was most severe. The men were often on duty twenty-four hours at a time, and labored zealously to accomplish their task in the shortest possible period. What rest they got when on duty was obtained by sleeping on the sands, as no tents or barracks could be erected, since these would have informed the rebels of the location of the troops, and indicated the position of the batteries. The picket duty performed by the men was also very severe. All their work had to be done under a continuous and often severe fire from the fort. From this, however, they were protected by the peculiar formation of the ground, which consisted of a succession of sand-hills up to within about half a mile of the fort.

Previous to the bombardment the garrison were allowed to send letters to their friends at Beaufort.

Three batteries were erected for the reduction of the fort. The first was mounted with four ten-inch mortars, and was built under cover of a large sand-hill, near the edge of the marshes which line the northern shore of the island, at a distance of about 1,400 yards from the fort. This battery was allotted to Lieutenant Flagler, and manned by a portion of battery I, New York Third artillery. The second was in advance 100 yards, built and worked by Captain Lewis O. Morris, and Lieutenants Gowan and Pollock. Three long thirty-pound siege Parrott guns, rifled, composed its armament. The last battery consisted of four eight-inch mortars. It stood 100 yards in advance of the second battery, and was placed in charge of Lieutenant Prouty, and manned by a detachment of battery I, Third New York artillery. Rifle-pits and trenches were also excavated.

On the 24th of April, the preparations having been completed, General Burnside arrived from Newbern, on the steamer Alice Price, having in tow two barges, the Schrapnel and Grenade, fitted up as floating batteries, each armed with two thirty-pound Parrott guns. The Schrapnel had in addition a twelve-pounder rifled Ward gun. They anchored about three miles below the fort.

During the afternoon a flag of truce was sent to the fort, in charge of Captain Biggs, of General Burnside’s staff, with a demand for its surrender. Colonel White refused to yield to the demand, and announced his purpose to defend the fort to the last extremity. An understanding was obtained, however, that the commander should have a personal interview with General Burnside on the following morning.

Accordingly, at an early hour on the 25th, the steamer Alice Price, under a flag of truce, proceeded down the bay to a point previously indicated, where General Burnside was soon joined by Colonel White. The meeting was courteous. Colonel White said that he had been placed in command of the fort for the purpose of holding it, and should defend it to the best of his ability.

On the following morning, the 26th, the Federal forces took their respective posts at an early hour. The morning mists had not yet disappeared, when orders were given for the opening of the siege, and before six o’clock the loud thunder of the guns and the deep boom of the heavy mortars broke on the ears of the sleeping citizens of Beaufort, and roused the slumbering garrison of the belligerent fort. Booming loudly over the waters, and rolling away in the distance, the explosions followed in rapid succession for half an hour before the garrison was ready to respond. When prepared, the rebels bravely assumed their allotted positions, manned their guns, and Fort Macon opened upon the national flag.

During the forenoon the eight-inch mortar battery of Lieutenant Prouty sent its shells with regularity and precision into the fort, and at each explosion the red dirt and sand of the glacis’ slopes, ramparts, parapets and terrepleins were dashed in a cloud many feet into the air. The flagstaff, with its defiant colors floating at the top, was at times completely obscured in the smoke and dust which rose with the bursting of the missiles. The ten-inch mortar battery was not so successful in the morning. The shells from it burst beyond or high in air over the fort, scattering the fragments of iron far and wide into the water; but in the afternoon the battery played with an effect that was evidenced in the decreased fire from the fort.

The battery of Parrott guns under command of Captain Morris, in the mean time, kept up an incessant fire upon the ramparts. The difficulty of obtaining accurate range was for some time experienced, and the shots either went over the fort, ricocheting across the water towards Shackleford Banks, or fell short and buried themselves in the sand and glacis on its westerly side. But the range grew more accurate with every shot, and from twelve o’clock until the close of the fight Captain Morris seldom failed to plant his terrible conical balls among the guns, on the edges of the ramparts, and against the walls. The latter were pierced in two places, the balls passing through into the casemates, from which their unceremonious visit hastily expelled the occupants. Wherever these shots struck they tore through all obstacles with a force that hurled fragments of iron and brick, stones, grass-sods and sand bags about in every direction. Many of the rebels were knocked down senseless by the flying sods. When it is considered that the walls of the fort were protected by the slopes of the glacis, the accuracy of the firing from the Parrott battery will be perceived. That part of the walls just protruding above the ramparts of the glacis was the only target presented whereat to aim for the purpose of penetrating the casemates.

About two o’clock, P. M., Major Allen went out with a flag of truce to carry letters written to the garrison from their friends in Beaufort. Many of these entreated the officers to prevail upon Colonel White to surrender the fort. Some ladies in Beaufort set on foot a petition to that effect.

