Chapter XII: Construction of the Map of Africa 211 (5)

But of all the advantages to which a better acquaintance with the Inland Regions of Africa may lead, the first in importance is, the extension of the Commerce, and the encouragement of the Manufactures of Britain. That fire-arms are in request with all nations, civilized and savage, who have the means of obtaining them, experience uniformly proves; and we now learn, that to the jealousy which the Princes on the Southern Coast entertain of the powerful Interior States, and to the total neglect of all opportunities of opening, from more favourable quarters, an immediate communication with the inland country, it is owing that the sale of one of the most profitable manufactures of Great Britain is still in a great measure confined to the scanty Tribes which inhabit the shores of the Atlantic. From the same information we are also led to conclude, that the anxious policy which prohibits the conveyance of fire-arms to the Inland Tribes, dictates, as a necessary caution, the severest restraints on the transit of other merchandize. But if, on the system of the Moors, the effect of which has been tried too long for its wisdom to be disputed, associations of Englishmen should form caravans, and take their departure from the highest navigable reaches of the Gambia, or from the settlement which is lately established at Sierra Leona, there is reason to believe, that countries new to the fabrics of England, and probably inhabited by more than a hundred millions of people, may be gradually opened to her trade. On this system, much greater would be their profits than those which the Merchants of Fezzan receive; for they would reach, by a journey of 700 miles from their vessels, the same markets to which a land-carriage of 3000 conveys from the Mediterranean the goods of the Fezzanners; and they would also possess the farther advantage of obtaining at prime cost, the same articles for which the Merchants of Fezzan are subjected to the complicated disadvantages of a high price, of an inferior quality, and of the varying exactions that the despotic Governments of Barbary impose. Now if it be considered, that notwithstanding the vast expence of land-carriage, and of an exorbitant price on the purchase of the articles which they sell, the Traders of Fezzan are still enabled to collect a profit that upholds and encourages their commerce, it must be evident, that the gain which the Merchants of England would derive from a similar traffic, conducted as is here proposed, would be such as few commercial adventures have ever been found to yield. That no difficulties will attend the execution of the Plan, the general history of new undertakings forbids us to believe; but as far as the _climate_ and _religion_ of the Negros are in question, there seems to be little discouragement; for the long descent of the rivers is a proof that the elevation of the inland country is raised above the level of the coast and consequently that the climate is much more temperate, and probably more salubrious: and while the Narrative of the Shereef announces that the Merchant is considered by the Negro as the general friend of Mankind, common experience convincingly shews that, in the judgement of the Pagan, the Crescent and the Cross are objects of equal indifference; and that the comparative welcome of the Musselman and of the Christian depends on their Merchandize rather than their Creed.

As little discouragement is suggested by a view of the purchasable goods of which the natives are possessed; for, independently of their cotton, which in all the interior nations is described as of common manufacture, and therefore as of general growth, their mines of gold (the improveable possession of many of the Inland States) will furnish, to an unknown, and probably boundless extent, an article that commands, in all the markets of the civilized world, a constant and unlimited sale.

Such are the important objects of mercantile pursuit, which the various intelligence obtained by the first efforts of the Association, enables them to point out and recommend to their Country: and while the contemplation of national interests, and of the still more extended interests of philosophy, directs their efforts and animates their hopes, they cannot be indifferent to the reflection, that in the pursuit of these advantages, and by means as peaceable as the purposes are just, the conveniencies of civil life, the benefits of the mechanic and manufacturing arts, the attainments of science, the energies of the cultivated mind, and the elevation of the human character, may in some degree be imparted to nations hitherto consigned to hopeless barbarism and uniform contempt.

