Chapter II: Part 2

There are various versions of the causes leading up to the war between Chile, Peru and Bolivia, but the immediate cause of hostilities, which placed Chile in possession of the greatest nitrate fields in the world, was the cession by the Bolivian government to the Anglo-Peruvian firm of Gibbs & Company, of the right to work the nitrate deposits north of twenty-four degrees south, to construct a mole at Antofagasta and build a railway to some mines in the interior. Later this firm disposed of a portion of its concessions to a Chilean company, the “Compañia Salitres y Ferrocarril de Antofagasta.” When the Bolivian government discovered that Chilean capital and industry were developing the desert into a source of wealth, it laid an export bounty of ten cents per hundred weight upon manufactured nitrate of soda. The Compañia Salitres y Ferrocarril objected to paying export duties upon the products of its properties, and appealed to Chile for protection. Bolivia then threatened to seize all nitrate in the hands of exporters. The Chilean government protested against this arbitrary action and sent a fleet to blockade the ports of Antofagasta, Cobija and Tocopilla. On February 14, 1879, Chile took possession of Antofagasta and sent troops to the interior to protect the property interests of its citizens. General Hilarion Daza, President of Bolivia, then declared war, expelled some Chilenos from the country and confiscated their properties. Thus the fraternity and harmony of interests of the neighboring Republics were destroyed, the trumpets of war sounded, and the result was a change in the map of South America.

Peru tendered her services as mediator and sent special envoys to Santiago and La Paz. But Chile,--having knowledge of a secret treaty celebrated between Bolivia and Peru in 1873, the purpose of which was declared to be the mutual guarantee of the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the two republics, and mutual defense against aggression,--the proposition was looked upon by Chile with distrust. Peru proposed that Chilean troops should evacuate Antofagasta; that the three republics should guarantee a neutral administration of affairs. Chile demanded the annulment of the secret treaty of 1873, and that preparations for war on the part of Peru should cease. These propositions were rejected, and Chile declared war against the allies on April 5, 1879.

Hostilities began at once and in earnest, both upon land and sea, continuing until Chile gained her final victories in the battles of Miraflores and Chorrillos, January 13, 1881, and four days later the victorious troops marched into Lima and occupied the Peruvian capital. The campaign was a succession of brilliant victories and achievements for the Chilean arms.

Peru believed her navy superior to that of Chile, but she had not reckoned the valor, skill and zeal of the patriotic Chilean officers, whose feats won for them not only victory, but the admiration of the world, and established for Chile an international reputation as a fighting nation. Equally brilliant and successful was the campaign of the land forces. In the battles of Pisagua, Tacna, Arica, and finally at Miraflores the Chilean troops were invincible.

Among those who distinguished themselves in the navy during the war with Peru and Bolivia was Captain Arturo Prat, who gave up his life in the battle of Iquique, where, after his ship, the _Esmeralda_, had been disabled and was being rammed by the Peruvian cruiser _Huascar_, leaped from the deck of his own vessel to that of the enemy, and with his sword attacked single-handed the forces that confronted him in overwhelming numbers. There is in the Plaza Intendencia, Valparaiso, a handsome bronze monument erected to the memory of Arturo Prat, whose heroic deeds and valiant service form some of the most brilliant chapters in the history of his country. Admiral Patricio Lynch was another naval officer with a foreign name who distinguished himself in the war with Peru, and later received the title of general for meritorious service in the Chilean army. During the occupation of Lima, by the Chilean forces, Admiral Lynch was placed in command of the troops in the Peruvian capital, where he remained in charge until April, 1884, when the treaty of peace was ratified and Chile withdrew her army from the conquered country.

By the treaty of peace celebrated with Bolivia on December 11, 1882, Chile obtained all the latter’s seacoast, including the port of Cobija, privileges for constructing railways into the interior and twenty per cent. of Bolivian port customs.