The precision attained by the practice of the forenoon, and the facility of loading and firing, which even the experience of a few hours had given, were now evidenced in the successful results of each shot from the Union batteries. The scene assumed its grandest aspect after two o’clock. A flash and a puff of smoke betokened a discharge; an interval elapsed, which terminated with the report of the piece; then came the sonorous hum of the shell as it flew through the air; another puff of smoke soon followed by a second report, and the deadly missile had exploded.

With glasses every manœuvre in the fort could be distinctly seen. The look out was ensconced behind a pile of sand bags upon the ramparts, and spectators fancied they could hear him ejaculate the word “Down!” as he marked the approach of every shot. Its effect was like magic. As he himself disappeared, down out of sight went the crowd of men around the guns, to reappear again when the shot had accomplished its errand.

Little remains to tell of the bombardment. The garrison had at first responded with some seven or eight guns, exclusive of carronades, which were made to serve the purpose of mortars. The squads of gunners could be observed passing about, alternating with the pieces as they became hot under the discharges. Gradually the fire slackened to four, then to three, and then to two guns. The Federal shot and shell were doing their duty, and subsequent examination showed that fifteen guns were dismounted or disabled on the fort.

To those who worked the mortars of the Federal batteries, the matter was entirely new, and to Captain Ammon’s men, of the Third New York artillery, the greatest praise is deserved for their cool and unflinching conduct in this their first experience under fire. The exposed nature of Captain Morris’ battery of siege guns drew upon it almost the concentrated fire of the fort, and shot and shell rained around it. The only injury sustained by the battery was the temporary dismounting of one of the guns by a thirty-two-pound solid shot, which came through the embrasure and carried off a wheel. Another carriage was in readiness, and the gun was soon remounted. One of the guns was slightly dented by a solid shot, which struck the reinforce or band around the breech, and then glanced off. The sand bags in all the batteries were disturbed more or less by the concussions, and the embrasures of the three-gun battery were begrimed and black with powder. Eleven hundred shots in all were fired on the Federal side, and of these five hundred and sixty struck the fort.

The firing from the fort gradually slackened as the guns one after another became disabled, until at last the iron thunderers ceased to respond to the continuous peals of the Federal batteries. About half-past four o’clock a white flag was run up over one of the guns, dimly seen through the smoke that had just before issued from it in a heavy cloud. Not long after two officers left the fort, bearing a flag of truce. They advanced towards the batteries, and Captain Pell, of General Burnside’s staff, and Lieutenant Hill, of General Parke’s staff went out to meet them. They were Captains Pool and Guion, with a message from Col. White, asking the terms of surrender. General Parke replied that the only terms were unconditional surrender, but that he would communicate with General Burnside, who might make different arrangements. The inquiry was telegraphed to Beaufort, and a messenger was sent off to General Burnside, who was on board the Alice Price, some distance up the river. In the morning General Burnside returned to the harbor, and had an interview with Colonel White, on board the Alice Price, when the terms of capitulation were agreed upon. The fort, armament and garrison were to be surrendered to the United States, the officers and men being released on parole, until properly exchanged, returning to their homes with their private effects, such as clothing, bedding, books, etc.

Immediately after the return of Colonel White to his quarters, preparations for the surrender commenced. After a little interval the gates were thrown open and a train of soldiers marched out, and forming a square on the green, just outside, stood a few moments in impressive stillness. Then they formed into line, where they stacked their arms, and returned to their quarters.

General Burnside, General Parke, and Captains Biggs and King directly after this ceremony, returned from the fort, and the Fifth Rhode Island being ordered into line, came up. General Burnside unfolded the new colors presented by the State of Rhode Island, inscribed with the words “Roanoke” and “Newbern,” which had been just received, and returned them to the color-bearer, who took his place at the head of the column. The regiment then moved forward in order, to take formal possession of the fort.

The time had at last come for the great event. The wharves and houses of Beaufort were crowded with spectators. The surrounding waters were covered with small craft, hovering near the scene. The squadron of gunboats, with steam up and colors flying, lay off and on outside the bar. At half-past ten o’clock a squad of men from the garrison, detailed by Colonel White for the purpose, cut loose the halliards and hauled down the rebel flag. Ten minutes later four of the Rhode Island boys hoisted the American ensign, the glorious stars and stripes, and a loud cheer broke from the men, which was caught up and echoed by the sailors on shipboard, and even by the citizens over the harbor, in Beaufort, whose shout came cheerily on the breeze.

The Federal fleet, consisting of the steamers State of Georgia, Chippewa, Daylight, and bark Gemsbok, under command of Flag-officer S. Lockwood, took an active part in the bombardment in the forenoon.

The destruction effected by the bombardment was like that at Fort Pulaski. The works outside as well as inside, gave incontestible proof of the execution of the heavy projectiles hurled at the fort. They also showed as clearly the bravery of the men who defended it, and proved that though they were engaged in rebellion, they had the courage and energy of heroic soldiers.

