Chapter XV: Part 15

There is a difficulty and that is great. Whether insurmountable I cannot say. How to arrange Pompey and Caesar--Pitt and Fox. Government has candidly said it is not strong enough, the candour of the avowal has tended rather to conciliate than to animate opposition. Lord Loughborough has had a conversation with Pitt and Dundas.[235] I scout the idea of the Party coming in without Fox. He has behaved, at all times, honourably to them and they will behave honourably towards him. Even if they were capable of quitting him, it would be foolish to leave him to bear the discontent of the country. Neither Fox nor Pitt should be suffered to be in that situation. Even if the King were to send for the Duke of Portland and desire him to form an administration, the best answer would be that he could not, without Mr. Pitt, form one which would be sufficiently firm and strong enough to carry on business as it should be, especially at this time. Both parties are too strong to suffer Government to go on efficaciously without them: but how to arrange Fox & Pitt, so that one should not seem to yield too much to the other, there is the rub. I should think it the most patriotick act to settle that matter. I discover no animosity, no rancour, no interest likely to make the parties disagree if once united, nothing that would dispose them to circumvent. I think it the interest of both our Orators to unite. I never supposed I should find it the wish of so many of the first men of the Country as I do. It appears to me to be greatly Pitt's interest. The regret of both King and Queen on the dismission of the Chancellor is well known. If Pitt should make an handsome fair offer to Fox (I do not know the latter is averse) and he should refuse, especially after the late business of Grey, it will prejudice Fox much with his party. If, on the other hand, Pitt should directly or indirectly aim at excluding him, the overture that has been made and the evident want of strength in Government would exasperate some, and encourage others to a redoubled spirit of opposition. Pitt must see that, if such an administration could be formed, there would be scarce a great family in opposition, and that distinction of party in that administration would soon be lost. Although the business is difficult I do not think it impossible. It is rather suspended than broke off. I should have supposed the Duke of Richmond most likely of all to be averse to it, but I find him much disposed to a junction.

Maria amuses herself very much with my conciliating and amiable moderation, but you will discover that my present disposition is perfectly consistent with the opinion I always had of the advantage to the Country at all times, and the necessity in these times, of a firm and strong Government.

I have now inflicted on you and myself a large _dose_.

Give us intelligence of you forthwith. When you set out. Which road you take. The French subject is too much to begin on. The Jacobins are _au comble_. Such execrable animals should be extirpated.

Pray acquaint Lady Elizabeth that I have this moment rec^{d}. her letter, that we wished it had been longer, and that I shall endeavour to collect something for her amusement very speedily. Present my best compliments also to the Duchess.

[230] A large number of troops were assembled at Bagshot Camp on
July 23, and were reviewed by the king on July 26, and engaged in
sham-fights on July 27, 30, 31.

[231] On May 21, 1792, the king issued a proclamation against
tumultuous meetings and seditious writings. Both Houses concurred
in an address of thanks to the king for the proclamation (June
1). The question divided the Whig party, the majority of which
from this time supported Pitt. Fox for the next few years
scarcely mustered fifty followers.

[232] Lord Sheffield expressed an opinion which at the time was
common. The sympathy which was avowed by leading Nonconformists
with some of the objects of the Revolution was not unnaturally
misinterpreted at a period of public excitement. Dr. Price was
chairman of the Revolution Society, which corresponded with
various societies in France. Their correspondence with French
clubs was published in 1792; but it is significant that the
letters on the king's escape and subsequent arrest, sent to the
Jacobin Club in 1791, the existence of which was revealed by
the answer of the Jacobins, were omitted from the publication.
Dr. Priestley, subsequently elected to the National Convention,
presided at the meeting of the Unitarian Society at the King's
Head Tavern, in February, 1791, when, among other toasts, "Thomas
Paine and the Rights of Man," and "The National Assembly of
France, and may every tyrannical government undergo a similar
revolution," were drunk with enthusiasm. Such distinguished
Nonconformists as Dr. Kippis, Dr. Rees, and Dr. Towers were also
prominent members of these or similar societies. The Society of
Constitutional Whigs, who addressed the National Assembly in
the autumn of 1792, declaring that, if any attempt were made to
enslave the French people, they would die in their defence, also
appealed to Dissenters. In _A Few Queries to the Methodists in
General_ occurs the following:--"_Query_: Does not both reason
and revelation teach us, that in order to lay the axe at the root
of the tree of wickedness, we must begin with kings and princes,
and bishops and priests?"

[233] Lord Chancellor Thurlow, whose influence with the king was
immense, and whose intrigues with Fox at the time of the Regency
Bill were well known, opposed Pitt's Sinking Fund and the Bill
for the encouragement of the growth of timber in the New Forest,
and denounced his colleagues as traitors to the interest of their
sovereign. He was dismissed from the Lord Chancellorship in June,
1792.

[234] The actual fusion of parties did not take place till July,
1794, when Lord Camden had died and Lord Stafford retired, and
Dundas, retaining the Colonies, resigned the Secretaryship at
War to Windham. It was delayed by the indecision of the Duke of
Portland, of whom Lady Malmesbury said, "The Duke of Portland is
our Duke of Brunswick--no party will be led to victory by either"
(_Life and Letters of Sir G. Elliot_, vol. ii. p. 72).

[235] Lord Loughborough, Lord Malmesbury, the Duke of Portland,
and Dundas attempted to effect a coalition between Pitt and Fox
in the summer and autumn of 1792. The negotiations failed. "Fox,"
says Lord Malmesbury (July 30, 1792), "made Pitt's quitting the
Treasury a _sine quâ non_, and was so opinionative and fixed
about it, that it was impossible even to reason with him on the
subject." "You see how it is," said Burke; "Mr. Fox's coach stops
the way."