_FOR the following Memoir, and for the Map which it describes, the Society are indebted to the eminent talents and ardent zeal in the Promotion of Geographical Improvement that distinguish the character of MAJOR RENNELL._

~CHAPTER XII.~

_Construction of the Map of Africa._

* * * * *

That the Geography of Africa has made a slower progress towards improvement than that of every other part of the world, during the last, and the present century, is to be attributed more to natural causes, than to any absolute want of attention on the part of Geographers. Formed by the Creator, with a contour and surface totally unlike the other Continents, its interior parts elude all nautic research; whilst the wars and commerce in which Europeans have taken part, have been confined to very circumscribed parts of its borders. These most productive means of geographical information failing, the next resource is to collect materials from the best informed amongst the travelled _natives_: I say _natives_, because the generality of European Travellers reckon upon some degree of solace, as well as the gratification of curiosity, during their peregrinations: not to mention, that it is more the practice to see what has been already seen, than to strike into a new path, and dare to contemplate an unfashionable subject. To the lovers of adventure and novelty, Africa displays a most ample field: but the qualification of local manners, and, in some degree, of habits, must in this case, be superadded to that of language: and this, unquestionably, renders the undertaking more arduous than that of an ordinary Tour. But the Adventurer in quest of fame, will readily appreciate the degrees of glory attendant on each pursuit.

The 18th century has smiled propitiously on the Science of GEOGRAPHY throughout the globe; and an Englishman may be allowed to pride himself that his countrymen have had their full share of the glory attending this, and other kinds of researches tending to increase the general stock of knowledge. It is to this spirit that we are to attribute the acquisition of the materials which form the subject of the present Work. It is no less to this spirit that we are indebted for the progressive improvements in the North-American and Asiatic Geography: our systems embracing objects far superior to the limited views with which Geographical Surveys are ordinarily undertaken: not the topography of townships, districts, counties; but the Geography of Empires, Regions, and Continents!

As both EUROPE, and its adjacent Continent, ASIA, are spread over with inland seas, lakes, or rivers of the most extended navigations, so as collectively to aid the transport of bulky articles of merchandize from one extreme of them to the other; and to form (like stepping-stones over a brook) a more commodious communication: so likewise the northern part of the new Continent appears to have an almost continuous Inland Navigation, which must prove of infinite advantage to the inhabitants, when fully peopled; and contribute to their speedier civilization, in the mean time. But Africa stands alone in a geographical view! Penetrated by no inland seas, like the Mediterranean, Baltic, or Hudson’s Bay; nor overspread with extensive lakes, like those of North America; nor having in common with the other Continents, rivers running from the center to the extremities: but, on the contrary, its regions separated from each other by the least practicable of all boundaries, arid Desarts of such formidable extent, as to threaten those who traverse them, with the most horrible of all deaths, that arising from thirst! Placed in such circumstances, can we be surprised either at our ignorance of its Interior Parts, or of the tardy progress of civilization in it? Possibly, the difficulty of conveying merchandize to the coasts, under the above circumstances, may have given rise to the _traffic_ in _men_, a commodity that can transport itself! But laying this out of the question, as an abstract speculation, there can be little doubt but that the progress of civilization amongst the Africans has been as slow as can be conceived, in any situation: and it has also happened, of course, that the destined Instruments of their civilization have remained in a proportional degree of ignorance concerning the nature of the country.

Nothing can evince the low state of the African Geography, more than M. D’Anville’s having had recourse to the Works of PTOLOMY and EDRISI, to compose the Interior Part of his Map of Africa (1749.) It is well known, that those Authors wrote in the second and in the twelfth centuries of our æra. Most of the positions in the Inland Part of the great body of Africa are derived from EDRISI; and it is wonderful how nearly some of the positions agree with those furnished by the present materials. Such was the transcendant judgement of D’Anville in combining the scanty notices that are furnished by the Nubian Geographer!