The garrison consisted of about four hundred and fifty men, exclusive of the officers. There were found in the fort nearly twenty thousand pounds of powder, shot and shell in proportion, and a large quantity of provisions.

The rebel loss was 7 killed, 18 wounded; Federal, 1 killed and 3 wounded.

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SIEGE OF YORKTOWN, VA.

On Sunday, the 9th of March, the rebel camps at Centreville, Manassas and vicinity were evacuated, and on the 10th, the army of General McClellan commenced a forward movement from the vicinity of Washington toward the abandoned works of the enemy. On the same day a portion of General Kearney’s forces reached Centreville, and Federal scouts had explored the deserted works at Manassas Junction. The enemy continued their retreat on the line of the Orange railroad, burning the bridges, and destroying the railroad property on their route.

On the 14th, General McClellan issued an address to the army from his headquarters at Fairfax Court-House, complimenting the men on their discipline, equipment, and patience during the long delay incident to the work of preparation. They were now to be brought face to face with the enemy, and he besought the army to place perfect trust in him, though his plans of action might seem at times unaccountable.

The cheering news of the capture of New Madrid, the evacuation of Columbus, and the victory at Pea Ridge, now filled all loyal hearts with enthusiasm; and it was fully believed that the army of the Potomac was on the direct route to Richmond, destined to give the death-blow to the rebellion before the month of April should open. Will the rebels make a stand? asked many a confident Unionist, hopeful that the prestige of McClellan’s splendid army would compel the enemy to retire from point to point without risking a battle.

The month of March passed;—and while the public mind was animated with the most cheering details of the western victories—the capture of Newbern, and the defeat of the enemy at Winchester, the great army of the Potomac appeared for the time to have passed from recollection. The Government censorship restrained the publication of any reports of McClellan’s movements, and the people, left entirely to hope and conjecture, were sanguine in anticipation of the speedy possession of the Confederate capital.

Late in the month, rumors reached the northern cities of the arrival of forces at Old Point, on the James river, twenty miles from Norfolk, which were supposed by the Richmond papers to be reinforcements for Burnside. Again curiosity was awakened by the immense number of transports called for and chartered by the Government, daily arriving at the mouth of the Chesapeake. On the 26th, Great Bethel was taken possession of by the Federal troops, and on the 29th a reconnoissance in force was made toward Yorktown. It was now generally known that the large army under General McClellan had been conveyed by transports to Old Point, and was marching to attack the rebel entrenchments at Yorktown, the key of the Peninsula.

On the 5th of April, General McClellan’s dispatch to the Secretary of War, announced that his army had that day arrived in front of the enemy’s works, having met with but slight opposition on its route.

During this period the weather was unfavorable for military operations. Heavy storm-clouds frowned inauspiciously on the approaching army, rain fell almost daily in torrents, and this at a time when there could be no adequate provision for shelter.

The Federal army was now destined to undergo an experience of toil and privations calculated to try its endurance to the utmost.

Solid roads were absolutely necessary for transportation from the landings to the various encampments, as it was impossible to draw the immense siege and supply trains over or through the soft alluvial mire formed by the unremitting rains, while the creeks and water courses were swollen into torrents. Skirmishing was of daily occurrence—for the enemy neglected no opportunity to annoy their formidable opponents, while the Federal army found it necessary to push its advances within commanding reach of the rebel entrenchments, which stretched from the York to the James rivers, a distance of six miles. The rebel earthworks were ponderously built—some of them of a height and thickness hitherto unparalleled in any war.

The Union soldiery toiled incessantly in the trenches, while covering parties, with efficient batteries, stood guard in their defence, and daily sacrificed some of their brave numbers while protecting their toiling comrades.

The labors of the Federal army soon became apparent. Formidable earthworks began to show their heads, and artillery of the largest calibre was put in position. The rebel generals were struck with astonishment and dismay when the evidences of engineering skill hitherto unsuspected, stood revealed before them.

On the other hand, every day more fully revealed the extensive and intricate line of the rebel defences. Their strength in forts, lunettes and rifle-pits—their constantly increasing numbers, and untiring activity, with their accurate knowledge of the topography of the country, increased the magnitude of the work before the Federal army. The natural obstacles to its progress were by no means few or trifling. The sinuous windings of the line of attack they were obliged to assume—the innumerable swamps and pools of water confronting them on every side, the almost impenetrable forests and tangled undergrowth added to their labors and their sufferings. Cold and shivering under garments saturated anew by the rains of to-day, ere those of yesterday had been vaporized, the soldiers endured the pangs of hunger and fatigue unappalled. In view of the terrific struggle before them, human suffering counted for nothing with these brave men. No signs of discontent were manifest. Even in their hardest trials the utmost cheerfulness prevailed; and in more remote positions, where a less rigid discipline was enforced, the patriotic strains of “The Star Spangled Banner” and the “Red, White and Blue,” were heard ringing up through the storm. Not unfrequently, with faces turned toward the patriot homes from whence they came, would they sing “Do they Miss me at Home?” or “Let me Kiss him for his Mother”—while they breathed the silent prayer that, through the uncertainties of war, they might be permitted again to mingle with their friends in the enjoyment of a bravely won peace.