The treaty between Chile and Peru, which was signed at Ancon, on October 20, 1883, contained provisions that led to complications which still leave the question of final settlement in dispute; complications that resulted in a discontinuance of diplomatic relations, which at times became so strained that another conflict at arms seemed imminent. Peru ceded to Chile the province of Tarapaca, forever and unconditionally. In lieu of $10,000,000 cash indemnity, and as security for payment of same, the territory constituting the provinces of Tacna and Arica passed into the possession of Chile for a period of ten years, at the end of which time the ownership of the territory was to be determined by a vote of the legal residents of those provinces. Whatever the result of the election, the country to which the provinces should be annexed, engaged to pay the other $10,000,000 in cash. The time limit for this provision of the treaty expired in 1894, and Peru not being prepared to comply with its requirements, Chile continued in possession of the territory, and the question of Tacna and Arica remained a disputed one.

THE TACNA AND ARICA QUESTION.

A few years later Peru became more prosperous through the development of her rich mineral resources and began pressing for a settlement of the question. To the arbitration proposition presented by Peru Chile maintained that there was nothing to arbitrate. In 1905 Peru presented her side of the question in the form of a written protest against certain proposed industrial improvements in the disputed territory. The reply of the Chilean government to the arguments offered in the protest was an able statement of the case, which left little doubt in the minds of those familiar with the subject that it was Chile’s intention to retain possession of the territory in question.

In June 1905 diplomatic relations between the two republics were resumed, and Peru sent Don Manuel Alvarez Calderon as Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to Santiago, where he was warmly received by President Riesco and his Cabinet Ministers. In his address in presenting his credentials to the President of Chile, on November 4, 1905, Señor Calderon stated that he was charged with the task of settling outstanding questions in conformity with treaty stipulations, meaning, it was understood, the Tacna and Arica question. In February 1906 the Chilean government named Don Rafael Balmaceda as Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to Peru.

The more amicable relations resulting from the appointment of diplomatic representatives continued until 1909 when Chile proposed the taking of the plebiscite on certain bases which were then considered unacceptable by Peru, and diplomatic relations were again broken off by the latter country. The main points at issue in this instance involved the questions of who were to constitute the voters, who should preside at the proceedings of the plebiscite, and at what date the election to secure an expression of the residents of the disputed territory should take place.

During the year 1912 an effort was made on the part of the respective governments to agree upon terms acceptable to both countries for the celebration of the plebiscite provided for in the treaty of Ancon, to determine the nationality of the provinces of Tacna and Arica, and the following general agreement was reached:

Peru agrees that all inhabitants, whether Chilean or Peruvian, shall have the right to vote, provided that they enjoy electoral rights under the constitutions of their respective governments. This is the proposition made by Chile in 1909, except that she was willing to include foreigners amongst the voters, while Peru insisted on their exclusion. Chile assuming that the plebiscite would then take place at once, proposed six months’ residence as a necessary condition for voters, and Peru demanded that the time be extended to three years. The plebiscite under the latest arrangement is to be postponed for twenty-one years, during which interval it is hoped and believed that the prejudices engendered by the war, and the ill-feeling existing on the part of the citizens of both republics living in the disputed territory will greatly change for the better, and lessen the chances of a conflict in the final settlement of a difficult question of long standing.

Peru is willing to accede the claim to preside at the taking of the plebiscite, and the president of the Supreme Court of Chile will preside. The rest of the board will be composed of two Chileans and two Peruvians, and final decision will be reached by the majority.

The most important feature of the arrangements, however, is the contemplated treaty of commerce and navigation, by which both countries hope to create such a powerful influence for peace that the question which for so many years has proven an insuperable difficulty to the best efforts of the statesmen of both countries will play a secondary and unimportant part in the relations between the two republics.

Chile is no longer disposed to treat with Peru in a conciliatory manner, or submit to arbitration a question in which she has the right of possession. Having settled peacefully the long standing boundary dispute with the Argentine Republic, which for a quarter of a century hung like a war cloud over the Cordilleras, and got possession of Bolivia “tregua” (tentatively), by means of a treaty of peace and amity, Chile is no longer afraid of a triple alliance with the Argentine, Bolivia and Peru, which once menaced her security and national life.