But the Public are not to expect, even under an improved system of African Geography, that the Interior Part of that Continent will exhibit an aspect similar to the others; rich in variety; each region assuming a distinct character. On the contrary, it will be meagre and vacant in the extreme. The dreary expanses of desart which often surround the habitable spots, forbid the appearance of the usual proportion of towns; and the paucity of rivers, added to their being either absorbed or evaporated, instead of being conducted in flowing lines to the ocean, will give a singular cast to its hydrography; the direction of their courses being, moreover, equivocal, through the want of that information, which a communication with the sea usually affords at a glance. Little as the Antients knew of the Interior Part of Africa, they appear to have understood the character of its surface; one of them comparing it to a leopard’s skin. Swift also, who loses no opportunity of being witty at the expence of mathematicians, diverts himself and his readers both with the _nakedness_ of the land, and the absurdity of the map-makers.

“Geographers, in _Afric_ maps,

With savage pictures fill their gaps,

And o’er unhabitable downs

Place elephants, for want of towns.”

The Society for Promoting the Discovery of the Interior Parts of Africa has been fortunate in collecting much geographical information, in so early a stage of the African researches; and there is little doubt but that in a few years all the great features of this Continent (within the reach of their enquiries) may be known and described. But to accomplish this, it will be necessary that intelligent Europeans should trace some of the principal routes; as well to apportion the distances, as to establish some kind of criterion for the parole information derived from the natives. As yet, in the wide extent of near thirty degrees on a meridian, between BENIN and TRIPOLI, not one celestial observation has been taken, to determine the latitude.

But as far as materials composed by a scale founded on estimated distances (that is, days journeys of caravans) may go towards the establishment of geographical positions, the itineraries made use of for constructing the new matter in the accompanying map, are less discordant than might be expected in so wide an expanse, and on the foundation of rules so vague as those which necessity has compelled me to apply. On this, however, the Reader must exercise his own judgement, after the following exposition of the _data_, and the rules by which I have determined the scale.

It will easily be conceived by the Reader, that all roads, except such as are made through a country, in which the public works are in the highest state of improvement, and where also the face of it is perfectly level (the curvature of the earth excepted) must have some degree of inflexion, both horizontally and vertically; and either of these will occasion a Traveller to trace a line of greater length by the road, than can be measured on a straight line, drawn from the point of commencement, to that of the termination of his journey. The quantity of the difference must vary with the nature of the country; but in ordinary cases, still more with the extent of the line of distance: for a different ratio between the road distance and horizontal distance must obtain, as the line of distance is increased. Let it be admitted, that in stages of ten or twelve miles, the winding of the road occasions a loss of only one-tenth part, which may be termed the _simple_ winding: yet as the different stages in an extent of 100 or 150 miles, do not lie in a straight line, drawn through the whole extent, but often very far to the right and left of it, a _compound_ winding arises: and I have found by long experience, that one mile in eight must be deducted, to reduce the road measure, on such a length, to horizontal measure. When a line of distance is extended to 500 miles and upwards, the rule becomes much more vague than when applied to moderate distances; because it often happens (and more particularly in unimproved countries) that obstacles present themselves, and give an entire new direction to the course of the road; although the two parts of it, considered separately, may have only an ordinary degree of crookedness. However, as some of the lines of distance applied to the present subject, are from thirty to forty days journey, it becomes necessary that some general rules should be adopted. It happens that examples are furnished, in two cases, on very long journies, where the real distances between the terminating points of the routes are nearly known: such is that of fifty-three days journey, between the Capital of _Fezzan_ and _Cairo_; and the mean horizontal distance for each day, is fourteen and a half geographic miles, or those of sixty to a degree. I confess I should have expected much less. The other example is between _Arguin_ and _Gallam_: there forty days produce thirteen miles for each day; and this is conformable to my expectations. In the examples of small distances, such as six days journey, sixteen miles per day is the result, and is consistent. For a caravan journey, taken at twenty-two British miles of _road_ distance, will produce, when the allowance for winding is deducted, and the remainder reduced to geographic miles, about sixteen and a half such miles for a single day.

The following are the proportions which I have established, for the application of a scale, to the different degrees of distance.