Daily would some adventurous band of Federal soldiers explore the intricacies of the rebel defences, coming constantly in collision with the enemy. In these adventures the new and efficient regiments of sharpshooters, just introduced into the United States army, rendered valuable service.

A month before the Union army invested Yorktown, the iron battery Merrimac had made her advent in Hampton Roads, and after destroying the noble old frigates Cumberland and Congress—the pride of a past era—she met the Monitor, her conqueror and the nation’s champion. The combat that ensued has stamped a glorious page on the world’s history for all time. Like Lucifer in his fall, the rebel monster shrank with “despairing, cursing rage” behind the batteries at Yorktown, while the terrors of her exploits, and rejoicings at her defeat, quickened the nation’s heart-pulses from Maine to Maryland.

The noble Minnesota, resting in calm and majestic repose on the waters of the Chesapeake, hitherto would have acknowledged no superior in a naval combat. An exposure for two hours to the heavy guns of the Merrimac, which pierced her wooden walls with shot and shell, while her own missiles were ineffective as pebbles on the scales of the leviathan, destroyed her prestige and her pride of strength.

An efficient fleet of gunboats had been ordered to act in conjunction with McClellan’s forces in the reduction of Yorktown; but the presence of the Merrimac no doubt frustrated their plans. On the 15th of April several of the gunboats commenced shelling the woods below Gloucester. One boat approaching within two miles of Yorktown, brought her guns to bear on that place, until driven off by the rebel batteries.

About the same time a portion of the Potomac flotilla ascended the Rappahannock, meeting with but slight opposition, visiting the towns of Urbana and Tappahannock, and destroying the enemy’s batteries and huts at Lowry’s Point.

BATTLE OF LEE’S MILLS, VA.

APRIL 16, 1862.

The defence of Yorktown prompted the rebel chiefs to project a line of batteries and earthworks across the peninsula which has been rendered so prominent in historic interest by the series of important events that have occurred between Richmond and Fortress Monroe. In the course of completing this line, a battery was commenced at a point on the Warwick road, on the estate of Mrs. Garrow, between Lee’s Mills and Winn’s Mills. There is here an extensive field, with woods to the right and left, and in the rear of the road. In front, at the foot of a gradually descending slope, is a branch of the Warwick river. The stream had been dammed up between these mills, the water covering a breadth of from thirty to forty rods, and in the deepest parts about four and a half feet deep. On the bank was a rifle-pit, and above it, on the hill, breastworks, with their embrasures for guns, frowned upon the water.

The arrest of this work, and the expulsion of the rebels, became necessary, in order to prevent the completion of what might have become a formidable obstacle. Accordingly, on the morning of the 16th, a party of skirmishers from the Fourth Vermont was thrown out, and took a position near the enemy’s one gun battery, at the point named, a New York battery being also advanced at the same time. Opposite the enemy’s works at that place there was a considerable space clear of large wood, overgrown with low shrubs and young pine, and surrounded in every direction except towards the enemy by a dense forest. Warwick Creek—from four to five feet deep and about twenty rods wide—separated this field from the rebel battery. Through the low shrubs and young pine the Vermonters made their way up to the edge of the stream, and poured upon the enemy a storm of rifle shot that he soon found it impossible to withstand. After a few moments of this fire not a man was to be seen within the enemy’s lines.

Two pieces of the battery—ten-pound Parrots, under Lieutenant Flynn—then took up a position in the edge of the wood, at one thousand yards from the enemy’s line, and opened fire. Then the enemy came bravely up to the business, and responded with the large gun in his one gun battery, and with two others in a battery behind it. Lieutenant Stewart, with the second section of the same battery—two twelve-pound Napoleon guns—was ordered up, with the left section, under Lieutenant O’Donald. With this reinforcement the fire became heavy between the artillery on both sides; the Union skirmishers and numbers of the enemy’s skirmishers also pouring in their fire whenever they saw an opportunity.

At about ten A. M., after nearly two hours’ sharp firing, the enemy ceased to respond, not, it was thought, because his guns had been disabled, but because the Union riflemen held his position so entirely under fire that it was almost certain death for his men to be seen.