When the Spanish-American colonies united to secure their independence from Spain it was mutually agreed that there should be no “no man’s land.” To attain this end it was covenanted that the boundaries of the new Republics should be those assigned to each as a colony. In many instances those boundaries were ill defined, and in others conjectural or imaginary. As explorations proceeded these errors were discovered and naturally gave rise to territorial questions between neighboring nations.

Chile had but two neighbors and she had boundary disputes with both. The dispute with the Argentine led to the erection of a fort and the founding of a settlement in the Strait of Magellan by Chile in 1843. From that time until the boundary award by King Edward in 1903, the two republics were in a continual controversy over territorial limits, which on more than one occasion led them to the brink of war. With her other neighbor, Bolivia, Chile had a boundary dispute which has had far-reaching consequences. A _modus vivendi_ which seemed to promise lasting peace was agreed upon. Contrary to expectation, however, the agreement produced war, procuring for Chile another neighbor and still another territorial dispute. Previous to the war of the Pacific, the province of Antofagasta, which was Bolivian territory, separated Chile and Peru, but as a result of that war Chile came into possession of the province of Antofagasta and consequently became a neighbor to Peru. Surrounded as she was then with three Republics individually and collectively maintaining a hostile attitude to her independent and aggressive policy, Chile was placed in a peculiarly delicate and dangerous political position. If one of her three neighbors made a move in its boundary question the other two pressed for a settlement of similar claims.

During the civil conflict in Chile her three neighbors took advantage of the internal disturbance to urge settlement of their boundary questions. And when the relations between Argentina and Chile became so strained as to make war imminent, Bolivia and Peru assumed a most aggressive attitude in demanding a settlement of the questions growing out of the war of ’79. Chile has not forgotten these acts of her neighbors, but her attitude is not one of resentment. Her desire is for peace, as has been demonstrated by her generous and amicable adjustment of differences with Bolivia and Argentina; peace at home and abroad, but peace with honor. She governs her sword in accordance with the motto of the Castilian Hidalgo: “No me desenvainas sin causa; no me envainas sin honor.” (I do not unsheath my sword without cause; I do not sheath it without honor.)

The territorial questions of Chile with Argentina and Bolivia have been definitely settled, and the three countries have been greatly benefited thereby. Chile and the Argentine have been relieved of the enormous drain upon their resources in the purchase of ships and preparations for war, and under treaty arrangements capital is seeking investment in Bolivia in the development of its natural resources. The only outstanding territorial question that Chile now has to deal with is that relating to Tacna and Arica.

Bolivia’s loss in the war with Chile was irreparable, depriving it of all coast territory and an outlet to the sea. It now occupies the unique position of being one of two inland countries in the sisterhood of South American Republics. After the war Chile took possession of the long strip of desert bordering on the Pacific, which furnished Bolivia access to the ocean and direct communication with the outside world. The territory is a rainless region, devoid of vegetation, but beneath its surface are nitrate deposits sufficient to supply the world, and its acquisition made Chile the richest country on the globe, in proportion to its population. It derives from that source about 90,000,000 pesos, equal to $30,000,000 United States currency, or $8.50 per capita, annually. The source of this enormous revenue has become the permanent possession of Chile. Bolivia has apparently abandoned the idea of pressing further claims for readjustment of questions growing out of the war, and is endeavoring to make the best of a bad situation by developing the resources of her remaining territory and promoting her industrial interests. In 1905 she celebrated a treaty of commerce and amity with Chile, which provides among other things for the building of a system of railroads through the provinces of Tacna and Arica, thereby giving to Bolivia access to Pacific ports, providing means of communication and facilities for transporting her products to the coast, as well as to ports of entry.

Bolivia also has a large scheme of railway-building of her own, some of the more important branches of which will connect with the lines built by Chile, extending from the coast across the pampa. It was the announcement of this treaty agreement that caused the last vigorous protest by Peru against Chile’s course in the Tacna and Arica question.

