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Chapter XVI: Letter 47: ) (3)

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[381] Stephanie Félicité Ducrest de St. Aubin (1746-1830)
married, in 1761, the Comte de Genlis. Through her aunt, who was
secretly married to the Duc d'Orléans, she became "gouvernante"
to the duke's children by his first wife, a daughter of the
Duc de Penthièvre,--Madame Adelaide, Louis Philippe, and three
others. She was a voluminous and versatile writer. Her _Adèle
et Théodore_ was published in 1782. "J'eus une liaison assez
intime," she says in her _Mémoires_ (ii. 351), "avec M. Gibbon,
auteur de la chute de l'empire romain, ouvrage anglais que nos
philosophes ont beaucoup loué, parce qu'il renferme de très
mauvais principes, mais qui est, a tous égards, un mauvais
ouvrage, très diffus, sans vues nouvelles, et fort ennuyeux."

[382] William Melmoth (1710-1799), "Pliny" Melmoth, as Miss
Burney says he was nicknamed, was an author, commissioner of
bankrupts, and a good classical scholar. In 1753 he published
Cicero's _Ad Familiares_; in 1773, the _De Senectute_; and in
1777, the work referred to in the letter, _De Amicitia_.

332.

_To his Stepmother._

Sheffield Place, December the 26th, 1777.

DEAR MADAM,

I arrived yesterday at Sheffield Place to enjoy the beauties of the country, which are displayed in a profusion of rain, snow and fogs. I think I never saw the Landlady in better looks, health or spirits. With regard to the Landlord, the principal object of this cold expedition, his eyes are somewhat better, and I flatter myself that the conversation of a friend will contribute to enliven him. I admire your fortitude, but I assure you that my despondency was not occasioned by the misfortunes of Bourgoyne and his gallant troops. It is founded on a very full consideration of a plan, the difficulties of which present themselves every day in a stronger light. What must be the means or the instruments to extricate us from this melancholy situation still remain to be considered with the most serious and dispassionate attention.

I am, dear Madam,
Most truly yours,
E. G.

The family desired to be remembered to you.

333.

_To J. B. Holroyd, Esq._

Saturday night, 1778.

The Gib is _half_ astounded and _half_ disappointed at the Revolution. He thinks (at present) that he shall appear in person at S. P. either Monday or Tuesday next to require an explanation. London is a dead calm and delicious solitude. If some people would send for the Eliza all might be forgiven. Adieu.

E. G.

Tuesday next will certainly produce his presence or an Epistle.

334.

_To J. B. Holroyd, Esq._

1778.

For _Tuesday_ read _Wednesday_. I think I may reach S. P. by dinner time; but do not wait. My Lady's inconstancy disarranges me much, but it is far better that I should be disarranged, than that her gentle spirit should be grieved. Yet, why cannot she live quiet, and solitary at Brighton?

335.

_To J. B. Holroyd, Esq._

Monday night, January 26th, 1778.

What can I say? No news or business. Lord G.'s great misfortune has procured him a respite.[383] We shall soon have something of a brush to-morrow on his first appearance.[384] Lord N. seems in high spirits: we hear no more of conciliatory propositions. I received to-day a huge pacquet, a Theological answer written by a _mere_ Irish parson.[385] Adieu. I embrace my Lady, and wait with impatience. I hope your eyes are not the worse for a little fatigue. I love a dutiful aunt. It is now half an hour past nine. I have been hard at work since dinner, and am just setting out for Lady Payne's Assembly, with half the fine Bs at it, after which, I shall perhaps sup with Charles, &c., at Almack's.

[383] Lady George Germain (formerly Miss Diana Sambrooke) died of
the measles, January 15, 1778.

[384] Gibbon voted against the Government (February 2) for
Fox's motion, "That no more of the Old Corps be sent out of the
Kingdom." The motion was rejected by 259 to 165.

[385] Probably, _A Reply to the Reasonings of Mr. Gibbon_, etc.,
by Smyth Loftus, M.A., Vicar of Coolock. Dublin, 1778.

336.

_To J. B. Holroyd, Esq._

Feb. 23, 1778.

*You do not readily believe in præternatural miscarriages of letters; nor I neither. Listen, however, to a plain and honest narrative. This morning after breakfast, as I was ruminating on _your_ silence, Thomas, my new footman, with confusion in his looks, and stammering on his tongue, produced a letter reasonably soiled, which he was to have brought me the day of his arrival, and which had lain forgotten from that time in his pocket. To shorten as much as possible the continuance, I immediately inquired, whether any method of conveyance could be devised more expeditious than the post, and was fortunately informed of your Coachman's intentions.* In your observations on the opposition, &c., I desiderate somewhat of your usual moderation. I suppose you imagine that a reluctant effort of reason is at once to efface past errors, to command present acquiescence, and to inspire future confidence.

[Sidenote: ATTEMPTS AT CONCILIATION.]

*You probably know the heads of the plan; an act of parliament, to declare that we never _had_ any intention of taxing America: another act, to empower the Crown to name commissioners, authorized to suspend hostilities by sea and land, as well as all obnoxious acts; and, in short, to grant every thing, except Independence.[386] Opposition, after expressing their doubts whether the lance of Achilles could cure the wound which it had inflicted, could not refuse their assent to the principles of conduct which they themselves had always recommended. Yet you must acknowledge, that in a business of this magnitude there may arise several important questions, which, without a spirit of faction, will deserve to be debated: whether Parliament ought not to name the Commissioners? whether it would not be better to repeal the obnoxious acts ourselves? I do not find that the World, that is, a few people whom I happen to converse with, are much inclined to praise Lord N.'s ductility of temper. In the service of next Friday,[387] you will, however, take notice of the injunction given by the Liturgy: "And all the people shall say after the _minister_, Turn us again, O Lord, and so shall we be turned."