For one day, sixteen miles and a half; for seventeen to twenty-five days, fifteen miles; for forty to fifty days, thirteen miles. These numbers are particularly selected, because they occurred in the course of the Work. The Reader will be pleased to observe, that the miles spoken of in the construction, are always those of sixty to a degree of a great circle. However tedious this investigation may appear to the generality of readers, it is absolutely necessary; as it is the hinge upon which the whole turns: and a neglect of attention to this particular subject, would warrant the Reader’s taking the whole for granted, without further examination.

Mr. BEAUFOY having given, from the materials in his possession, so full an account of each road and country, nothing remains for me to do, but simply to describe, from the same materials, the mode of fixing the principal positions, in the Map. As the object of it is to exhibit the new matter only, care has been taken to exclude all that has already appeared, except what was absolutely necessary towards explaining the other: and as the borrowed particulars are distinguished from the rest, the Reader cannot be mistaken. The outline of the great body of Africa, together with the courses of the Nile, Gambia, Senegal, and Wad-drah, are copied from Mr. D’Anville.

Fezzan (or rather its capital, Mourzouk) is given in the Itineraries at the distance of seventeen days and half from Mesurata. These, taken at fifteen miles per day, produce two hundred and sixty-two miles. The bearing is said to be South from Mourzouk; and this latter is placed according to D’Anville. Mourzouk, then, falls in latitude 27° 20′.

Agadez, the next principal station, is, at a medium forty-one days from Mourzouk, on a South West course, or thereabouts: and these, at thirteen miles per day, produce four hundred and fifty-five miles; and place Agadez in latitude 20° 20′; and nearly in the meridian of Tripoli. Agadez is the Agadost of Edrisi.

From Agadez to Cashna is seventeen days; which, at fifteen miles per day, give a distance of two hundred and fifty-five miles. The bearing is said to be South South West. Cashna, then, will stand in or about the latitude of 16° 20′ North, and about a degree and half West from Tripoli.

D’Anville’s _Casseenah_ (undoubtedly meant for Cashna) is placed about thirty-seven miles to the North West of the position assumed in the accompanying Map; whence I consider mine as a near approximation, especially as the distance from Mesurata is upwards of nine hundred and seventy miles.

Cashna may be regarded as the central kingdom of the great body of Africa; and as a part of the region named SOUDAN, of which at present but few particulars are known.

Ghanah, or Ghinnah, is placed, in respect of Cashna, according to M. D’Anville’s Map. It does not appear whether he had any authority for placing it ninety miles to the North East of Cashna: but its position, in respect of the City of Nuabia, (antiently Meroé, on the Nile) is on the authority of Edrisi. This Author also allows twelve days between Agadez and Ghanah: and by my construction, they are two hundred and eight miles asunder. See _Geog. Nubiensis_, p. 39. Ghanah was in the twelfth century a city of the first consequence. Wangara and Kanem, were also known to Edrisi.

The river known to Europeans by the name of NIGER, runs on the South of the kingdom of Cashna, in its course towards Tombuctou; and if the report which Ben Alli heard in that town, may be credited, it is afterwards lost in the sands on the South of the country of Tombuctou. In the Map, only the known part of its course is marked by a line; and the suppositious part by dots. It may be proper to observe, that the Africans have two names for this river; that is, NEEL IL ABEED, or RIVER OF THE NEGROS; and NEEL IL KIBEER, or THE GREAT RIVER. They also term the NILE, (that is, the Egyptian River) NEEL SHEM: so that the term NEEL, from whence our NILE, is nothing more than the appellative of River; like GANGES, or SINDE.