It was now deemed necessary to ascertain the enemy’s force at this point and his disposition to fight. Upon consultation between General McClellan and two division commanders, it was determined to make a more decided demonstration of attack, and, accordingly, between three and four P. M., three batteries were ordered forward into the exposed field, and opened fire at about five hundred yards. This woke the enemy up; he responded warmly for twenty minutes, and once more relapsed into silence. In no way deceived by this, the three batteries continued to play upon his position for some minutes longer, when word was brought to the General of the Vermont brigade that the creek was easily fordable, at some distance to the right, and Colonel Hyde, in command of four companies of the Vermont Third, who had skirmished in advance, was ordered to send two of his companies across the creek at the point where it was said to be only knee-deep, advance them to the enemy’s left, and charge the work in rear. He accordingly sent across companies D and F, and supported them very closely with companies E and K. Meanwhile the Federal batteries became silent. No sooner were the Vermonters in the stream than the water was found to be much deeper than had been stated; the men went up to their arm-pits, and every charge of their ammunition, was, of course, thoroughly soaked. This attempt was made below the dam, and the enemy, when he saw their intention to cross, let in more water upon them by a floodgate.

While the men were in the stream, a large body of the enemy, estimated at three regiments, opened upon them from a rifle-pit on the bank, and this terrible fire cut down nearly half their number. Never was a fire received with greater steadiness or more glorious intrepidity. Except the poor fellows who had been killed or wounded, not a man of the magnificent Vermonters wavered, but all pushed on, and with one shout leaped to the bank, rushed upon the enemy with their bayonets, and fairly drove them in utter rout and confusion. But the contest was too unequal. No supports were within proper distance; and though the enemy was driven away from the first line of pits, and the other two companies of the Third were in the water to cross, those on the other side were ordered to retreat.

After the remnant of these companies returned, the Union batteries, which had in the mean time ceased firing, opened in full force again. Then the Sixth Vermont regiment was ordered to storm the work by the left flank.

Led by their gallant Colonel Lord, they rushed into the water. Seven companies had entered, and some had reached within three yards of the breastwork, when they were met by the fire of a long line of rebel rifles, which appeared above the parapets. A running fire from a thousand small arms was poured upon the Union men, who stood three feet deep in water. It was returned as gallantly as the circumstances would warrant. The breastwork was lighted up with a continuous sheet of flame, the artillery belched away at the enemy, shells were bursting over their breastworks, the smoke of the battle was ascending, and for a few moments the scene was one of appalling grandeur. Not a man flinched, and the fire of the enemy was returned with deadly effect. Wherever a head appeared above the parapet it became the mark for a hundred guns. Finding that rebel reinforcements were still advancing, and despairing of a successful assault with the bayonet, Colonel Lord retired with his men, who brought most of their wounded comrades away with them.

The loss of the Federals in this engagement was between thirty and forty killed, and one hundred and thirty-two wounded and missing. The object of the demonstration was fully accomplished, the rebels being compelled to relinquish their work, and abandon it as a defensive position. Their loss was not ascertained, but it must have been very considerable, their number being large, and the firing of the Federal gunners fatally precise. Captain Wheeler reported that he fired 313 shots, 126 of which were case shot, the remainder shell. Ayers’ and Kennedy’s batteries threw about 450, and Captain Mott reported 954, making more than 1,700 shot and shell hurled upon the rebels. The behavior of the Federal troops was excellent, and the event of the day successful, although the object was dearly purchased.

CAPTURE OF NEW ORLEANS.

BOMBARDMENT OF FORTS JACKSON AND ST. PHILIP.

APRIL 18–26, 1862.

The work of opening the Mississippi river, which had been so magnificently commenced and prosecuted by that portion of the army and fleet above Memphis, was destined to find an equally imposing, if not more brilliant counterpart, in the naval operations near the city of New Orleans, once more to open that important commercial point to the world, and restore its citizens to the protection of the national flag. As an important auxiliary to this grand enterprise, a fleet of mortar-boats was fitted out in Brooklyn, N. Y., and other places, which formed a rendezvous at Ship Island, awaiting orders. Commodore DAVID D. PORTER was assigned to the command of the mortar fleet. The entire fleet, under the command of Commodore D. G. Farragut, was composed as follows:

SECTION OF THE MISSISSIPPI RIVER.

SHOWING THE DISTANCES BELOW NEW ORLEANS.
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_First Division of Ships_, Flag-officer D. G. FARRAGUT, commanding—Hartford, R. Wainright; Brooklyn, Craven; Richmond, Alden.

_Second Division of Ships_—Pensacola, Morris; Portsmouth, Swartwout; Mississippi, Smith.

_First Division of Gunboats_, Captain T. Bailey—Oneida, Lee; Varuna, Boggs; Katahdin, Preble; Kineo, Ransom; Wissahickon, Smith; Cayuga, Harrison.