While we considered whether we shall negociate, I fear the French have been more diligent. It is positively asserted, both in private and in Parliament, and not contradicted by the Ministers, that on the 5th of this month a treaty of Commerce[388] (which naturally leads to a war) was signed at Paris with the Independent States of America. What do you think of the tardyness of administration? Yet there still remains a hope that England may obtain the preference. The two greatest countries in Europe are fairly running a race for the favour of America;* and I fear our _Lord_ has more bottom than foot. Adieu. Am not I very good? but you must not expect a repetition of such exalted Virtue. Your Eyes? I embrace My lady, &c. I have written to all: no answers. I will see Cadell.

I send you a parcel, that, as a member, I have just received.

[386] The Bills proposed by Lord North were: (1) "For removing
all doubts and apprehensions concerning taxation by the
Parliament of Great Britain in any of the Colonies;" (2) for the
appointment of five commissioners to treat with the Colonies. By
the first the claim of taxation was abandoned. A third Bill, for
the express repeal of the Massachusetts Charter Act, was also
supported by the Government. The three Bills received the royal
assent on March 11, 1778. Walpole, writing to Mason, February
18th, 1778, says, "You perhaps, who have all ecclesiastical
history at your finger-ends, may recollect something approaching
to the transaction of _yesterday, the 17th of February_, a day
of confession and humiliation that will be remembered as long as
the name of England exists. Yesterday, Feb. 17th, did the whole
Administration, by the mouth of their spokesman, Lord North, no,
no, not resign; on the contrary, try to keep their places by a
full and ample confession of all their faults, and by a still
more extraordinary act, by doing full justice both to America
and to the Opposition,--by allowing that the former are no
cowards nor conquerable,--that they are no Rebels, for the new
Commissioners are to treat with the Congress or anybody, and, by
asking pardon by effects, _i.e._ the cancelling all offensive
acts, and by acknowledging the independence of the 13 provinces,
not _verbally_ yet _virtually_."

[387] A solemn fast was kept on February 27, 1778.

[388] The treaty was also one of friendship. It was signed on
February 6.

[Sidenote: SUEING FOR PEACE.]

337.

_To his Stepmother._

February 28th, 1778.

DEAR MADAM,

You will think me the most impudent fellow alive: but I am really angry with _you_ for not being angry with _me_ o account of my long and shameful silence. We have had (I do not mean it as any excuse) the hardest work I have yet known in Parliament. You see that we are reduced to the humiliation of sueing for peace. I much fear we shall have the additional humiliation of being rejected. In the meantime a French war is every day a probable event. I have not yet seen so very black a prospect. How have you passed the winter, in health, in spirits and in amusements? For my own part I am perfectly free from the gout, and notwithstanding the hurry of business and pleasure, I steal some moments for the Roman Empire. I can assure you with the utmost truth that I look forward to Easter with such impatience I _will_ write oftener.

I am, Dear Madam,
Most truly yours,
E. GIBBON.

338.

_To J. B. Holroyd, Esq._

Almack's, Saturday night, [February, 28th, 1778].

I like your method of proceeding, and I am much relieved to find that after fighting so long with savage monsters, we have at length found a being not totally devoid of sense and feeling. Yet I fear the events which may happen before Michaelmas. With regard to your other schemes, I think them _hard_: but the times are so: and I must submit. Hugonin shall not be omitted.

*As to politics, we should easily fill pages, and therefore had better be silent. You are mistaken in supposing that the Bills are opposed; some particular objections have been stated, and in the _only_ division I voted with Government.[389]* Yet I still repeat that in my opinion, Lord N. does not deserve pardon for the past, applause for the present, or confidence for the future. You are, however, perfectly in the right in supposing that the most able men in the Kingdom will go to America, as a proof of which I must inform you that Lord Carlisle is certainly appointed first Commissioner.[390]

Caplin enquired about the groom. He is a drunken, worthless fellow. Adieu. I hear the bell. My Lady is a most aimiable Creature. I rejoice in her snugness.

[389] Mr. Powys moved a clause to repeal expressly and by name
the Massachusetts Charter Act. This clause was opposed by Lord
North, and on a division was rejected. Lord North, however,
supported a separate Bill for the attainment of the same object.

[390] The five commissioners, appointed on April 13, 1778, were
Lord Carlisle, Lord Howe, Sir W. Howe, William Eden (afterwards
Lord Auckland), and George Johnstone (ex-governor of Florida).

339.

_To J. B. Holroyd, Esq._

February 29th, 1778.

DEAR H.,

Last night I found a note from Gosling that he wished to see me this morning. In my reply I submitted it to him whether it might not be better to wait a few days for our common friend. He answered me that he had no objection to talking about Bucks when you came, but that my Estates being intermixed with Lord Verney's seemed to him an _insuperable_ objection, So that I fear there is an end of our sheet Anchor. I wait impatiently for your arrival. What is to be done? Aubrey whispered me last night, that Sir Sampson Gideon[391] was purchasing everything in that part of Bucks. Excuse my writing meerly about my own affairs, I am really out of spirits. Monday night, if there is anything stirring, I will give you a letter of news. Adieu.

[391] M.P. for Cambridgeshire.

340.

_To his Stepmother._

March 7th, 1778.

E. G. is alive, well, but much ashamed of himself. In two or three posts he intends to write somewhat more at large. The H.'s will come to him next Sunday.

[Sidenote: WAR WITH FRANCE.]

341.

_To J. B. Holroyd, Esq._

Saturday Night, ten o'clock, 14th March, 1778.