During the administration of the phlegmatic but conscientious Domingo Santa Maria, who was president from 1881 to 1886, Chile passed through an important epoch, the pivotal point in her national history. It includes the war with Peru and Bolivia, and an international complication with the Argentine Republic in which war was averted only by a diplomatic handling of the question.

Argentina had an unsigned alliance with Peru and Bolivia, and advantage was taken of Chile’s war engagement to press the question of boundary limits, and also that of the possession of Patagonia and the Straits of Magellan. To meet this emergency and to avoid if possible another war, the government commissioned Jose Manuel Balmaceda, who was then serving as Minister of Foreign Affairs, to go to the Argentine capital and save Chile from impending difficulties. Although coldly received in Buenos Aires, Señor Balmaceda entered upon the task with zeal and determination, unraveled the tangle of international questions, and tied the hands of Argentina by withdrawing Chile’s claim to that portion of Patagonia lying east of the Cordilleras. Previous to that time all of Patagonia was Chilean territory. It was included in the Spanish Vice-royalty inherited by the Republic. This concession precipitated other boundary disputes which were the cause of many years of international contention, almost resulting in war between the two nations on several occasions. It was finally settled by arbitration in May, 1903, when a boundary line, established by a commission appointed by King Edward VII, was accepted and approved by a treaty agreement between the two countries.

On his return from the Argentine, Balmaceda was made Prime Minister and became a most potent political factor and powerful incentive to material progress and development. From armed conflicts and international complications Chile emerged triumphant and successful. Her territorial limits had been extended to include some of the richest mineral deposits on the continent, her national prestige greatly increased, her credit unimpaired and her wealth producing resources multiplied.

From that time Chile made rapid advancement along lines of industrial development and intellectual progress. For the first time in her national existence the exports exceeded her imports; the balance of trade was favorable to her commerce, and the surplus in the national treasury reached 100,000,000 pesos. A remarkable thing about this surplus is that it was accumulated while the government was engaged in building railroads, bridges, public schools and colleges, penal and correctional institutions, constructing highways and providing better means of communication throughout the country. The Congress of that period, 1882-5, was notable in the history of the Republic for its progressive policies, unity of purpose and patriotic support of the government.

The administration party, led by Balmaceda, with the encouragement of President Santa Maria, was marshaling its forces for some radical departures from former governmental policies. The president issued a message in which it was declared the intention of the administration to enact a law providing for the civil registry of births, deaths and marriages. In the National Congress, September 26, 1885, Balmaceda, representing the administration, declared the following to be the government program:

“Reciprocate and counterpoise every arm of public power; sacredly maintain the independence of constitutional and judicial powers; protect from abuse the electoral power and liberty of suffrage; formally reorganize municipalities for honest, harmonious legislation; separate the church from the state and protect the liberty of thought; foment progressive public instruction, examine proofs of character and competency in the exercise of public functions; realize national administration in the most correct, upright and economical manner.”

Little attention was given to these patriotic sentiments at the time, but later when Balmaceda became minister of the interior, he declared in congress that “the Catholic religion marches contrary to the current of the century, restrains the liberty of State, refuses modern progress, denies freedom of thought and destroys liberal ideas; the church condemns culture and fosters ignorance. With the creed of Catholicism it is difficult to unite the politics of modern State, as the Catholic religion is an exclusive compulsory factor and beneficiary in Chilean administrations.”

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After a bitter congressional campaign, in which the measure was opposed by the church element, the civil registry act became a law. History credits President Santa Maria with giving his country this beneficent law, but it was the aggressive Balmaceda who led the fight against all the fortified conservative forces, religious and traditional prejudices of Chile, inculcating into the minds of the people new and advanced ideas, and making the passage of the law possible. Inspired by patriotic motives, and with excessive confidence in others, including his enemies, Balmaceda committed the common mistake of politicians in believing the cause he advocated would prevail because it was right. The war with Peru and Bolivia had left multiform internal and external questions for settlement. While these international problems were pressing for solution, requiring the attention of the administration, the opposition party made a fierce fight in the elections of 1886, securing a majority in the Congress. Then followed the greatest political struggle in the history of Chile. The elements opposing the civil registry law, and other political measures advanced by the administration, employed every means within their power to arrest the liberal advance, which had made such rapid progress in the few years immediately preceding, to embarrass the administration of Santa Maria and destroy the influence of Balmaceda, who had become a political power in the Republic.