From Cashna the road leads Westward to the Kingdom of GONJAH, ninety-seven days journey from the former. _Gonjah_, is, from circumstances, the _Conche_ of M. D’Anville, and the _Gonge_ of M. Delisle; and the similitude of names, however great, is the least proof it: for the Itinerary of the SHEREEF IMHAMMED says, that eighteen or twenty days from Gonjah, towards the North West (or between the West and North) lies the Country of YARBA: and eight days farther West, that of AFFOW. Now the countries of YARRA and YAFFON, will be found in Delisle’s Map of Senegal (1726), nearly in the position that _Yarba_ and _Affow_ take in respect of Gonjah; supposing D’Anville’s _Conche_ to be meant for it. It is extremely difficult to assign a ratio for the decrease of the horizontal distance, on so extended a line as ninety-seven days journey; and therefore it would be losing time to attempt it. Gonjah, by circumstances, is about eight hundred and seventy miles from Cashna, which allows only nine miles for each day. I therefore conclude that the road is very circuitous.

Gonjah is reported by the Shereef to be forty-six days journey from the Coast of Guinea, to which the Christians trade. It is probable that the Gold Coast is the part meant, and that may be taken at five hundred and thirty miles from D’Anville’s Conché. The ratio, at thirteen per day, would give near six hundred. Here again, it would be losing of time, to reason on such a point of uncertainty, since neither of the extreme points of the line of distance are correctly known. The Reader must therefore determine for himself. Of this space of forty-six days travelling, from Gonjah towards the Coast, the Shereef had travelled only the first ten days, to the City of Kalanshee, a dependency of the Kingdom of _Tounouwah_; the capital of which, according to his report, is ASSENTAI (the Assianté of D’Anville) situated midway between Kalanshee and the sea coast: that is, eighteen days journey from each. The Shereef also reports, that there is no communication between this coast (which we may suppose to be the Gold Coast) and the country of Gonjah: for that the King of Assentai, who possesses the space between, prohibits his Inland Neighbours from passing through his country.

But Mr. NORRIS, a gentleman who resided many years in Whydah, &c. reports differently: for he says, that there are other States, (that is, the Fantees, and their confederates) lying between Assentai and the sea; and that the Assentais have often attempted, but without success, to open a communication with the Coast.

To return to the route from Cashna to Gonjah. There are between them some extensive kingdoms or states, most of which appear to preserve their antient religion. I have generally marked the progress of the Mahomedan Religion, by a crescent; and the Caffre States by an arbitrary mark of a different kind.

It will appear by a slight inspection of the Map, that the Mahomedan Religion, as far as respects the Interior Part of the Country, has spread southward, to about the parallel of twelve degrees of North latitude. Probably though, in some of those countries where the Court religion is Mahomedan, the bulk of the people may profess the antient religion.

TOMBUCTOU, is placed on the following authorities: First, Mr. MATRA, the British Consul in the dominions of Morocco, says, on the authority of the natives, that Tombuctou is fifty days _caravan travelling_ from TATTAH, a place situated on the common frontiers of Morocco, Drah, and Zenhaga; and in the route from Morocco, and Suz, to Tombuctou. Tattah is ascertained in position, by a route of Ben Alli’s. He found it to be nine days and half from Morocco, and one day short of a station on the Wad-drah (or Drah River) which station was four days, or sixty-six miles lower down than _Tinjuleen_, a place in D’Anville’s and Delisle’s Maps of Africa. It was also twelve days journey from the City of Nun or Non, which city by Ben Alli’s account, is two days from the sea coast; and well known to be opposite to the Cape of the same name. These authorities enable us to place Tattah one hundred and seventy miles South South East from Morocco. Then, fifty days from Tattah to Tombuctou, at thirteen each day, produces six hundred and fifty miles. By Ben Alli’s report, Tombuctou is forty-eight days from the capital of Sultan Fullan, lying within the district of Gallam, on the River Senegal. The position of this place is not known to me; but by circumstances it must be near the river: and in using materials of so coarse a kind, trifles must not be regarded. Forty-eight days at thirteen each day, produce six hundred and twenty miles; and this line of distance meets that from Tattah, in latitude 19°. 40′. and nearly midway between Gallam and Cashna. In this position, it falls only twenty-eight miles to the North West of D’Anville’s Tombuctou.