Enclosed I send Arthur Young's character. You will judge, but I should not be satisfied with it. Your polite footman shall be sought for. This moment Beauclerck, Lord Ossory, Sheridan, Garrick, Burke, Charles Fox and Lord Cambden (no bad set you will perhaps say) have left me. It is reported that M. de Noailles has signified to Lord Weymouth the treaty of France with the united and independent States of America, with the cold modification that it is not of a hostile character.[392] We have had hard but dull work. Monday will be a great day,--the enquiry and the orders given by Lord George for the Canada expedition.[393]

Dr. Robertson is in town. I shall dine with him to-morrow. Adieu. I have given directions for La Fontaine's fables.

[392] The note formally announcing the Treaty of Commerce and
Friendship between France and the United States, was delivered
to Lord Weymouth on March 13, 1778. "On Saturday," writes
Sir Gilbert Elliot to Lord Malmesbury, March 20, 1778, "all
the French in London were sent to the opera, plays, clubs,
coffee-houses, ale-houses, and spill-houses, to publish the
intelligence, which they did with all their natural impertinence."

[393] On March 19 Fox moved three resolutions: (1) that the
Canadian expedition was ill concerted, (2) that it was impossible
it should succeed, (3) that no sufficient instructions to
co-operate had been sent to General Howe. The resolutions were
lost by 164 to 44. Fox then tore up the paper on which he had
written the fourth resolution, a censure on Lord G. Germain.

342.

_To J. B. Holroyd, Esq._

Almack's, Saturday night, [March 21st, 1778].

*As business thickens, and you may expect me to write sometimes, I shall lay down one rule; totally to avoid political argument, conjecture, lamentation, declamation, &c., which would fill pages, not to say volumes; and to confine myself to short, authentic pieces of intelligence, for which I may be able to afford moments and lines. Hear then--The French ambassador[394] went off yesterday morning, not without some slight expressions of ill humour from John Bull. Lord Stormont[395] is probably arrived to-day. No _immediate_ declaration expected on our side. A Report (but vague) of an action in the bay, between La Motte Piquet and Digby; the former has five ships and three frigates, with three large store ships under convoy; the latter has eleven ships of the line. If the Frenchman should sail to the mouth of the Delawar, he may possibly be followed and shut up. When Franklin was received at Versailles,[396] Deane went in the same character to Vienna, and Arthur Lee to Madrid. Notwithstanding the reports of an action in Silesia, they subside;[397] and I have seen a letter from Eliot at Berlin of the tenth instant, without any mention of actual hostilities, and even speaking of the impending War as not absolutely inevitable. Last Tuesday the first payment of the loan £600,000 was certainly made; and as it would otherwise be forfeited, it is a security for the remainder. I have not yet got the intelligence you want, about former prices of stock in Critical times. These are surely such. _Dixi. Vale._ Send me some good news from Bucks; In spite of the War, I must sell. We want you in town. Frazer is impatient: but if you come without Mylady, every door will be shut.

[394] M. de Noailles left London at six in the morning to avoid
insults. He and his wife were pelted by the mob as they passed
through Canterbury; but the Government ordered a salute to be
fired in his honour as he left Dover.

[395] David, seventh Viscount Stormont, who succeeded (1793) his
uncle as second Earl of Mansfield, was at this time ambassador at
Paris. In October, 1779, he was made one of the Secretaries of
State. He was afterwards President of the Council under Pitt. He
died in 1796.

[396] The three American deputies were presented to Louis XVI.
on March 21, 1778, by M. de Vergennes, the Minister for Foreign
Affairs.

[397] On December 30, 1777, the Elector of Bavaria died. With
him was extinguished the male line of his house. Austria took
the opportunity of occupying portions of Lower Bavaria, and the
King of Prussia supported against her the claims of the elector's
general heir and nearest male relation, the Elector Palatine of
the Rhine. War began in July, 1778; but before negotiations were
abandoned, Bohemia, Silesia, and Saxony were occupied by the
forces of Austria and Prussia.

[Sidenote: HIS PRIVATE AFFAIRS.]

343.

_To J. B. Holroyd, Esq._

Bentinck Street, March 30th, 1778.

The short delay of my answer, you must ascribe on this occasion not to lazyness but to despondency. What a melancholy prospect of public and private affairs. Excuse my saying anything of the former (indeed there is nothing fixed or certain), I am too much engaged by the latter.

What can I say about Fleet Street? The remittance they mention from Hugonin, with another of a halfe year's rent from Bucks, will diminish though not discharge the accruing interest which indeed must always gain upon me, unless I could live upon air. With regard to the principal, as they are in very affluent circumstances, I did flatter myself that instead of urging me to dispose of the dearest part of my property, the new River share, at the most unfavourable season, they would have allowed me the chance of another summer to dispose of Lenborough which would ease me at once of principal and interest. I beg you would make that earnest request to them, I mean to Clive, and manage it with all the zeal and dexterity of your friendship. Let me know, whether I can second it by any steps of politeness and propriety. I had rather write than speak.--Should they still be inflexible and rigourously exact the immediate sale of the New River, give me your advice and assistance. Your _advice_ whether in honour and prudence, I may dispute the point and gain time by the dilatory and expensive resources of the law. If I ought to yield, your _advice_ as to the best method of Sale. Sure they cannot insist on my selling it much below its value. I fear you must run to town for two or three days. With regard to Buriton. Hugonin has sent me a letter for you unsealed. I have kept it some days, without having courage to read it. Is it very bad? I was much satisfied with your conference with Winton, but can we depend on his promises? What security have we between this time and Michaelmas for the intentions of an attorney and the conduct of a madman.

Adieu, my dear friend. My disposition is chearful, my wants not extravagant, my amusements within my own power, and connected with the amusement of many. But the scene before me is horrid, unless you can shew me some ray of comfort. Adieu.