ELECTION OF BALMACEDA.

The contending forces and warring political elements of that critical period in Chile’s history reached a climax in the struggle for supremacy in the campaign of 1886, which resulted in the election of Balmaceda as president. During the years intervening between the war with Peru and Bolivia, and the inauguration of Balmaceda, Chile had prospered wonderfully. The rich nitrate properties, acquired as the fruits of war, were being developed and worked with foreign capital, and were producing an enormous annual revenue. The Republic was then in the period of its greatest prosperity, having accumulated a large surplus in the national treasury, notwithstanding the fact that public works, including highways, school houses, bridges, harbor improvements, etc., were being constructed. Order and system prevailed in the management of government affairs, and the country was in the bloom of industrial progress and national prosperity.

Under these favorable conditions, Don Jose Manuel Balmaceda became president. To the creation of these conditions he had contributed much in the way of honest industry, but the full fruition of his hopes to make of Chile an independent Republic, where every citizen, irrespective of condition, creed or religion, might exercise his rights without prejudice to his individual interests was never to be realized. Not only was he destined to disappointment and ultimate defeat, but this strong, brilliant man, the greatest in many respects that Chile has produced, proved the rock upon which the Ship of State foundered. His administration ended in a revolution, the tragic end of which was the death of the president by suicide in the Argentine Legation, in Santiago, where he sought asylum after the final success of the revolutionists and the overthrow of the government.

It was on a constitutional question that Balmaceda clashed with Congress, which resulted in his downfall. Under the constitution the president must convoke Congress in regular session from June 1 to September 1, each year; he has power to prorogue it at any time for a term of fifty days, and he can summon it in special session whenever he chooses. He appoints his cabinet ministers, governors of provinces, diplomatic representatives, and five out of eleven members of the Council of State, “Consejo de Estado.” He also appoints the judges of the several courts, upon recommendation of the Council of State. He approves, promulgates and takes part in the making of laws, issues decrees, regulations, etc., which he may consider desirable for the execution of laws. The authority thus vested in the president gives him a power which, if abused, might become a menace to the Republic. It was perhaps for this reason that the framers of the constitution of Chile, apparently desiring to avoid the possibility of the concentration of political power in the Republic, made the ministry responsible to the legislative branch of the government instead of the executive. Following the plan of the French Republic, legislation affecting the general policy of the government originates with the ministry. When Congress convenes the president outlines the administration policy in a message calling attention to such measures as he thinks should receive attention and consideration from the legislative bodies. Bills are prepared by the cabinet ministers and presented to Congress. A failure to approve by their votes any measure coming from the executive branch is taken as a vote of lack of confidence in the administration, and the only course left for the president is to dissolve his ministry. The power bestowed upon Congress to overthrow ministries, and defy the president by refusing to coöperate with the executive branch of government, was never indulged in to any considerable extent until Balmaceda’s time. Then the political elements opposed to the administration policy allied their interests and exercised their power to defeat the progressive measures presented, thereby repeatedly rejecting the ministry. Since that time the custom of obstruction has grown into such a gigantic abuse that it is now almost impossible for the president of Chile to maintain a ministry for a sufficient length of time to carry out any general plan or policy of government. In fact it has become one of the crying evils of the country which the press denounces vigorously and persistently. During the administration of President German Riesco, 1901-6, ministerial changes became so frequent that a cabinet crisis was not regarded as a matter of any interest or consequence by the public.