592.

_To his Stepmother._

Lausanne, August 1st, 1792.

MY DEAREST FRIEND,

Notwithstanding all the arts of our great Enemy, the Demon of procrastination, I should not have postponed for so many months a pleasing duty, which may at any time be performed in a single hour, had I not for some time past entertained a lively and probable hope of visiting you this autumn in person; had I not flattered myself, that the very next post I might be able to fix the day of my departure from Lausanne, and almost of my arrival at the Belvidere. That hope is now vanished, and my journey to England is unavoidably delayed till the spring or summer of next year. *The extraordinary state of public affairs in France opposes an insuperable bar to my passage; and every prudent stranger will avoid that inhospitable land, in which a people of slaves is suddenly become a nation of tyrants and cannibals. The German road is indeed safe, but, independent of a great addition of fatigue and expence, the armies of Austria and Prussia now cover that frontier; and though the Generals are polite, and the troops well disciplined, I am not desirous of passing through the Clouds of Hussars and Pandours that attend their motions. These public reasons are fortified by some private motives, and to this delay I resign myself with a sigh for the present, and a hope for the future.

[Sidenote: TAINT OF DEMOCRATICAL INFECTION.]

What a strange wild World do we live in! You will allow me to be a tolerable historian, yet, on a fair review of ancient and modern times, I can find none that bear any affinity with the present. My knowledge of your discerning mind, and my recollection of your political principles, assure me, that you are no more a _Democrat_ than myself. Had the French improved their glorious opportunity to erect a free constitutional Monarchy on the ruins of arbitrary power and the Bastile, I should applaud their generous effort; but this total subversion of all rank, order, and government, could be productive only of a popular monster, which after devouring every thing else, must finally devour itself. I was once apprehensive that this monster would propagate some imps in our happy island, but they seem to have been crushed in the cradle; and I acknowledge with pleasure and pride the good sense of the English nation, who seem truly conscious of the blessings which they enjoy: and I am happy to find that the most respectable part of opposition has cordially joyned in the support of "things as they are." Even this country has been somewhat tainted with the Democratical infection: the vigilance of Government has been exerted, the malecontents have been awed, the misguided have been undeceived, the feaver in the blood has gradually subsided, and I flatter myself that we have secured the tranquil enjoyment of obscure felicity, which we had been almost tempted to despise.

You have heard, most probably, from Mrs. Holroyd, of the long-expected though transient satisfaction which I received from the visit of the Sheffield family. He appeared highly satisfied with my arrangements here, my house, garden, and situation, at once in town and country, which are indeed singular in their kind, and which have often made me regret the impossibility of showing them to my dearest friend of the Belvidere. Lord S. is still, and will ever continue, the same active being, always employed for himself, his friends, and the public, and always persuading himself that he wishes for leisure and repose.* He has now a new care on his hands, the management and disposal of his eldest daughter, who is indeed a most extraordinary young woman. *There are various roads to happiness; but when I compare his situation with mine, I do not, upon the whole, repent that I have given the preference to a life of celibacy and retirement. Although I have been long a spectator of the great World, my unambitious temper has been content with the occupations and rewards of study; and although my library be still my favourite room, I am now no longer stimulated by the prosecution of any litterary work. The society of Lausanne is adapted to my taste; my house is open to many agreeable acquaintance, and some real friends; the uniformity of the natives is enlivened by travellers of all nations; and this summer I am happy in a familiar intercourse with Lady Spencer, the Dutchess of Devonshire, Lady Elizabeth Foster, and Lady Duncannon, who seems to be gradually recovering from her dreadful complaints. My health is remarkably good. I have now enjoyed a long interval from the gout; and I endeavour to use with moderation Dr. Cadogan's best remedies, temperance, exercise, and cheerfulness. Adieu, Dear Madam; may every blessing that Nature can allow be attendant on your latter season! Your age and my habits will not permit a very close correspondence; but I wish to hear, and I _presume_ to ask, a speedy _direct_ account of your own situation. May it be such as I shall hear with pleasure! Once more Adieu; I live in hopes of embracing you next summer at the Belvidere, but you may be assured that I bring over nothing for the press.*

593.

_To Lord Sheffield._

Lausanne, August 23rd, 1792.

*When I inform you that the design of my English expedition is at last postponed to another year, you will not be much surprized. The public obstacles, the danger of one road, and the difficulties of another, would alone be sufficient to arrest so unwieldy and inactive a Being; and these obstacles on the side of France, are growing every day more insuperable. On the other hand, the terrors, which might have driven me from hence, have in a great measure, subsided; our state prisoners are forgot; the country begins to recover its old good humour and unsuspecting confidence, and the last revolution of Paris appears to have convinced almost every body of the fatal consequences of Democratical principles, which lead by a path of flowers into the Abyss of Hell. I may therefore wait with patience and tranquillity till the Duke of Brunswick shall have opened the French road. But if I am not driven from Lausanne, you will ask, I hope with some indignation, whether I am not drawn to England, and more especially to Sheffield-place? The desire of embracing you and yours is now the strongest, and must gradually become the sole, inducement that can force me from my library and garden, over seas and mountains. The English World will forget and be forgotten, and every year will deprive me of some acquaintance, who by courtesy are styled friends: Lord Guilford[236] and Sir Joshua Reynolds![237] two of the men, and two of the houses in London, on whom I the most relied for the comforts of society.*

Even the satisfaction which I promised myself at Sheffield would at present be----

September 12th, 1792.