Mrs. G. presses me; I think of going about the 15th of next month and staying a fortnight at Bath.--I have got a Groom for you, but am not yet assured of his Character.

344.

_To his Stepmother._

Bentinck Street, April the 6th, 1778.

DEAR MADAM,

As we can talk more in an hour than we can write in a day, I shall only say that I propose myself the pleasure (and a great pleasure it will really be) of waiting on you on Thursday evening the 16th inst. If anything should delay my journey two or three days later you shall certainly have timely notice.

I am, Dear Madam,
Most truly yours,
E. GIBBON.

345.

_To J. B. Holroyd, Esq._

Bath, 25th April, 1778.

Here I am in close attendance of my Mama, who is better in health, spirits, &c., than I have known her for some years. Had I attempted an Easter excuse it would have been very ill received. I am vastly complaisant, _amuse_ myself in Routes and private parties and play shilling Whist with the most edifying resignation. The Rooms and public places I seldom frequent, and claim some merit from a sacrifice which in reality is none at all. The Paynes are here, and I contrive to see something of them. Are you acquainted with Dr. Delacour? In truth there is much kindness in that Jew and much good sense likewise; he gives as good dinners as the superstition of the females of his family will permit, and has a proper contempt for all that a reasonable man ought to despise. I had destined and shall give a _full_ fortnight to Bath, and shall return to town the latter end of next week, but as the day is not irrevocably fixed, I do not wish you to suppose me in Bentinck Street before the Monday or Tuesday of the week following. I understand with satisfaction that the Majorina[398] intends to visit the great City. I have much to say and much for you to do. You may expect to be favoured with some military instructions. Adieu. I hear from Zara[399] a very tolerable account; but my proposed visit was respectfully declined. I like the new house very well.

[398] Mr. Holroyd served as major in the Sussex Militia under
the Duke of Richmond. The militia was in 1778 organized as a
permanent force for the defence of the country.

[399] Miss Sarah Holroyd.

346.

_To his Stepmother._

House of Commons, Wednesday Evening, ten o'clock, '78.

I arrived safe in town, and, after finding most _excellent_ reasons for two or three days' delay, when I had really very little to do, I now snatch a moment from a very warm debate to tell you that I found the H.'s in town. The Major's eyes are not better, but otherwise his spirits are good, and he becomes his military character. Remember me to the sister. I sympathise in her distress at my departure. Assure all my friends, Christians but more especially Jews,[400] of my own grateful sense of their kindness, but let me say with the utmost truth, that the part of my Bath visit which I recollect with the greatest pleasure, are the moments which I spent with you and with you alone.

The H.'s (I had almost forgot) salute you. They stay till Monday.

I am, Dear Madam,
Ever yours,
E. GIBBON.

[400] Apparently an allusion to Dr. Delacour, Mrs. Gibbon's
doctor at Bath.

347.

_To J. B. Holroyd, Esq._

Saturday Night, 16th May, 1778.

Before I received your letter, I had just heard from Bath! I can say nothing on the occasion. Nature and Reason have their respective provinces; and I ought not to hope either to prevent the effect of the former, or to hasten that of the latter.

[Sidenote: D'ESTAING'S FLEET.]

I shall expect you about the end of next week, but it will be highly proper that you should give me some days either in going or returning. Notwithstanding all you may see in the Papers, you may be assured that there is not any certain intelligence of D'Estaing's squadron having passed the straights of Gibraltar.[401] A Court of Enquiry is ordered and will sit on Monday on Bourgoyne;[402] but I am not certain whether he has been forbid Court. I attended Ireland with great alacrity;[403] but the business seems to be compromised. I do not exactly know in what manner or whether the Constituents on either side will be satisfied. The Inscriptions shall be considered. Adieu.

[401] The Comte d'Estaing with the French fleet left Toulon on
April 13, and arrived off Sandy Hook on July 8, 1778.

[402] General Burgoyne was refused admission to the royal
presence. The Court of Enquiry was not held, as the general
officers reported that they could not take cognizance of the
conduct of an officer who was a prisoner on parole to the
Congress. A court-martial was on similar grounds refused.
Finally, on May 26, a motion was proposed for a committee of the
whole House on Saratoga, which gave Burgoyne the opportunity of
defending himself. The motion was opposed by the Government and
rejected.

[403] Counsel and evidence were heard on Irish trade; but,
by a compromise between the opponents and supporters of the
projected bills for the relaxation of the commercial code, and in
consequence of the opposition of English traders, Lord North's
projected concessions were reduced to the smallest proportions
and carried without divisions.

348.

_To J. B. Holroyd, Esq._

Almack's, Friday, [June 12th, 1778].

*R. Way's letter gave me that sort of satisfaction which one may receive from a good Physician, who, after a careful examination, pronounces your case incurable. But no more of that--I take up the pen, as I suppose by this time you begin to swear at my silence. Yet litterally (a bull) I have not a word to say. Since D'Estaing's fleet has passed through the Gut (I leave you to guess where it must have got out there) it has been totally forgot, and the most wonderful lethargy and oblivion, of war and peace, of Europe and of America, seems to prevail. Lord C[hatham]'s funeral was meanly attended,[404] and Government ingeniously contrived to secure the double odium of suffering the thing to be done, and of doing it with an ill grace. The chief conversation at Almack's is about tents, drill-Serjeants, subdivisions, firings, &c. and I am revered as an old Veteran. Adieu. When do you return? If it suits your evolutions, aunt Kitty and myself meditate a Sussex journey next week. I embrace Mylady.*

[404] Lord Chatham died May 11, 1778. The body lay in state in
the Painted Chamber on the 7th and 8th of June, and was buried in
Westminster Abbey on June 9. Parliament was adjourned from June 3
to November 26.