During the first years of Balmaceda’s administration, Chile enjoyed an era of golden prosperity and national progress. Numerous reforms were proposed, which had for their purpose the improvement of the government service. One project was to prohibit senators and deputies from having an interest in any public contract; another that neither the president nor any cabinet minister should appoint a near relative to office unless the person possessed the necessary qualifications for the position. Believing himself secure in the performance of his duties and the administration of government affairs, President Balmaceda prepared to utilize a portion of the large income from the nitrate fields in the construction of public works. He contracted for the building of new lines of railway in the central and southern provinces at a cost of $30,000,000; built schools and colleges in every city in the Republic, amounting to $10,000,000 in value; ordered the construction of three modern warships and two torpedo boats in Europe. He also continued and completed the work of constructing a government dry dock at Talcahuano; armed and equipped the army with modern rifles and munitions of war, and improved the coast defenses, to which were added new modern batteries at Talcahuano and Iquique.

The questions affecting the prerogatives of the members of Congress and cabinet ministers, together with the extravagant policy of the administration caused much political agitation and exciting debate in the Senate and House of Deputies. The constant attack of the clerical party, the bitter denunciations of the press, added to the conservative opposition finally created dissension among the liberals, who had elected and until then supported the president. Charges of usurpation of power and dictatorship were made against Balmaceda, and the political situation became such that a revolt was imminent. Various ministries had been rejected by Congress because of the policy pursued in erecting costly public works instead of employing the government revenues in reducing the foreign debt and redeeming the paper currency, and the president found himself in the embarrassing situation of having entered upon a policy of extensive government improvement and industrial development without the support of Congress. An extraordinary session was called for the purpose of providing government revenues. Other measures were taken up by Congress and the appropriation bill deferred until the president should recede from his arbitrary position. Balmaceda refused to compromise, and the ministry again resigned. He then appointed a new cabinet in harmony with his views and declared the session closed, maintaining that Congress when called in extraordinary session for the express purpose of passing an appropriation bill had no constitutional authority to go into the consideration of other measures. In explaining his action he said: “Congress by the express terms of the constitution has no more right to dictate to me what ministers I shall appoint than it has to advise what food I shall eat or clothes I shall wear.”

The Constitutional Advisory Committee was convened and as a result of its deliberations the president was advised to again convene Congress in extraordinary session. Balmaceda hesitated, fearing that Congress if again convened might declare the office of president vacant. While he and his ministers deliberated, the Constitutional Committee arrogated to itself the authority to call an extra session. The opposition was rapidly securing support from various political elements throughout the country and by popular sympathy among the people. The dictatorial attitude of the administration aroused intense feeling and there was a clamor for the deposition of the alleged dictator. Realizing that summary action was necessary to maintain his power and aggressive policy, the president issued a manifesto on January 1, 1891, declaring his intention to exercise his constitutional powers and functions,--to stand by the strict letter of the law. He declared that he had nothing to do with the effete provisions of the constitution, nor with new theories of parliamentary government until they were enacted into law. He maintained that under the constitution the appropriation bill passed by the previous Congress held good until another was passed. The supreme court declared the acts of the president unconstitutional. He ignored the court. This assumption of authority on the part of the executive was contrary to precedent and to republican ideas, even if constitutional, and the cry of “dictator” was raised. Thus the machinery of government was disabled, and while the Ship of State lay stranded upon the rock of party politics, Congress declared the country in revolution, and the tempest of war struck the Republic on January 7, 1891, when the navy, under command of Señor Don Jorge Montt went over to the revolutionists. The squadron sailed for the north with the presiding officers of the Senate and House of Deputies on board, and a floating Congress was established.

The Congress which declared Balmaceda deposed, empowered Don Jorge Montt to assume provisional command, and a junta was organized on board the warship _Blanco Encalada_, composed of Señor Montt, Don Waldo Silva, vice-president of the Senate and Don Ramon Barros Luco, president of the Chamber of Deputies.