_Second Division of Gunboats_, H. H. Bell—Iroquis, De Camp; Sciota, Donaldson; Kennebeck, Russell; Pinola, Crosby; Itasca, Cauldwell; Winona, Nichols. Total, 18.

The mortar flotilla consisted of twenty-one brigs and schooners, and was divided into three squadrons of seven each. Besides these, five steamers, the Harriet Lane, (flag-ship,) Miami, Owasco, Westfield, and Clifton, were connected with the mortar flotilla, and these were afterwards joined by the Octorora, a new boat, commanded by Captain George Brown, of Indiana, which afterwards became Porter’s flag-ship.

The entire fleet, thus constituted, numbered forty-six vessels, carrying two hundred and eighty-six guns. On the morning of April 16th, it made a rendezvous in the river, at a distance of about four miles below Forts Jackson and St. Philip, the two formidable fortifications on the river, which it was necessary to pass before reaching the city of New Orleans. On the morning of the 16th, Commodore Porter brought up several schooners, and stationed them about two miles and a half from the forts, in order to ascertain the range of the mortars before opening the bombardment. After several hours of practice, in which the range was admirably obtained, and the execution on the works was plainly visible, Commodore Porter expressed himself fully satisfied, and suspended operations for the night.

Fort Jackson, which is by far the stronger work, is a regular pentagonal bastioned fortification, having two fronts bearing on the river, and three on the land side. The land fronts have each a glacis and covered way, and the channel is commanded by a battery of twenty-five guns. A wet ditch, from forty to seventy feet wide, and six feet deep, surrounds the main work on the river, and a similar ditch, one hundred and fifty feet wide, the land fronts. There is also a wet ditch, six feet deep, and thirty feet wide, around the channel-bearing battery. The two channel-bearing fronts have each eight casemated guns, which are the only casemated ones in the work. The ditches are defended by twenty-four-pounder howitzers at either flank. The parapet is carried across the gorge of the bastion, so that there is no flank parapet defence. The bastions are only arranged for musketry fire from the walls. The main work of the lower battery mounts in the aggregate one hundred and twenty-five guns, of which one hundred bear on the channel. There was a one-story brick citadel within the fort, having two tiers of loop-holes for musketry defence, the walls of which are five feet thick. The entrance to the work is by a wooden bridge on the west side, connected with a draw bridge ten feet wide.

Fort St. Philip consists of a main work and two attached batteries, which bear respectively up and down the river. The principal work is irregular in form, having seventeen faces. It is surrounded by a wet ditch six feet deep, and from twenty to thirty feet wide. At the foot of the glacis is a ditch from seventy to one hundred and forty feet wide. There is a glacis and covered way entirely around the fort. Outside of the principal ditch is another, which was dug to furnish earth for the levee, and this is twenty feet wide, and four feet deep. Fort St. Philip mounts one hundred guns, of which seventy-five bear on the channel. All the guns were mounted _en barbette_. The scarp works were strengthened by relief arches, which were pierced with loop-holes for musketry.

Both forts are built of brick. The guns of Fort Jackson are twenty-five feet above the level of the river, and those of St. Philip nineteen feet. The guns of the outer batteries of both forts are fourteen feet above the river. When the rebels took possession of these forts there were only thirty-six guns mounted, none of which were of larger calibre than thirty-two-pounders. All the carriages were poor. The plans for completing these forts were taken from the Custom house at New Orleans, just after the rebellion broke out, and the works were finished in accordance with the original intention. From centre to centre of the forts the distance is three-quarters of a mile, and the river between them half a mile in width.

On the 17th the rebels commenced their defence against the Federal fleet, by sending down the stream a fire raft. This incendiary messenger was a common flat-boat, about one hundred and fifty feet long, fifty broad and eight deep, filled with pine knots and other combustible matter, which burned fiercely, and sent a dense column of black smoke rolling heavily upwards as it was borne along by a fresh breeze that blew up the river. As soon as the raft floated near enough it was fired into and destroyed, without damage to the fleet, and then ran ashore. It was a timely warning to the squadron, for during the day the vessels were fitted up with grapnel-ropes, fire-buckets, axes and other appliances with which to attack other of these fiery islands that might be set adrift by the enemy.

The arrangements were scarcely completed, and the review made, when, about ten o’clock at night, a brilliant fire appeared on the river, flaming out from a heavy dense column of smoke, which rolled up and displayed another of the fiery pioneers of the rebel flotilla lying near the forts. It burned magnificently, and made a splendid pyrotechnic display for the sailors, who were waiting impatiently to reach the grand magazine whence it issued. Signals were made, and in a few moments a vast crowd of boats were launched upon the waters and moved rapidly toward the island of fire. The Westfield came plowing her way up and plunged her prow into the blazing mass, at the same moment opening her steam-pipes and pouring a heavy force of water into the hottest of the conflagration. Amid the steam and smoke and seething struggle of the flames, the men leaped upon the raft with their buckets, and completely extinguished the fire. Then the blackened and smoking mass of logs was sent contemptuously adrift to follow its companion.