349.

_To his Stepmother._

London, June the 12th, 1778.

DEAR MADAM,

Inclosed I send you what you desire. Believe me I have not forgotten, how much, in every sense of the word, I feel myself indebted to you. I wish that all of us in publick and private affairs had a less melancholy prospect before us; but courage and Philosophy must assist us. Letters (I do not mean Epistles) are in every state of life an amusement, a comfort or a resource.

The Holroyds are still in Yorkshire, I expect them in about ten days; and have some thoughts with Mrs. Porten of making them a visit next month. I carry down a good deal of lumber, and shall work reasonably hard.

I am, Dear Madam,
Ever yours,
E. G.

350.

_To J. B. Holroyd, Esq._

Monday Evening, 29th June, 1778.

With a trembling hand I inclose a letter from Hugonin in its pure and original state--_Return it with proper directions_; or answer it yourself, which would please me much better.--I suppose there are complaints of my silence. I am however by four and twenty hours less guilty than I seem----

I expect an account of your meeting and motions; and some encouragement might attract Aunt Kitty and myself in the course of next week----

[Sidenote: KEPPEL'S ATTACK ON FRENCH FRIGATES.]

What think you of Keppel?[405] We are pleased on the whole: yet some Ministers such as Ld. Mansfield and Wedd[erburn] affect to talk doubtfully about a War. Adieu.

[405] Admiral Keppel, who left Portsmouth early in June, fell in
with two French frigates, the _Licorne_ and the _Belle Poule_,
on June 17, 1778. The first he captured, the second was driven
ashore. This action began the war with France.

[Sidenote: COXHEATH CAMP.]

351.

_To J. B. Holroyd, Esq._

Wednesday evening, July 1st, 1778.

Your plan of operations is clear and distinct; yet, notwithstanding your zeal, and the ideas of Ducal discipline, I think you will be more and longer at S. P. than you imagine. However, I am disposed to advance my journey as much as possible. I want to see you; my martial ardour makes me look to Coxheath,[406] necessity obliges me to think of Beriton, and I feel something of a very new inclination to taste the sweets of the Country. Aunt Kitty shares the same sentiments; but various obstacles will not allow us to be with you before Saturday, or perhaps Sunday evening; I say _evening_, as we mean to take the cool part of the day, and shall probably arrive after Supper. Keppel's return[407] has occasioned infinite and inexpressible consternation, which gradually changes into discontent against him. He is ordered out again with three or four large ships as reinforcement; 2 of 90, 2 of 74, and the 50th Regiment as marines. In the mean time the French, with a superior fleet, are masters of the sea; and our homeward-bound East and West India trade is in the most imminent danger. Adieu.

[406] Summer encampments were established at Salisbury, Bury
St. Edmunds, Winchester, Warley, and Coxheath in Kent. At the
last-named place were stationed the 1st battalion of Royals, 2nd,
14th, 18th, 59th, and 65th Regiments of Foot, the 1st Regiment of
Dragoons, and twelve regiments of militia. Coxheath was visited
by the king and queen in November, 1778.

[407] Papers captured on a French frigate showed Keppel that a
fleet superior to his own lay in Brest harbour. He therefore
retired to Portsmouth. "And now," writes Walpole, July 4, 1778,
"Mr. Keppel is returned, we learn that the East and West Indian
fleets, worth four millions, are at stake, and the French
frigates are abroad in pursuit of them."

352.

_To J. B. Holroyd, Esq._

Bentinck-street, July 7th, 1778.

*Expect me----when you see me; and do not regulate your active motions by my uncertainty. Saturday is impossible. The most probable days are, Tuesday or Friday next. I live not unpleasantly, in a round of Ministerial dinners; but I am impatient to see my white house at Brighton. I cannot find that Sheffield really has the same attractions for you. Lord North, as a mark of his gratitude, observed the other day, that your Regiment would make a very good figure in North Carolina. Adieu. I wrote two lines to Mitchel lest he should think me dead.*

353.

_To J. B. Holroyd, Esq._

Thursday Evening, July, 1778.

O Lord! O Lord!--I am quite tired of Parliament and sigh for the country. I talked of being at S. P. next Saturday; I shall think myself fortunate if I reach it that day sen'night. Many bills are sent to the Lords, the forms of their house will consume some days, the Ch.'s temper[408] may destroy more time, and the prorogation will not take place before the 17th. In the meanwhile every body is going out of town, and the danger of not getting a house will probably force me to stay, and, after all, this place is not uncomfortable. Adieu. No news. I embrace my Lady.

Adam talks of accompanying me.

[408] Lord Thurlow became Lord Chancellor in June, 1778,
succeeding Earl Bathurst.

354.

_To his Stepmother._

Sheffield Place, July 19th, 1778.

DEAR MADAM,

Miss Holroyd who arrived here yesterday informed me that you were certain that I could not be at S. P. as you had not received any letter from me. This throws me under some difficulty, since I must either set aside your authority or distrust the evidence of my senses, which seems to tell me that I am actually at the seat of J. B. Holroyd, Major of the Sussex Militia. The aforesaid Major returned last night from his first sally, which had lasted a whole week, during which time he left me Governor of the Castle and Guardian of his fair Spouse. I acquitted myself of this great office in so satisfactory a manner, that I am again invested with the same dignity, as the doughty Champion moves forward to-morrow morng. on a second Expedition. The Regiment is divided between Lewes and Brighthelmstone, and the Duke of Richmond, &c., works like a Serjeant, a clerk, and a pack-horse. Their motions are irregular and uncertain, and if the Major's quarters should be fixed at Brighthelmstone, My Lady and Sarah will immediately march, and I shall follow the Camp, as it is a place where I can enjoy studious leisure in the midst of dissipation. If they are ordered to any other place I shall return to my retirement in Bentinck Street, as at all events the 'decline and fall' must proceed, which it does at present with tolerable vigour.