The revolution started by Balmaceda’s manifesto of January 1, 1891, was apparently poorly prepared to cope with the government. The insurgents had no military organization, no arms or munitions of war. The junta proceeded north and took possession of the provinces of Tarapaca, Atacama and Antofagasta, which include the rich nitrate fields and wealth producing mineral territory of Chile, the revenues from which were employed in purchasing arms, provisions and equipment for an army. They also had possession of the majority of the naval squadron. By the middle of the year 1891 the government had 45,000 troops in the field, four thousand of which were cavalry. The revolutionists had only about twelve thousand soldiers, which encouraged the sanguine Balmaceda to believe that he could easily suppress the uprising.

Congressional elections were held in May, and a majority of the members elected were in sympathy with the administration. In June presidential electors were chosen, and they selected as the candidate for president Don Claudio Vicuña, who was Balmaceda’s choice for his successor. Señor Vicuña, who was of an old and distinguished family, was declared duly elected president on July 25, 1891, but the final success of the insurgents prevented him from ever taking his seat.

As the struggle continued the revolutionary cause gained strength and reinforcements from various sources. The superior skill of the military officer directing the opposition forces made itself manifest, and the position of Balmaceda and his government became daily more and more menaced with dissolution and overthrow. On August 20, ten thousand revolutionary troops were disembarked at Quintero, a few miles from Valparaiso, and on the following day a decisive battle was fought, at Concon, situated at the mouth of the Aconcagua River, resulting in the defeat of the government forces. This crushing defeat, in which about 2,500 of the government troops were killed, practically caused the fall of Balmaceda. He made a strenuous and brave effort to recover from the disaster, but the railway communication having been destroyed, it was impossible to send reserve troops from the south, where they had been stationed, in time to save the situation.

After the battle of Concon the opposition forces advanced upon Valparaiso, and two days later endeavored to capture Fort Callao, at Viña del Mar, a beautiful suburban place six miles from Valparaiso. The fortress, which commands the bay of Valparaiso, the valley and surrounding heights, being equipped with modern guns, and well-nigh impregnable, resisted the attack of both warships and artillery, and a repulse prevented a direct advance upon Valparaiso, the objective point of the Congressional army. Retiring from Viña del Mar, Generals Canto and Korner, commanding the revolutionary forces, fell back to Salto, a few miles distant, where they destroyed a railway bridge spanning the river, thus cutting off communication with Santiago, and preventing the possibility of Balmaceda forwarding troops from the capital. Making a detour of some thirty miles, the revolutionists endeavored to approach Valparaiso from the south, but encountered the government forces, under command of Generals Barbosa and Alzerreca, occupying a formidable position upon the hills near Placilla, a few miles from the city of Valparaiso. This was on August 27th. On the 30th the election of Señor Claudio Vicuña would be formally ratified by the Senate, and he would become president. It was important to the revolutionists to force a decisive engagement and overthrow Balmaceda before the newly elected president should take his seat. Before daylight on the morning of the 28th, under cover of the darkness and protection of the hills, the revolutionists got into position to give battle without being seen by the government forces. Early in the morning as the advancing army was crossing an open plain Balmaceda’s troops opened an artillery fire upon it, and the battle of Placilla, the final and decisive engagement in the revolution, was begun. The opposition forces numbered about twelve thousand and the government, nine thousand. The former, flushed with success and inspired with the hope of final victory, fought like demons, while the latter, discouraged and disheartened with failure, menaced with disaster and annihilation, showed lack of order, discipline, and courage manifested and displayed on previous occasions. Some companies even deserted and joined the enemy during the battle. After a few hours’ terrific fighting, in which more than a thousand men were killed and a greater number wounded, on the government side, the Balmaceda army was put to rout. The victorious forces which had lost five hundred killed and over a thousand wounded, pursued the fleeing remnants of the routed army, driving many of them into the quebrades (ravines), where they were unmercifully slaughtered. Generals Barbosa and Alzerreca were both killed in the engagement. On the evening of the 28th, Valparaiso was in possession of the revolutionists and the Balmaceda government was overthrown.

Leading government supporters, including Don Claudio Vicuña, president elect, and who only lacked a few days of being formally declared the chief executive of the Republic, sought refuge on board foreign warships in the harbor.