The sailors of the mortar fleet enjoyed this amusement with the greatest zest, and pursued their work among the logs with laughter and enthusiastic cheering. When the floating monster had been sent blackened and smoking down the river, they retired to their various boats and slept soundly in preparation for the contest of the following day.

On the mortar fleet a portion of the day was given to the very singular duty of disguising the vessels. Large quantities of branches were cut from the forest trees on the banks of the river, which were bound with all their fresh leaves to the masts, rigging, and around the hulls. This was so adroitly done that from the distance it was impossible to distinguish the fleet from the groups of trees on the banks, thus concealing the position of the vessels entirely from the enemy.

On the following morning, Good Friday, April 18th, at early dawn, the towing vessels of Commodore Porter’s fleet took each five mortar boats, and proceeded up the river to their fighting station. The fleet thus in motion presented a splendid spectacle—the noble steamers leading a group of vessels, each embowered in green, as though some oasis of lofty trees had migrated from their forest home and were on an excursion to a distant shore. The larger number were anchored on the right bank of the river, while five were put in position on the left bank.

At nine o’clock precisely, and before all the mortar boats had taken their position, the rebels opened fire. It was instantly returned by the mortars, and the grandest naval engagement of the war, and one of the most memorable bombardments in the history of the world commenced.

For some time the fire of the forts fell short of the range, but after about an hour their shot passed over the vessels and fell harmless beyond the fleet. The mortar practice for the first half hour exhibited a similar defect, but the range was then obtained, and the bombs fell thick and fast over and around the entrenched foe. At ten o’clock the Iroquois, Cayuga, Sciota and Wissahickon opened upon the forts with their 11-inch shells and fifteen-second fuses.

The scene now became one of thrilling grandeur. The loud roar of the mortars as they hurled their immense projectiles into the air, the quick succession of guns from the war ships, and the rapid discharges from the forts in reply; the flashes of fire, the clouds of smoke, as they rolled blackly together, filling the air, and the shells flying up to a great altitude, then pencilling their arching line against the blue sky as they sped to their mark, passing and repassing in almost momentary rapidity, presented a spectacle awfully sublime. At times eight or ten of the destructive missiles were to be seen rushing away on their errands of death and destruction at the same moment, sometimes exploding and scattering the fragments in wide circles over the water, throwing it up in vast silver columns, or on the shore plowing up the earth and sending soil and foliage in thick masses high in the air.

The rebels diversified their operations during the day by again sending two immense fire-rafts down the river, which would have occasioned much confusion among the fleet, but for the precautions already taken, and the previous experience of the sailors in the reception of these pyrotechnic visitors. The sailors not employed at the guns were allowed to witness the contest from the yards and rigging of the vessels. As soon as the rafts appeared they were called down from their places, manned the boats, and soon piloted these burning islands to the shore, where they were left to smoulder away for the entertainment of the fleet. These rafts were now regarded as a side-play. At six o’clock Fort Jackson was reported to be on fire, and at half-past six the Harriet Lane signalled the mortar boats to cease firing. Two of these boats were struck during the day. The cabin of one was destroyed by a shot, and a ball plunged through the magazine of another which sent her out of the action for an hour in order to make repairs. The men on board had been exhausted by their heavy labors, and when the night came they were heartily glad to rest.

A morning of serene beauty dawned upon the fleet, with a light south-east wind, that gradually increased in volume till about ten o’clock. Notwithstanding the breeze, the sun was warm, and the heat sometimes oppressive. At half-past six the mortar boats opened the bombardment. The fire at first was slow, and the vessels which were on the left bank of the river the day before, were placed in position on the other bank near the anchorage. At seven o’clock the gunboats Oneida, Pinola and Sciota were sent up to support and cover the mortar vessels, while the Wissahickon and Cayuga were relieved—having been on duty twenty-four hours. As soon as these vessels had opened fire, Fort Jackson replied from her casemate guns, and kept up a very heavy fire.

At half-past eleven o’clock a rifle shot went through the schooner Maria J. Carlton, and she sunk in about twenty minutes. Everything was saved from her except the mortar, and only two or three men were injured slightly by splinters.

Just after the sinking of the M. J. Carlton the gunboats Itasca and Kineo were ordered into close action, the Owasco being sent up by Captain Porter to assist. The firing now was frequent and terrific. Each moment it seemed as if some one of the boats must be sunk. The Oneida attracted much attention by her coolness and her heavy fire. At two o’clock she was struck twice, one ten-inch solid shot from a Columbiad striking a thirty-two pounder gun-carriage and knocking off one of the trucks, and passing out of the ship on the port side. Shortly afterwards another shot of the same description hit the forward part of the starboard after port, striking the carriage of an eleven-inch pivot gun and then lodging on deck. This shot wounded nine men, but none mortally. One poor fellow lost his left hand. The pivot gun of the Oneida was not injured, but the pivot rail was slightly damaged, and to repair it she hauled out of action.