Mr. Eliot, whom I saw in London as frequently as I could, wished (if Plymouth and Port Eliot were not burnt down) to receive me in September to meet Lord and Lady Ely. I expressed gratitude but declined a promise. I should think the journey a very proper one; but I must own that I neither like the expence nor the loss of time. Yet those would sound like paltry excuses after a six months' expedition to Paris.

The Major with our three Ladies, Abigail Holroyd, Sarah Holroyd, and Catherine Porten, present their compliments to you. We often talk you over, and this morning at Breakfast his honour scolded sister for not bringing you with her; though on calmer reflection we all thought it better that your second visit to S. P. should be deferred to a more peaceable and settled time, such as it may be hoped next year will prove. Sarah looks well; several passages yesterday of the House, &c., affected her a good deal, but I think she will grow easy and cheerful.

I am, dear Madam,
Most entirely yours,
E. GIBBON.

355.

_To J. B. Holroyd, Esq._

Wednesday morn, Brighton, 1778.

You feed me royally and almost superabundantly.--Though Brighton is truly the most agreeable place in the World, I am desirous to spend three or four days at S. P., and am not unwilling to meet Lord M[ansfield]. But are you sure of a visit from that venerable Sage? You have a formidable Rival, Gerard Hamilton,[409] who has invited me to dinner for Sunday to meet the Chief Justice whom I wish to conciliate, which your instructions will enable me to do; but at all events if you miss the Judge you will have the Historian the beginning of next week. Adieu.

[409] William Gerard Hamilton ("Single-Speech"), at this time
M.P. for Wareham, lived in Upper Brook Street. He was a brilliant
talker. If Dr. Johnson was unwilling to part with a friend,
he accompanied him down the first pair of stairs in hope of
his return. With Hamilton he went as far as the street door.
"Single-Speech Hamilton has been giving suppers to all the fine
ladies," writes Storer to George Selwyn, April, 1779.

356.

_To J. B. Holroyd, Esq._

Brighthelmstone, 1778, Wednesday morning, ten o'clock.

I have carefully perused the Report, and think you have considerably improved both the matter and arrangement. The remarks were as clear to my conception as they could be made without the help of maps, and the general language is easy and spirited: to render the style minutely elegant and correct would be a tedious and at the same time a very useless task. As it now stands the work must do credit to the author and may do service to the country. Adieu. We meet at Lord G.'s.

Friday morning; I suspect that my Lady will decline the party.

[Sidenote: FRUITLESS SEARCH FOR FRENCH FLEET.]

357.

_To J. B. Holroyd, Esq._

Tuesday evening, Sept. 20th, 1778.

The French fleet is stole back into Brest without meeting Keppel;[410] the Fox frigate taken same day, the Captain (Windsor, Lord Plymouth's brother) killed; others add, but doubtful, that we have lost a fleet of twelve merchantmen. There is good reason to believe that we have taken the Iphigenie, a French frigate. You were hardly aware of the depth of ditch you tumbled into, and I have sent you the enclosed that you may see Hugonin's despair and reproaches. The money must be found by Saturday sen-night; and the only step I could think of was a fair polite letter to Clive, who came to town yesterday, stating the business, representing the probable near conclusion of the New River sale, and begging leave to draw upon him. I know his good nature, but if he hesitates you must intercede, or help me some way or other. Adieu. How do you advance in les Travaux de Mars? The advertisements have been inserted; Hugonin has received one application from a Mr. Butler, Camberwell, Surry, to make enquiries.

[410] After a fruitless search for the French fleet, Admiral
Keppel returned to Portsmouth. "Admiral Keppel is very unlucky in
having missed them, for they had not above twenty-five ships" (H.
Walpole, October 8, 1778).

358.

_To J. B. Holroyd, Esq._

Saturday night, September 25th, 1778.

*No news from the fleets; we are so tired of waiting, that our impatience seems gradually to subside into a careless and supine indifference. We sometimes yawn, and ask, just by way of conversation, Whether Spain will joyn?[411] I believe you may depend on the truth, not the sincerity, of an answer from their Court, that they will not support or acknowledge the independence of the Americans. But on the other hand, Magazines are forming, troops marching, in a style which threatens Gibraltar. Gib. is, however, a hard morsel; 5000 effectives, and every article of defence in the most compleat state. We are certainly courting Russia. So much for the Republic.*

I am strangely amazed and frightened about Buriton: as I had not the least suspicion of the approaching, nay impending demand of so large a sum. How could it amount to so much, and why did Hug. stipulate so near a day? I have desired him to gain time or borrow money. They bite in the New River, and I am offered 7½, but Newton encourages me to hold out, and thinks I may get ¼ more, which is not to be despised in certain situations----

I have seen several servants, and like one who has lived with Mr. Milbank (Sir Ralph's eldest son), who desired his brother to give him a very good character. On a quarrel between him and the Swiss Valet de Chambre, both were dismissed, the one with honour, the other with ignominy. Something more in the Italian than the Swiss style had been designed by the Valet de Chambre, but rejected by your Candidate; yet, as he was discharged, there is something not perfectly clear. If you chuse it, you may write to Milbank, who is with his Militia in the North: but send me the letter and I will forward it. If without any farther ceremony you have a mind to try him (I mean no harm), I can order him to quarters. I am satisfied with his appearance, and he professes to understand what you require. Adieu.

[411] War was declared in June, 1779, between Great Britain and
Spain.

359.

_To his Stepmother._

Bentinck Street, Sept. 29, 1778.