It appears that most of the road from Tattah to Tombuctou, lies across the vast Desart, commonly known by the name of ZAHARA, or properly, THE DESART. Geography is at present, very bare of particulars, in this quarter. Ben Alli went from Tombuctou, direct to Fezzan, skirting the South East border of this great Desart. He reckoned only sixty-four days between Tombuctou and Fezzan, which at twelve miles and half per day, produce only eight hundred miles. The interval on the Map is nine hundred and seventy. Reason, however, points out, that the distance from the nearest place, Gallam, ought to be preferred. And as it is understood, that Agadez and Tombuctou are about fifty-five days asunder, it appears yet more probable that the interval between Fezzan and Tombuctou, ought not to be reduced. It must be recollected, that Ben Alli’s Communications were given from memory, after an interval of twenty years.

The point of the next importance, is Bornou, the capital of an extensive kingdom situated on the South East of Fezzan, and between the two NEELS or NILES; that of Egypt, and that of the Negros.

Bornou, is given by the Shereef, at about fifty days from Mourzouk (or Fezzan) which may be taken at six hundred and fifty miles. He also reports that it is twenty-five days journey from the course of the Nile, where it passes the country of Sennar; or in distance about three hundred and sixty miles. This would place Bornou in a direction of South East, somewhat southwardly, from Mourzouk; and about the parallel of 19° 40′. It is not probable that Bornou has a more westerly position. Edrisi’s account would place it more easterly; for he says, that _Matthan_, a city of _Kanem_, lies thirty-one days from _Nuabia_ (on the Nile) through _Tegua_. _Geog. Nub._ p. 15. Edrisi’s day’s journey is equal to eighteen Arabic miles, or nearly nineteen geographic ones: consequently the thirty-one days give five hundred and eighty-seven miles. Matthan is not reported in the Itinerary; but Kanem is, both as Province and a capital City: and the position of the latter according to my construction, is seven hundred miles from Nuabia. Whether the error lies on the side of Edrisi, or the Shereef; or arises from the faulty position of Nuabia in D’Anville, cannot easily be discovered.

Ben Alli travelled the road between Bornou and Alexandria; but was too much indisposed to make any observations, otherwise than that the Kingdom of Bornou extends fifteen days journey, or about two hundred and thirty miles, in that direction. This was particularly unfortunate; for whichsoever route he went, he must have crossed some one or more of the OASES; and of course some important matter would have been added to the Map.

The only route of importance that remains to be discussed, is that from Fezzan or Mourzouk, to Cairo, leading to Mecca; for, at Mourzouk the Mahomedans from the southern and western parts of Africa, who intend to make a pilgrimage to Mecca, assemble at the proper season, as at a common point of departure. The route to Cairo, which requires fifty-three days to atchieve, appears on the Map to be seven hundred and seventy miles; being equal to fourteen and half for each day: and is on the whole, seventy more than I should have expected that number of days to produce. To what degree of accuracy the difference of longitude between Mesurata and Cairo, is ascertained, I am ignorant: as also whether the bearing of Mourzouk from Mesurata, be right. Fourteen miles and half of horizontal distance for each day, on so long a line of distance, and on so rugged a way as the Itinerary describes, is too great a proportion; and we may suspect an error somewhere.

A circumstance occurs in the Itinerary, which would determine how near this route approaches to the Coast of the Mediterranean Sea; if we might depend on the accuracy of the Itinerist. The dates produced in the Plain of _Gegabib_, are gathered by the people of _Duna_, who inhabit the sea coast, eight days journey off; or about one hundred and thirty miles. No such place as _Duna_ appears in the modern maps; but _Derna_ (antiently _Darnis_) does: and it is situated within the confines of Tripoli, as Duna is said to be. But the distance must be faulty; because _Augela_ is the nearest point in this route, to Derna, though ten days from it: and _Gegabib_, is seven days from Augela, in a direction that still increases the distance.