[Sidenote: BRUNSWICK MARCHES ON PARIS.]

*Thus far had I written in the full confidence of finishing and sending my letter the next post; but six post-days have unaccountably slipped away, and were you not accustomed to my silence, you would almost begin to think me on the road. How dreadfully, since my last date, has the French road been polluted with blood! and what horrid scenes may be acting at this moment, and may still be aggravated, till the Duke of Brunswick[238] is master of Paris! On every rational principle of calculation he must succeed; yet sometimes, when my spirits are low, I dread the blind efforts of mad and desperate multitudes fighting on their own ground. A few days or weeks must decide the military operations of this year, and perhaps for ever; but on the fairest supposition, I cannot look forwards to any firm settlement, either of a legal or an absolute government. I cannot pretend to give you any Paris news. Should I inform you, as we believe, that _Lally[239] is still among the cannibals_, you would possibly answer, that he is now sitting in the library at Sheffield. Madame de Stael,[240] after miraculously escaping through pikes and poniards, has reached the castle of Copet, where I shall see her before the end of the week. If any thing can provoke the King of Sardinia and the Swiss, it must be the foul destruction of _his_ cousin Madame de Lamballe, and of _their_ regiment of guards.[241] An extraordinary council is summoned at Berne, _but resentment may be checked by prudence_. In spite of Maria's laughter, I applaud your moderation, and sigh for a hearty union of all the sense and property of the country. The times require it; but your last political letter was a cordial to my spirits. The Duchess of D. rather dislikes a coalition: amiable creature! The Eliza (we call her Bess) is furious against you for not writing. We shall lose them in a few days; but the motions of Bess and the Duchess for Italy or England, are doubtful. Ladies Spencer and Duncannon certainly pass the Alps. I live with them.*

The interesting subjects of our late correspondence seem to have obliterated all memory of my private concerns, which have suffered as usual a rub when we thought them finally terminated. Although my ideas about money matters are grown somewhat confused, I do not believe there is much _caput mortuum_ left, and have no doubt that the different channels of interest will be properly filled at Michaelmas, but I should be glad to see the greatest part of my decreasing short annuities well secured in a mortgage, and I flatter myself that yourself and agents are alive to that pursuit. But I must again put you in mind of two interesting queries to which I have not yet received any answer. 1. What is the nature of the three thousand pounds debentures which you purchased last Winter? Who is my debtor? and what and where is my security? Surely this is no idle curiosity on my side. 2. I wished to know in what hands the different deeds of my property are vested, and to possess something like a written attestation. The Buriton Mortgage and the aforesaid debentures are very properly, as I suppose, in Lord Sheffield's iron chest. _Fort bien._ My short annuities in their own books and in Mr. E. Darrel's--_pas mal_; my Sussex Navigation and India Bonds with Gosling, _passe encore_: but my claims on you, the Newhaven Mortgage and the Annuity are delivered--are they not, to Mr. Batt, an honourable but a sickly man? Should he fail, have we any to exhibit to his unknown heir? If delicacy, false delicacy, forbids your asking for a receipt, or taking them, which I should like better, into your own custody, I must seriously desire they may be sent over to me. Did I not express some anxiety on this head, you would have a right to call me a very careless fellow.

There are some minor matters which you may find in my long letter;[242] such as a request to settle a shameful obsolete bill, my only one, at Wedgwood's, and to enquire whether Mr. John Nichols, bookseller in Red Lion Passage, Fleet Street, did not receive a letter from me last March which he has never answered. But I must insist on a hogshead of Madeira announced, shipped, and, I believe, paid six months ago, but which has never reached my lips or my cellar. This must be explored. *Adieu. Since I do not appear in person, I feel the absolute propriety of writing to my lady and Maria; but there is far from the knowledge to the performance of a duty.*

Ever yours,
E. G.

[236] Lord Guilford, better known as Lord North, died August 5,
1792.

[237] Sir Joshua Reynolds died February 23, 1792.

[238] The Duke of Brunswick, as commander-in-chief of the
combined armies of Austria and Prussia, issued his manifesto on
July 25, 1792, before crossing the French frontier and directing
his march on Paris.

[239] Lally left France for Switzerland after October, 1789, and
thence passed to England. Realizing the dangerous position of
the king and royal family, he returned to Paris in May, 1792,
and with Bertrand-Molleville, Malouet, La Fayette, and others,
endeavoured to effect the escape of the king and queen. On August
10, 1792, he was arrested and imprisoned in the Abbaye. On August
22, 1792, ten days before the September massacres, the French
Minister of Foreign Affairs informed the National Assembly that
Lally Tollendal demanded a passport for England, of which country
he had become a naturalized subject. He also produced a letter
from Lord Gower claiming Lally as a British subject. According to
Madame de Staël he owed his escape to Condorcet.

[240] Madame de Staël, in her _Considérations sur la Révolution
Française_ (ed. 1818, tom. ii. ch. x.), describes her appearance
before Robespierre at the Hôtel de Ville in the Place de Grève,
and attributes her escape, on September 2-3, 1792, to Manuel.

[241] Marie Thérèse de Savoie-Carignan married, in 1767, Louis de
Bourbon-Penthièvre, Prince de Lamballe. She was murdered at La
Force in the September massacres of 1792, and her head, raised
on a pike, was paraded before the windows of the Temple where
the queen was confined. The Swiss Guard, nearly eight hundred in
number, were massacred in the attack upon the Tuileries on August
10, 1792. Of the few who escaped, fifty-four were murdered in the
Abbaye at the September massacres. Their death is commemorated by
Thorwaldsen's lion at Lucerne.