DEAR MADAM,

I think I grow worse and worse. I am sensible that you are acquainted with my sentiments and my faults, and that you are disposed to believe that the stream of my friendship is deep and pure, though it flows _silently_, very silently indeed. Yet my conscience whispers in my ear that I ought not to abuse the confidence which you may with justice repose in me. My conscience, likewise, informs me that as I made Sarah Holroyd the security of my promise, she has a right to complain that she became in some measure the accomplice of my quill. She has, I daresay, given you a particular account of the way I spent the greatest part of the summer; how, in the absence of the Major, I was left Governor of the Castle and Director of the fair females who inhabited it, and how I behaved myself in the execution of that important office.

[Sidenote: DISCOMFORTS OF BRIGHTON.]

I went over to Brighthelmstone, but found not much encouragement to settle, the Company was not agreeable, few of my acquaintance except the Paynes and Beauclercs; more difficulty and more expence than I expected in settling myself with any degree of comfort, and great inconvenience in being so long absent and distant from my tools. Upon mature consideration I resolved to relinquish that plan and to retire for some time to my rural retirement in Bentinck Street: the neighbourhood is not very populous at present, nor am I much interrupted by visits or invitations; yet I find as much society as I want for relaxation; and motives enough to engage me to take more exercise of a morning than I should anywhere else; besides the occasional Holydays which I sometimes allow myself to various friends who dwell in villas adjacent to town. In the meantime I have the pleasure to see the sheets of my second volume insensibly acquire a respectable or at least a decent size; and though my progress gives me a clearer view of the difficulties of my undertaking, yet I find that gentle and steady diligence will in time carry me through it: and I still look forwards to the spring of 1780 with hope though not with confidence.

Before I left Sussex I visited, in company with the Major, Cox Heath Camp: where I was received as a Father of the Old Hampshire Militia, though few officers now remain in it, with whom I have any connection. Jolliffe was returned to his station of Ensign, with the _Cave_ of General Keppel, who would not however see him or forgive his extravagant behaviour, which was much worse than anything you saw in the Papers. I am afraid you were malicious enough to rejoyce at his absurdity. While I was in the Camp, I felt my military ardour revive; but I soon recollected that, notwithstanding the pleasure of passing a part of the winter on the Down, my library is upon the whole as agreeable as a Tent, and Almack's as comfortable as a Suttling booth. What odd animals we are! I have deferred from post to post, I am afraid to think how long, a very easy and pleasing occupation, which has now made me pass a very agreeable half hour in conversing with the dearest and most valued of my friends; who will derive some pleasure from the conversation. I positively believe I shall reform.----

Before I conclude I must add three words on a subject which is not so entertaining. You know how little I love to talk about business, but I ought not to omit what you will probably hear from some other quarter. My tenant Winton had done _some_ mischief to Buriton; he threatened to injure it much more deeply, and I was persuaded by my Council to get rid of him, which I have just accomplished. Till the farm is let again, which I hope will be soon, Hugonin has undertaken the temporary administration. I have lost considerably in taking leave of my old tenant, and fear my loss in engaging a new one will be still more considerable, and I can ill support these extraordinary demands. Yet I should consider that, if all external circumstances were as smooth and satisfactory as the temper of my own mind, my condition would be too fortunate.

I am, Dear Madam,
Most truly yours,
E. GIBBON.

I cannot go to Port Eliot this autumn, but shall try to propose an accomodation to Madam of meeting at Bath.

[Sidenote: PAUL JONES.]

360.

_To J. B. Holroyd, Esq._

October 27th, 1778.

You are certainly right in your suspicions that I shall not again visit S. P. before the meeting of Parliament. I am perfectly well in wind and limb, but the time is so short, the derangement is so considerable, and I am so deeply engaged not in London but at Rome, that I can only regret and hope.--There is not any account of the French fleets in Europe or America. Sir Charles Hardy[412] is sailed chiefly to protect and convoy the East Indiamen now in Ireland. I know not what to say of your countrymen, nor have I any notion of the plan (if any) of Government. The A. G.[413] came to town last night, and I am just going to sup with him. I expect a full account of the Regiment. Adieu. Denmark[414] (inseparably connected with Russia) has behaved very handsomely in restoring two Victuallers and ordering the captor, one of Paul Jones's Squad, to quit the Harbour of Bergen. This is sure and important.

[412] Sir Charles Hardy, already over sixty years of age, as
governor of Greenwich Hospital had retired from active service.
He had not been to sea for many years, till he was now placed in
command of the fleet.

[413] Wedderburn succeeded Thurlow as Attorney-General when the
latter was made Chancellor (June, 1778).

[414] "The court of Denmark, when they gave orders for the
release of our ships taken by Paul Jones, were very explicit in
their declaration in our favour against America" (C. Townshend to
G. Selwyn, October, 1778).

361.

_To J. B. Holroyd, Esq._

Tuesday night, November, 1778.

*You sometimes complain that I do not send you early news; but you will now be satisfied with receiving a full and true account of all the parliamentary transactions of _next_ Thursday. In town we think it an excellent piece of humour (the author is one Tickell)[415] Burke and C. Fox are pleased with their own Speaches, but serious Patriots groan that such things should be turned to farce. We seem to have a chance of an additional Dutch War:[416] you may depend upon its being a very important business, from which we cannot extricate ourselves without either loss or shame. *Hugonin was in town last week about his eyes. I have given him full powers, and still hope that he will agree with Hearsay on tolerable terms. Say something to Beauclerc and Lady Dy. I pity them both, and I pity you too, for at this time of year Brighton must be a damned place. I shall now be immersed in politics. Society and study and hardly a moment be ever found for Epistolary Commerce. Therefore be patient. _Vale._

[415] Parliament met November 26, 1778. Gibbon refers to a
pamphlet called _Anticipation_, which appeared the day before the
opening of Parliament, and gave a summary of what would be said
by the chief speakers. The author was Richard Tickell, grandson
of Addison's contemporary, and a dependent of Lord North.