Augela is found in Herodotus, Book IV. under the name of _Ægila_; and in Ptolemy and Pliny it is written _Augila_. In Ptolemy, Africa Tab. III. it is placed about 197 miles from the sea coast, and about a degree of longitude to the eastward of _Darnis_. Its longitudinal position from Mourzouk and Cairo, agrees very well: and considering the extent of Ptolemy’s local knowledge in this quarter, we may suppose him well acquainted with its distance from the coast. Allowance must be made for an excess of distance given by Ptolemy’s scale, in this Map; and it being in the proportion of twenty-seven to twenty-three, the one hundred and ninety-seven miles should be reduced to one hundred and sixty-eight: and according to this, Augela ought to stand in latitude 29° 20′; and nearly midway between Mourzouk and Cairo.

Gegabib, as has been said before, is seven days journey from Augela, towards Cairo; and as I have a particular pleasure in producing any authority that serves to prove the veracity of such an Author as HERODOTUS, I shall just mention, that (in B. IV.) he says, that the _Nasamones_ in the Summer season, leave their cattle on the coast, and go to the plains of Ægila, to gather the fruit of the Palm trees, which abound in that place. The portion of this coast, is marked by its lying on the West of Teuchira,[36] a sea-port that lay within the district of _Cyrene_, now better known by the names of Curin and Barca.

Ptolemy’s Nasamones, occupy, in respect of _Augila_, the very spot where the dates are now gathered in the plain of _Gegabib_: and therefore we may conclude that the Nasamones’ Territories extended at least from that plain, to the Eastern Coast of the Great Syrtis. It may, perhaps, in future, be known where the Port or Coast of Duna is; whether it be Derna, the antient Darnis, or some place on the Syrtis.

Between _Augela_ and _See-wah_, the next town towards Cairo (and probably the _Siropum_ of Ptolemy) the road passes over a chain of very high mountains, named in these times _Gerdobah_: and this is unquestionably the same ridge that terminates on the Mediterranean, a few days journey farther on; and which by the suddenness of its descent towards the sea, was antiently named _Catabathmus_. This chain or ridge divided _Cyrene_ from _Marmarica_.

The scite of the antient Temple of _Jupiter Ammon_, was a few days journey (perhaps four or five) inland from the plain of Gegabib, so often mentioned. I think I may venture to say this on the authority of Herodotus, Strabo, Pliny, and Arrian; from each of whom, some particulars may be collected respecting its situation. First, Herodotus says, (Book IV.) that the Temple is situated ten days from _Ægila_; (frequented by the Nasamones on account of the dates) and on the road from Thebes to _Ægila_. Next, Arrian says, on the authority of Aristobulus, that Alexander went to it, from the scite of his new city of Alexandria, along the sea coasts of Egypt and Marmarica, to _Paraetonium_: which latter was situated, according to the same authority, sixteen hundred stadia from Alexandria. Pliny gives it at two hundred Roman miles (Book V.) These accounts are perfectly conclusive; and the position of _Paraetonium_, is also very clear in Ptolemy; and is moreover known to the Moderns under the name of _Al Bareton_: so that no difficulty can arise here. Arrian says farther, that Alexander struck inland from _Paraetonium_, and entered the Desart: but he does not say how far the Temple lay from the sea coast. This is supplied by Strabo, (Book XXVII.) who gives the distance at thirteen hundred stadia. Allowing these to produce one hundred and thirty, or one hundred and forty miles; and taking Herodotus’s ten days from Augela at one hundred and seventy (we must not consider them as _caravan_ journies, but as _ordinary_ ones) the meeting of these lines of distance, place the Temple in latitude twenty-nine degrees, and a small fraction; and in a South Westerly direction from Parætonium. Pliny says, (Book V.) that the Temple is four hundred [Roman] miles from Cyrene; that is, twice as far as Parætonium is from Alexandria: and this agrees with the former position. Lastly, Ptolemy places it one hundred and ninety-five geographic miles from _Paraetonium_; and from _Cyrene_ three hundred and forty.—But Ptolemy’s scale, in Africa Tab. III. gives too much distance (as I have said before), and corrected, it should be one hundred and sixty-six from Parætonium. As these authorities do not vary amongst themselves more than thirty miles, I consider them as conclusive.