[242] See letter of May 30, 1792.

594.

_To Mr. Cadell._

Lausanne, Sept. 28th, 1792.

DEAR SIR,

[Sidenote: EVERY DAY MORE SEDENTARY.]

As you must have been informed by Lord Sheffield of my approaching arrival, I trust that you will feel some disappointment when you are told by myself that my journey to England is delayed to another year. The cause of this delay proceeds solely from the troubles of the continent. It would be madness to venture my life in the land of Cannibals, and the circuitous route by Germany would be attended with a large increase of trouble and expense. I grow every day more sedentary, and could I have the pleasure of shewing you my house, my library, and my garden, you would not be surprised that I should quit them with some reluctance. You may perhaps be likewise disappointed at hearing that I shall probably come empty-handed. A variety of untoward circumstances have contributed to encrease my indolence. I cannot please myself with the choice of a subject, and it may be prudent to enjoy rather than expose my historical fame.

Several months ago I wrote a very civil letter to _Mr. John. Nichols, Bookseller at Cicero's head, Red Lion Passage, Fleet Street_, which (had he received it) I can scarcely persuade myself he would have left without an answer. It related to a very curious paper about the Gibbon family inserted in the Gentleman's Magazine, August, 1788, p. 698, which had just fallen into my hands. I wished to know the author and by what means I could correspond with him on the subject. Perhaps you may be able, and I am sure you are willing, to clear up that point and put me in a proper channel by a personal application either to the aforesaid John Nichols or to some other person concerned in the Gentleman's Magazine.

Be so kind as to inform Elmsley of what he will hardly believe, that I am preparing materials for a letter to him, with a long list of commissions. Among these I wish you boldly to introduce the works of merit, history, travels, literature, philosophy, and even extraordinary novels which bear your authentic stamp.

My best compliments to Mr. Strahan.

595.

_To Lord Sheffield._

Lausanne, October 5th, 1792.

[Sidenote: FRENCH INVASION OF SAVOY.]

*As our English newspapers must have informed you of the invasion of Savoy[243] by the French, and as it is possible that you may have some trifling apprehensions of my being killed and eaten by those Cannibals, it has appeared to me that a short extraordinary dispatch might not be unacceptable on this occasion. It is indeed true, that about ten days ago the French army of the south, under the command of Mr. de Montesquiou, (if any French army can be said to be under any command,) has entered Savoy, and possessed themselves of Chamberry, Montmelian, & several other places. It has always been the practise of the King of Sardinia to abandon his transalpine dominions; but on this occasion the Court of Turin appears to have been surprized by the strange eccentric motions of a Democracy, which always acts from the passion of the moment; and their inferior troops have retreated, with some loss and disgrace, into the passes of the Alps. Mount Cenis is now impervious, and our English travellers who are bound for Italy, the Dutchesses of Devonshire, Ancaster, &c., will be forced to explore a long circuitous road through the Tirol. But the Chablais is yet intact, nor can our telescopes discover the tricolor banners on the other side of the lake. Our accounts of the French numbers seem to vary from fifteen to thirty thousand men; the regulars are few, but they are followed by a rabble rout, which must soon, however, melt away, as they will find no plunder, and scanty subsistence, in the poverty and barrenness of Savoy. N.B. I have just seen a letter from M. de M., who boasts that at his first entrance into Savoy he had only twelve battalions. Our intelligence is far from correct.

The Magistrates of Geneva were alarmed by this dangerous neighbourhood, and more especially by the well known animosity of an exiled citizen, Claviere,[244] who is one of the six ministers of the French Republic. It was carried by a small Majority in the general council, to call in the succour of three thousand Swiss, which is stipulated by ancient treaty. The strongest reason or pretence of the minority, was founded on the danger of provoking the French, and they seem to have been justified by the event; since the complaint of the French resident amounts to a declaration of War. The fortifications of Geneva are not contemptible, especially on the side of Savoy; and it is much doubted whether M. de Montesquiou is prepared for a regular siege; but the malcontents are numerous within the walls, and I question whether the spirit of the citizens would hold out against a bombardment. In the meanwhile the diet has declared, that the first canon fired against Geneva will be considered as an act of hostility against the whole Helvetic body. Berne, as the nearest and most powerful Canton, has taken the lead with great vigour and vigilance; the road is filled with the perpetual succession of troops and artillery; and, if some disaffection lurks in the towns, the peasants, especially the Germans, are inflamed with a strong desire of encountering the murderers of their Countrymen. Mr. de Watteville, with whom you dined at my house last year, refused to accept the command of the Swiss succour of Geneva, till it was made his first instruction that he should never, in any case, surrender himself prisoner of War.

In this situation, you may suppose that we have some fears. I have great dependence, however, on the many chances in our favour, the valour of the Swiss, the return of the Piedmontese with their Austrian allies, 8 or 10 thousand men from the Milanese, a diversion from Spain, the great events (how slowly they proceed) on the side of Paris, the inconstancy and want of discipline of the French, and the near approach of the winter season. I am not nervous, but I will not be rash. It will be painful to abandon my house and library; but if the danger should approach, I will retreat before it, first to Bern, and gradually to the North. Should I even be forced to take refuge in England (a violent measure so late in the year) you would perhaps receive me as kindly as you do the French priests--a noble act of hospitality! Could I have foreseen this storm, I would have been there six months ago; but who can foresee the wild measures of the Savages of Gaul? We thought ourselves perfectly out of the Hurricane latitudes. Adieu. I am going to bed, and must rise early to visit the Neckers at Rolle, whither they have retired, from the frontier situation of Copet. Severy is on horseback, with his dragoons: his poor father is dangerously ill. It will be shocking if it should be found necessary to remove him. While we are in this very awkward crisis, I will write at least every week.