[416] The outbreak of a war with Holland at this time seemed
probable. At the close of 1778 a number of petitions were
presented from Dutch merchants to their High Mightinesses the
States-General of the United Provinces, protesting against the
right of search for contraband of war which was exercised by
the British ships. In September, 1780, an American packet was
captured, on board of which was Mr. Laurens, President of the
Congress. A box of letters, which he threw overboard, floated,
and was found to contain a draft treaty between the United States
and Holland, and various letters from the "patriotic party,"
showing that Amsterdam at least wished for alliance as early as
August, 1778. A memorial reciting these letters was delivered to
the States-General in November, 1780, but no answer was returned.
In December the British ambassador was recalled, and the Dutch
ambassador left London, December 30, 1780.

362.

_To J. B. Holroyd, Esq._

Wednesday Night, December, 1778.

Good news from India, a revolution has happened among the Marattas; the French interest is destroyed, Ragged boy[417] (or some such name) is placed on the throne of that warlike people, and we have now more to hope than to fear from them. According to the Orders sent out in the Spring it is not impossible that Pondicherry,[418] feebly garrisoned, may at this moment be in our hands. The West Indies[419] are tolerably secure by the land and sea force which went from New York, and our operations in that part of the World may be offensive. In several places the Sky clears a little, and if we could be secure from Spain we may promise ourselves some success. You see I am less desponding than usual. But we must depend more on arms and policy than upon idle threats, which may do mischief and cannot do good. We must likewise remove a Secretary of State so universally odious to the Army,[420] &c.

[Sidenote: THE BATTLE OF USHANT.]

Our Admirals[421] have had a spar or two, and Sir H. P., finding that K. did not apply for a Court Martial upon him, has this day lodged a charge of six Articles in the Admiralty and has made himself the accuser of his Commander.

[417] Ragoba or Ragonaut Ráo, an exiled Peshwah of Poonah, was
supported by the English, and an expedition to reinstate him was
despatched by Warren Hastings in the autumn of 1778.

[418] Pondicherry had already (October 17, 1778) surrendered to
Sir Hector Munro, and Chandernagore had also fallen.

[419] Sir Henry Clinton, who had succeeded Sir W. Howe in the
chief command in America, had sent five thousand men in October,
1778, to the Indies with Commodore Hotham.

[420] William Wildman, second Viscount Barrington (1717-1793),
was succeeded as Secretary at War by Charles Jenkinson in
December, 1778.

[421] The Admirals referred to were Sir Hugh Palliser and
Admiral Keppel, both members of Parliament; Keppel being a Whig
and opposed to Lord North, Palliser a staunch supporter of
the Government. The dispute arose over the battle of Ushant.
The English fleet under Keppel had met the French fleet under
Count d'Orvilliers off Ushant on July 27, 1778. An indecisive
engagement was fought. Keppel signalled to Sir Hugh Palliser to
come up and renew the battle next morning; but Sir Hugh, whose
own ship had suffered severely, was unable to do so. The French
retired on the 29th to Brest, and Keppel to Portsmouth. Palliser
made charges against Keppel, which led to a court-martial on the
latter. The charges against him were pronounced to be malicious
and ill founded, and his conduct was declared to have been that
of a brave and experienced officer. Similar charges were made by
the Comte d'Orvilliers against the Duc de Chartres, who commanded
the Blue Squadron of the French fleet, and did not obey the
signal of his superior officer.

363.

_To J. B. Holroyd, Esq._

Saturday Night, 1778.

Our East India Revolution has not succeeded, and Raggaboy is no longer at the head of the Marattas.[422] In the West we much fear that D'Estaing is run down to the Islands.[423] Black again. The Court Martial would furnish volumes of opinions, but not a line of fact. In private life you see we open a lively campaign of Marchionesses, Countesses, &c.--I am sorry to find that you are so firm about Buriton. Consider the bad condition and growing expence which I am so little able to bear. The option of the term of years cannot perhaps be admitted, but otherwise I am much disposed to accept the hard conditions of Hearsay, and almost fear that our delay will lose the opportunity. I am transported to hear that you will call at Buriton in your way to Bath, and only beg, that considering my situation rather than your spirit, you will not leave the place without deciding the business. How long do you stay at Bath? Shall you not return through town? I want to see you about some things which I cannot trust to paper. Adieu.

[422] The expedition against Poonah failed. The English were
surrounded, and the Convention of Wargaum restored to the
Mahrattas all territory acquired since 1756, and Ragoba was given
up to Scindiah (January, 1779).

[423] In November, 1778, the French fleet sailed for the West
Indies. But St. Lucia was successfully defended by the British
forces.

364.

_To J. B. Holroyd, Esq._

Almack's, Wednesday evening, 1778.

*I delayed writing, not so much through indolence as because I expected every post to hear from you. The supplies are raised. Clive and Gosling allow me (very handsomely) to draw for the Barbarian tribute, and the New river (unless one of the Suitors retreats) is gone, alas gone for ever, for £7550. The state of Buriton is uncertain, incomprehensible, tremendous. It would be endless to send you the folios of Hugonin, but I have enclosed you one of his most pictoresque Epistles, on which you may meditate. Few offers; one, promising enough, came from a Gentleman at Camberwell: I detected him, with masterly skill and diligence, to be only an Attorney's clerk, without money, credit, or experience. I wrote as yet in vain to Sir John Shelley, about Hearsay; perhaps you might get intelligence about him.

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Private Letters of Edward Gibbon (1753-1794) Volume 1 (of 2)Chapter XVI: Letter 47: ) (3)

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