M. D’Anville’s position of this Temple is about thirty miles farther to the Southward; that is, from the Mediterranean; but he does not quote his authorities. In his _Geographie Ancienne Abregee_, vol. iii. p. 42. he has the following passage: “Selon la Géographie actuelle, ce qu’on trouve sous le nom de _Sant-rieh_, paroit en tenir la place; & par la Nature du pays, qui ne laisse point distinguer d’autre objet, on n’est point embarrassé sur le choix.” Edrisi (_Geo. Nub._ p. 41.) places _Sant-rie_ ten days Eastward from Augela, and nine days from the Mediterranean; which carries Sant-rie farther from the sea-coast, than Strabo allows to the Temple; but accords with Ptolemy. Savary, vol. ii. Lett. VIII.) quotes Abulfeda, to shew that the _Oases_ were only three days journey West of the Nile; and Ptolemy places the largest of them, named EL WAH by the Arabs, under the parallel of 27°. I suspect Abulfeda is wrong; and that Ptolemy is nearer the truth, when he allows one hundred and twenty-three miles, (or one hundred and five corrected) for the distance of the Great Oasis from Ptolemais on the Nile, in the direction of West, something Southwardly. Then Edrisi allows only nine days between Sant-rie and El Wah; whereas the scite of the Temple of Jupiter Ammon, by the above authorities, should be, according to my apprehension, at least twelve days from EL WAH. But we are young in African Geography: and as I have said before, the _data_ furnished by Arrian, Strabo, and Pliny, may satisfy us.

The description of the _Oasis_ (or Island in the midst of the sandy Desart) which contained the Temple, is pretty generally known: but for the sake of those who may not recollect the particulars, I have extracted the following account.

Arrian says, that it is not more than forty stadia in extent; Diodorus fifty; say, six or seven miles. All accounts agree, that it has one or more fountains of water; and that it was planted with divers kinds of fruit trees: Arrian particularly notices the Palm and Olive. What appeared to be a very great natural curiosity, was, a fountain, which according to Arrian, (whose account is the least extravagant) varied in its temperature, in a greater degree than any other that has been heard of: that is, it was very warm, or hot, at midnight; very cold in the heat of the day. I presume these phenomena will not appear very extraordinary to those, who consider, that a deep-seated spring will preserve a mean degree of temperature at all seasons: so that, in effect, it was the atmosphere that underwent the change; and with it, the bodies of those who made the observations.

The Temple was surrounded by a triple wall, forming three distinct quarters or divisions; one of which was appropriated to the use of the Monarch. In the time of Herodotus, when probably the Temple was in its glory, the dominions of the Ammonites reached within ten days journey of the City of Thebes: the people were a colony of Egyptians and Ethiopians, and spoke a mixed language, (Herod. Book III.) Ammon, or Hammon, was the Egyptian name of Jupiter; and the image of the god, similar to that at Thebes; that is, it had the head of a Ram. (Book IV.)

In the time of Strabo, about four hundred and fifty years after Herodotus, the Temple was almost deserted; as the Oracle was grown out of fashion.

It is probable that some remains either of the triple wall, or of the Temple, may be found at this day; although the materials may have undergone a different kind of arrangement. The transport of the materials across the Desart could only have been accomplished by the strong impulse of superstition: and being once collected, nothing but a like cause could remove them. See-wah appears to be the nearest town to this Oasis; and is probably not more than six days journey on the North East of it: the spring, together with the ruins of the Temple, and the triple wall, might ascertain the spot, if the curiosity of the present age demanded it.

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MARCH, 1790.
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FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 1: _In the Arabic, the word Friend is often employed, as in this passage, to express the same meaning as the English term servant._]

[Footnote 2: BEN ALLI, a native of Morocco, who was lately in England, and of whom an account is given in the Introduction to