Ever yours,
E. G.

Write instantly, and remember all my commissions.

I will keep my promise of sending you a weekly journal of our troubles, that, when the piping times of peace are restored, I may sleep in long and irreproachable silence; but I shall use a smaller paper, as our military exploits will seldom be sufficient to fill the ample size of an English quarto.*

[243] On September 21, 1792, without any declaration of war,
Montesquieu entered Savoy, seized Montmélian and Chambéry, and in
a few days overran the whole duchy. In Piedmont the French troops
under General Anselme, supported by Admiral Truguet and the
Toulon fleet, captured Nice and Villa Franca. The Duchy of Savoy
was incorporated with France in November, 1792, as the Department
of Mont-Blanc, and the Comté of Nice as the Department of the
Maritime Alps.

[244] Etienne Clavière (1735-1793), formerly a banker in Geneva,
had been banished in 1784 for his writings. As a member of the
Executive Council, he urged upon his colleagues the attack upon
Geneva, and orders to that effect were given to Montesquieu by
Servan, the Minister of War. Geneva appealed for aid to Zurich
and Berne under a treaty of 1584, and prepared for defence. A
treaty was signed, October 22, 1792, between Montesquieu and the
Republic of Geneva, slightly modified by a fresh treaty signed
on November 2. By its terms the French troops were to withdraw,
and the Swiss troops, sent by the cantons of Zurich and Berne,
were to evacuate Geneva by December 1, 1792. Clavière committed
suicide in 1793.

596.

_To Lord Sheffield._

October 13th, 1792.

[Sidenote: GENEVA THREATENED.]

*Since my last of the 6th, our attack is not more imminent, and our defence is most assuredly stronger, two very important circumstances, at a time when every day is leading us, though not so fast as our impatience could wish, towards the unwarlike month of November; and we observe with pleasure that the troops of M. de Montesquiou, which are chiefly from the southern provinces, will not chearfully entertain the rigour of an Alpine Winter.

The 7th instant, M. de Chateauneuf, the French resident,[245] took his leave with an haughty mandate, commanding the Genevois, as they valued their safety and the friendship of the Republic, to dismiss their Swiss allies, and to punish the Magistrates who had traiterously proposed the calling in these foreign troops. It is precisely the fable of the Wolves, who offered to make peace with the sheep, provided they would send away their dogs. You know what became of the sheep. This demand appears to have kindled a just and generous indignation, since it announced an Edict of proscription; and must lead to a Democratical revolution, which would probably renew the horrid scenes of Paris and Avignon. A General assembly of the Citizens was convened, the message was read, speeches were made, oaths were taken, and it was resolved, with only three dissentient votes, to live and dye in the defence of their country. The Genevois muster above three thousand well-armed citizens; and the Swiss, who may easily be encreased, in a few hours, to an equal number, add spirit to the timorous, and confidence to the well-affected: their arsenals are filled with arms, their magazines with ammunition, and their granaries with corn. But their fortifications are extensive and imperfect, they are commanded from two adjacent hills; a French faction lurks in the City; the character of the Genevois is rather commercial than military; and their behaviour, lofty promise, and base surrender, in the year 1782,[246] is fresh in our memories. In the meanwhile, 4000 French at the most are arrived in the neighbouring camp, nor is there yet any appearance of mortars or heavy artillery. Perhaps a haughty menace may be repelled by a firm countenance.

[Sidenote: GIBBON PREPARED FOR FLIGHT.]

If it were worth while talking of justice, what a shameful attack of a feeble unoffending state! On the news of their danger, all Switzerland, from Schaffouse to the Pays de Vaud, has risen in arms; and a French resident, who has passed through the country, in his way from Ratisbon, declares his intention of informing and admonishing the National convention. About eleven thousand Bernois are already posted in the neighbourhood of Copet and Nyon; and new reinforcements of men, artillery, &c., arrive every day. Another army is drawn together to oppose Mr. de Ferrieres, on the side of Bienne and the Bishoprick of Basle; and the Austrians in Swabia would be easily persuaded to cross the Rhine in our defence. But we are yet ignorant whether our sovereigns mean to wage offensive or defensive War. If the latter, which is more likely, will the French begin the attack? Should Geneva yield to fear or force, this country is open to an invasion; and though our men are brave, we want Generals; and I despise the French much less than I did two months ago. It should seem* from Trevor's letters, who is indeed low-spirited, *that our hopes from the King of Sardinia and the Austrians of Milan are faint and distant; Spain sleeps, and the Duke of Brunzwick (amazement!) seems to have failed in his great project. For my part, till Geneva falls, I do not think of a retreat; but, at all events, I am provided with two strong horses, and a hundred Louis in gold. Zurich would be probably my winter quarters, and the society of the Neckers would make any place agreable. Their situation is worse than mine: I have no daughter ready to lye in;[247] nor do I fear the French aristocrates on the road.

Adieu. Keep my letters; excuse contradictions and repetitions. The Dutchess of Devonshire leaves us next week. Lady Elizabeth abhorrs you.*

Ever yours,
E. G.

[245] At Geneva.