At about half-past three o’clock the firing from the forts began to slacken. At four o’clock Fort Jackson was silent, and only the water battery and Fort St. Philip were at work. The mortar shells were falling all around the fort. One appeared to fall into the water battery soon afterward, and silenced it. The gunboats were throwing shells with fine effect, the Kineo in particular. At five o’clock General Butler and his staff went on board the Hartford to confer with Commodore Farragut, and at half-past six the signal was given to discontinue the firing.

A number of men were wounded during the day, and were placed on board of the Katahdin, to be conveyed to the hospital at Pilot Town, down the river.

Night closed around the fleet as it lay at its moorings. The mortar-boats kept up the firing during the night at stated intervals, by divisions, and so continued until the morning of Sunday, the 20th, when the contest was renewed on both sides, with the same zeal and industry as had marked the bombardment of the first two days. During the forenoon a deserter from Fort Jackson came to the shore, and hailed one of the mortar vessels. A boat was immediately dispatched to him, and he was taken on board the Harriet Lane, where he had an interview with Commodore Porter. He was a citizen of Pennsylvania, and reported that great execution had been done by the well-directed fire of the fleet.

Commodore Farragut began to fear, from the protracted resistance of the forts, that they would hold out so long that the supply of shells and material of the fleet would become exhausted, and the enterprise result in a simple blockade. He therefore issued orders for running the forts, at an early opportunity, and arranged the vessels in several divisions for this important undertaking, when the signal should be given to move. While passing the forts, Commodore Porter’s mortar fleet were to engage the batteries, in order to distract and divide the fire of the forts.

During the afternoon, Fort Jackson suspended its fire, but Fort St. Philip sent its iron messengers about the fleet in a perfect hail, without, however, doing much injury. After continuing this work for a short time the fire was slackened, and gradually fell off, a shot only being sent at long intervals.

During the afternoon preparations were made for removing the obstructions which the rebels had placed in the river. The principal of these was a strong and heavy iron chain thrown across the stream, supported by six or eight vessels, which formed a line across from shore to shore. Beyond this battery, and above the forts, lay a fleet of eighteen gunboats, and a monster ram, called the _Manassas_, a massive and heavily mailed vessel, built expressly for running down and destroying any vessel that it might attack.

About two o’clock the expedition to accomplish this work started on its errand. The night was as dark as could be desired, and, closely watched by the fleet, the Itasca and Pinola left their moorings to cut the chain, and, if possible, destroy some of the vessels supporting it. At a given signal the mortar vessels, which had been keeping up a slow fire, opened a tremendous volley of shell, presenting a spectacle which has seldom been witnessed in naval warfare. The sky was like a vast arch in conflagration from the explosions of the shells, which vaulted upwards, and fell in a meteoric shower upon the forts. From three to eight or ten were in the air almost all the time, and the beauty and grandeur of this vast pyrotechnic display was heightened by the use of the Caston signal lights. Dimly in the distance could be seen the Iroquois, Winona, and Kennebec, who were in the advance of the mortar fleet. A signal light was sent up from Fort Jackson, and both forts opened fire with all their heavy guns.

An hour was spent in this manner, when the Pinola sent a boat down to report that the chain was cut, and that the Itasca was ashore. The forts had slackened their fire, and there was good cause to fear that if she were not rescued before the moon rose, she would be captured by the rebels. Orders were immediately sent to the picket boats, which repaired to her aid, and although the project of blowing up some of the supporting schooners was not accomplished, the vessels all returned in safety, having cleared the river of its barrier. The mortar fleet then subsided into the accustomed routine of a bombshell at regular intervals, to prove to the rebels at the forts that their visitors were at the post of duty.

At two o’clock on Monday morning, the 21st, the moon rose clear and beautiful, lighting up the entire scene. It was the fourth day of the bombardment, and with accustomed promptitude the entertainment of the day commenced with a fire raft, sent down the river from Fort Jackson, larger and more formidable than any that had preceded it. The current was running swiftly, the wind was fresh, and the blazing mass sped fiercely over its watery pathway. It burned with terrific fury, a high wind sweeping its flames back in fiery banners; while the pine knots, crackling and roaring, sent their forked flames leaping like tongues of fire through the dense column of smoke which rolled its huge black pall against the azure of the sky, as it floated past the fleet, scattering a storm of harmless fire on the water. The mortar boats took it in charge, and the men fell to work extinguishing the flames. When this was done it was towed ashore to keep company with its forerunners, a harmless, charred mass of timbers.