[246] At Geneva the Government was vested in the two hundred and
fifty citizens who composed the _Petit Conseil_ and the _Conseil
des Deux-Cents_. Against this hereditary oligarchy Rousseau gave
the signal of revolt by his _Lettres de la Montagne_ (1764).
Two parties were formed: one, the _Représentants_, demanding a
revision of the constitution; the other, _Négatifs_, opposing it.
In 1781 the popular party gained the upper hand. The aristocratic
party, appealing to the treaty of 1738, which only allowed
constitutional changes to be made with the sanction of France
and Sardinia, demanded the help of those two powers. A combined
Swiss, French, and Sardinian force was sent, and in July, 1782,
the popular party, who had promised to emulate the citizens
of Saguntum, surrendered the city without a struggle, and the
aristocratic constitution was restored. Brissot de Warville,
as _le Philadelphien à Genève_, and Mallet du Pan were both
eye-witnesses of the events of the revolution.

[247] Albert, the second son of Madame de Staël, was born at this
time.

597.

_Lord Sheffield to Edward Gibbon._

Sheffield Place, 17th Oct., '92.

I have not patience to talk with you on the state of things, I am lamentably disappointed. De Custine's successful incursion[248] into Germany, to which he seems to have been invited by the placing a large Magazine with a small guard in an unarmed town within a day's march of the large garrison of Landau. In short, that circumstance and the negociations at St. Menehould and the retreat of the combined armies[249] have totally deranged all my notions of dignity, generalship, preponderance of military discipline, &c., &c., and all my speculations, moral, religious, political, and military, are sent into a troubled sea without rudder or compass. I had always some anxiety concerning the subsistence of a very large army from the Frontier to Paris, if the French should make up their mind to, and they could, lay waste the country, destroying forage, &c.; but I had never supposed the enterprise would end so abruptly in disgrace and calamity. I now see no prospect of any speedy settlement of French disturbances. The miscreants at Paris, encouraged by an appearance of success, will be active to extend their mischiefs, and my apprehensions are by no means quiet with respect to our own affairs.

Among the Dissenters it is thought there are a great many disposed to change. I am very far from satisfied with Charles Fox, much less with Gray, Lord Lauderdale, &c. Even in the trumpery town of Lewes there are some who hold meetings and correspond with certain Societies of the worst kind in the Borough, and of which you have probably heard; one of the creatures at Lewes said lately that, if the French business succeeded in any degree, it was perfectly sure that England would be in the same state as France is now in, before the end of ten years, and another declared that England would never do well until 5000 of the Nobility & Gentry were hung up.

[Sidenote: DISCONTENT IN IRELAND.]

Ireland is in no slight degree of alarm.[250] The Roman Catholicks are much discontented. A ship-load of arms was lately landed for the discontented in the North. They have the impudence to exercise even in the neighbourhood of Drogheda. The natives return to their old tricks of shooting _Christians_ in a most treacherous manner, and even in what is called the most civilized parts, and of houghing _Protestant cattle_. If the Government of Ireland continues to be feeble and not to act with firmness it may be difficult to say how matters will end--but there never was a time less favourable to the insurrection of Roman Catholicks, than the moment when it will not be possible for them to have assistance from foreign countries.

I am sorry the early meeting of Parliament which I announced to you, is not confirmed, yet I think it would have been a wise measure to have brought men together early, and not to have suffered the impressions made by the extravagance and cruelty of the Jacobins to wear out, or perhaps to receive a contrary direction. The worst cause when it seems fortunate will find defenders perhaps, but certainly will not want partisans.

Mrs. Moss[251] has sent us a curious account of the dismay which took place in the Geneva State on the incursion into Savoy; but amidst all the calamities, we are glad to find from her, you are in good condition. I consider the French affairs so far out of the line of common Politicks, that I wish the whole world to declare against them, and run them down as pestiferous wolves, and therefore I wish all Switzerland to join against them; but I doubt whether it will be the policy of that country to engage in offensive war; and I suppose Geneva will not admit Swiss troops, if it will bring on a bombardment. I cannot conceive why some of the passes into Savoy were not defended. I long to hear that the retreat of the French is cut off. I am sorry I can see no prospect of the interference of this country. I think we might at least tell them, they must not fit out fleets against Nice or any place. Among many correspondents, and some of them the best informed, I find there is not the most distant guess of the intentions of Government. Perhaps they have no plan.

I believe my last mentioned that I have been much employed, by an attention to the poor refugees. Lally has been here and is gone, to return in a few days with the princess d'Henin and the Pauline.[252] We have had the most curious details, and just now, from some respectable priests who were shut up with the Archbishop of Arles, &c., when the latter were massacred. Possibly you may not have so good an account at Lausanne, therefore I shall urge Maria to write it to you. The late massacres[253] are infinitely more execrable than any French or English paper have stated.

We are exceedingly sorry to hear by Mrs. Moss, that M. de Severy is ill. You shall hear no more from hence untill you write to us.

[248] Adam de Custine (1740-1794), a veteran of the Seven Years'
and American Wars, commanded part of the French army of the
Rhine. He made himself master of Spire, Worms, Mayence, and
Frankfort; but was afterwards driven out of the two latter places
by the Prussians. He was executed at Paris January 3, 1794.

[249] The Prussian army, entangled in the wood of Argonne between
the Meuse and the Marne, were outgeneralled by Dumouriez and
Kellerman. The Duke of Brunswick, after the battle of Valmy
(September 20), opened negotiations with Dumouriez (September
22-28) at Ste. Menehould, and then (October 1) retreated across
the French frontier. The Austrians failed to take Lille, and,
at the approach of Dumouriez, retired into the Low Countries
(October 8). Dumouriez, following them, won the battle of
Jemappes (November 6), and overran Belgium. At the same time the
French troops were masters of Savoy and Nice, and of the country
between the Rhine and the Maine. Fox rejoiced at the flight of
the invaders. "No public event, not excepting Saratoga and York
Town, ever happened that gave me so much delight" (C. J. F. to
Lord Holland, October 12, 1792).

[250] The French Revolution had stirred the political spirit of
the Irish nation as, ten years before, it had been aroused by
the American War. It appealed most strongly to the people by the
abolition of tithes and all religious disqualifications. The
Presbyterians of the North were Republican in their sympathies,
and ready to make common cause with the Roman Catholics for the
repeal of all penal laws and the extension of the franchise. The
United Irishmen were the growth of this approximation of parties.
Among the Roman Catholics also there was a rapid spread of the
democratic spirit. The English Government was ready to grant a
liberal measure of Catholic relief and to extend the suffrage
to the Roman Catholics. At first the Irish Government strongly
opposed any change which threatened the maintenance of Protestant
ascendency. But the danger of union between the Protestant
Republicans and the Catholic democrats became apparent, when
the Catholic Convention met at Dublin in December, 1792, and a
Relief Bill, repealing many oppressive enactments and conceding
the franchise, was carried, almost without opposition, in the
beginning of 1793. The Roman Catholics, it may be added, were
excluded from the Irish Parliament in the reign of William III.
(3 W. & M. c. 2) and deprived of the franchise in that of George
II. (1 Geo. II. c. 9). Lord Sheffield, as a later letter shows,
agreed with the Lord Lieutenant, Lord Westmorland, in advocating
resistance to the Catholics "_in limine_ and _in toto_," and in
thinking that the suspicion, that the "British Government means
to take up the Catholics, and to play what is called a Catholic
game," would disastrously weaken the hold of the Government upon
the country. Burke (_Correspondence_, vol. iv. p. 32) seems to
suggest that Lord Sheffield was prejudiced by the possession of
Irish property in the county of Louth.

[251] Miss C. Moss, a frequent visitor at Sheffield Place.

[252] Mdlle. Pauline de Pully.

[253] The massacres of September, 1792.

598.

_To Lord Sheffield._

October 20th, 1792.

*Since my last, our affairs take a more pacific turn; but I will not venture to affirm that our peace will be either safe or honourable. Mr. de Montesquiou and three Commissioners of the Convention, who are at Carrouge, have had several conferences with the Magistrates of Geneva; several expresses have been dispatched to and from Paris, and every step of the negotiation is communicated to the deputies of Bern and Zurich. The French troops observe a very tolerable degree of order and discipline: and no act of hostility has yet been committed on the territory of Geneva.*

599.

_The Hon. Maria Holroyd to Edward Gibbon._

Oct. 24th, '92.

[Sidenote: THE ARMÉE MONTESQUIEU.]

The amiable family at S. P. being infinitely delighted with your welcome dispatch, & still more so with the promise of writing _every week_, have had a dispute amongst themselves, who was to have the honor of answering you, & reminding you of that promise. I have gained permission to be the happy person, & happy I shall think myself, if you should direct _one_ of the promised Letters to me. We talk and think of nothing but foreign news, & Mama is very abusive of the Jacobins. Massacres have sometimes enraged me a little, but I have borne every thing with tolerable patience, except that Wretches, who have no other idea of liberty, than the liberty of murdering defenceless prisoners, should dare to think of attacking a Nation, whose Ideas of freedom are not so _refined_ as theirs, & whose valour is almost proverbial. Though I am perfectly satisfied that the tricolor Banner will never be erected in the town of Lausanne, yet I am very anxious to hear what becomes of the _Armée Montesquiou_. I am always wishing myself the guardian Angel of the Pais de Vaud. If I was, I am sure I should be inspired to do wonders. But, alas! I am a poor Mortal, & can only assist that Country by my best Wishes for its safety & prosperity.

How I wish you had let us remain & vegetate in our own little Island. I should have felt no other Interest in what is passing in your part of the World, than joy that you would be obliged to return to your native Country. You have likewise to answer for making me disatisfied with the famous Lakes & Rivers in the County of Sussex; & for shewing me a Country to which no other can compare, & which to see again I would give all my share of My lord's Sheep and Oxen, Ponds & Rivers. I do not know how to reconcile my wishes for the peace of Switzerland, with those for your return to England--as you seem resolved not to indulge us with your company, unless you are forced from your residence by a few thousand Marseillois. I cannot tell you how much I was disappointed when I was obliged to give up all expectation of seeing you this year. I wrote to Angletine a fortnight ago. I am very sorry indeed to hear her father is in a bad state of health. I hope you will be able to give a good Account of him, when you write next. Pray remember me to them very particularly, though I wish you had never made me acquainted with people I may probably never see again & yet cannot forget.

Papa is gone down the River Ouse, & ordered me to give you an account of the Emigrants; he would not think I had obeyed him very exactly, if he was to see my Letter--he would probably call it Stuff and Nonsense. I hope _you_ will not, tho' I always feel myself so unworthy to write to you, that I generally suspect my poor Letters meet with a degree of criticism I am sure they cannot bear.

[Sidenote: DISTRESS OF FRENCH REFUGEES.]

Now for Papa's Emigrants. The Duc de Liancourt,[254] who will have (when he can get it) the most considerable estate in France by the death of the Duc de Rochefoucauld, has been waiting for some weeks to come here, till Arthur Young should find it convenient to set off, as he had offered the Duke a seat in his Post chaise; he is in such distressed circumstances that his present plan is to go & settle in America. Mad^e. de Biron, who came over with so much difficulty and danger, that she lost her senses from fright and alarm, is returned to France to avoid the confiscation of her Estates. The same reason existing for her remaining there when she left the Country, it seems an extraordinary resolution to take, her returning, when she will be in as great danger as before. Mad^e. d'Henin[255] is settled at Richmond, & Mad^{lle}. de Pully is arrived in England--we expect them here every day. Lally told us, when he was here, D. of Fitzjames[256] was living in Germany upon _quinze sous par jour_, & saving out of that pittance to send something to her sons in the Army. A great number of french Priests have landed on our Coast.[257] I suppose my lord informed you of the arrival of two here who had escaped from the Massacre at _les Carmes_--the detail of the death of the Archbishop of Arles is horrid, but too long for a Letter. The subscriptions in London are very great--one for the Clergy only, amounts to £12,000, & that for both Clergy and Laity to upwards of £4000. The latter has enabled some Swiss officers to reach their own Country, who intended to beg their way thro' Holland, & supports some french Ladies of fashion who had nothing but what they got by their needlework. Burke & Papa have had a vigorous correspondence on the subject--the former is very indignant that a case he had drawn up about Atheists calling themselves Philosophers in France was not received.

I do not dare _expect_, but I will _hope_ to hear from you. Will you be so good as to remember me to M. & M^e. Levade? Do you know where the Legards and Grimstones are? Mama has some doubts, as to how she shall receive you; if you are obliged to fly to England, I shall be too well pleased with the effect to think of the cause.

Mama desires a great many pretty things to you. She is quite well & in good spirits; how unlucky we could not say the same last year. Louisa is still at Bath. I am in hopes of paying her a visit there next month. She _raves_ about Switz. _almost_ as much as me.

[254] The Duc de Liancourt (1747-1827) took the title of
Rochefoucault-Liancourt on succeeding to his cousin, the Duc
de la Rochefoucault who was murdered at Gisors in September,
1792. He had been a distinguished member of the Feuillants, or
constitutional reformers. He escaped to England and thence to
the United States. On his return to France he occupied himself
with philanthropic works and the management of his estates. Both
he and his cousin were generous patrons of Arthur Young during
his travels in France (1787-89), and promoted that revival
of agriculture at the close of the eighteenth century which
corresponded with the similar movement in England.

[255] The Princesse d'Hénin was rescued from Paris by Madame de
Staël (Forneron, _Hist. des Emigrés_, vol. i. p. 244). It was at
her house that Malouet, La Fayette, and the Constitutionnels had
planned an escape for Louis XVI. in May, 1792.

[256] The Duchess of Fitzjames was the daughter of the Comte
de Thiars, and _dame de palais_ in the household of Marie
Antoinette. Charles, her eldest son, died with the army of the
princes. Edward, her second son, who succeeded to the title,
distinguished himself by his oratorical powers in the Chamber of
Peers at the Restoration, and in that of the Deputies under Louis
Philippe.

[257] On September 17, 1792, seventy-six French priests, and
among them the Bishop of Avranches, landed at Hastings.

600.

_To Lord Sheffield._

October 27.

*My usual temper very readily admitted the excuse, that it would be better to wait another week, till the final settlement of our affairs. The treaty is signed between France and Geneva; and the ratification of the Convention is looked upon as assured, if any thing can be assured in that wild Democracy.[258] On condition that the Swiss Garrison, with the approbation of Berne and Zurich, be recalled before the first of December, it is stipulated that the independence of Geneva shall be preserved inviolate; that M. de Montesquiou shall immediately send away his heavy artillery; and that no French troops shall approach within ten leagues of the city. As the Swiss have acted only as auxiliaries, they have no occasion for a direct treaty; but they cannot prudently disarm, till they are satisfied of the pacific intentions of France; and no such satisfaction can be given till they have acknowledged the new Republic, which they will probably do in a few days, with a deep groan of indignation and sorrow; it has been cemented with the blood of their countrymen! But when the Emperor, the King of Prussia, the first General, and the first army in Europe have failed, less powerful states may acquiesce, without dishonour, in the determination of fortune. Do you understand this most unexpected failure? I will allow an ample share to the badness of the roads and the weather, to famine and disease, to the skill of Dumourier, a heaven-born General, and to the enthusiastic ardour of the new Romans; but still, still there must be some secret shameful cause at the bottom of this strange retreat.[259]

[Sidenote: A TUTORSHIP FOR SEVERY.]

We are now delivered from the impending terrors of siege and invasion. The Geneva _Emigrés_, particularly the Neckers, are hastening to their homes; and I shall not be reduced to the hard necessity of seeking a winter azylum at Zurich or Constance: but I am not pleased with our future prospects. It is much to be feared that the present Government of Geneva will be soon modelled after the French fashion; the new Republic of Savoy is forming on the opposite bank of the lake; the Jacobin Missionaries are powerful and zealous; and the Malcontents of this country, who begin again to rear their heads, will be surrounded with temptations, and examples, and allies. I know not whether the pays de Vaud will long adhere to the dominion of Berne; or whether I shall be permitted to end my days in this little paradise, which I have so happily suited to my taste and circumstances.

Last Monday only I received your letter, which had strangely loitered on the road since its date of the 29th of September. There must surely be some disorder in the posts, since the Eliza departed indignant at never having heard from you.*