That night Valparaiso was the scene of a Bacchanalian rabble that would have shamed Rome in the reign of Nero. The city was in possession of a mob, intoxicated with success, drunk upon wine and athirst for blood, that murdered with impunity and sacked the town without restraint. Drunken men and women reeled through the streets, shooting at each other as a matter of sport, and on the following morning four hundred victims of the mob’s violence were found dead in the streets.

The scenes enacted in Santiago were equally as wild and tragic as those witnessed in Valparaiso. The houses of Balmaceda, Claudio Vicuña and other Balmacedistas were attacked, looted and everything they contained destroyed or carried away. A statue of the deposed president was dismembered and kicked through the streets. From balconies ladies cheered the performance, while opprobrium was heaped upon the inanimate form by the drunken mob. Beggars and thieves appropriated with impunity works of art and beautiful articles of furniture found in the residences of those who had remained loyal to the administration.

That night President Balmaceda left the Moneda (Government Palace), and sought asylum in the Argentine Legation, where he remained until his legal term as president expired, September 18. On September 19 he took his own life by firing a revolver-shot into his brain, thus avoiding the chronicle in history that he committed suicide while president of the Republic.

Thus the tragic and untimely death of this strong, brave man, who was called a tyrant and dictator by his enemies, but was loved and revered by his friends. Through the vista of years that intervene between the present and the close of the revolution, the official acts of Balmaceda and the monuments he left to his memory in the form of government works and public enterprises, loom large and conspicuous when compared with the works of those who have succeeded him. Public opinion and sentiment in Chile have undergone wonderful changes since the day a shot from a revolver in his own hand crashed into and stilled forever the fertile, creative brain of Jose Manuel Balmaceda, and an ungrateful Republic is now beginning to set its seal of approbation upon his official life and private character. History will yet write the name of Balmaceda large upon the roll of honor reserved for Chile’s patriots, statesmen, diplomats and scholars.

At the close of the revolution the “Junta de Gobierno,” with Captain Jorge Montt at its head, took charge of the government. On October 18, a general election was held, and on November 18 the electors met and named Don Jorge Montt president. President Montt, while a man of mediocre ability, possessed a high sense of honor, and was conscientious in the strict performance of his official duties. While he did nothing to distinguish himself as a man of great intellectual attainments, his administration marked a period of national tranquillity and general prosperity, securing for him the good will and political support of a majority of the citizens of the Republic. After serving one term as president he was placed at the head of the navy, where he served as a most efficient and popular officer. He held the position as ranking admiral of the navy until 1905, when he was sent on a special government mission to the United States, Japan, Europe and England.

President Montt was succeeded by Don Federico Errazuriz in 1896. There was little in President Errazuriz’ administration worthy of special mention. He was a man of brilliant intellect, cultivated tastes, charming manner and attractive personality, but lacked in the moral qualities that characterized the private and official life of his predecessor.

President Errazuriz died in July, 1901, and was succeeded by Don German Riesco, who had been formally elected a month previous. President Riesco had not been conspicuous in national politics previous to his nomination, and had few political enemies when inaugurated in September, 1901. He was known as a good lawyer, had occupied the position of judge of one of the courts of appeal, and was universally respected for his honesty, industry and high moral character. Being a man of mediocre ability, lacking in precision and firmness, his administration was early embarrassed by politicians who employed obstructive measures to prevent the passage of laws recommended by the executive branch of the government.

The president found it difficult to maintain a ministry for a sufficient length of time to accomplish anything in the way of needed legislation, or to carry out important government policies. He was constantly forced into compromising with various political factions and coalitions. In an effort to secure political influence he lost the support of a majority of the members of the legislative bodies, and also the confidence of the people. The result was a condition of political chaos in the Republic. Ministries were overthrown with frequency, Congress was hopelessly divided into contending factions and there was a general lack of united and concerted effort in the various branches of government.

Chile made substantial commercial progress during the Riesco administration, however, and there prevailed throughout the country a condition of general prosperity. New and important industries were established, many new companies with large capital were organized, and money was plentiful during most of the period. The only disturbing feature of the commercial and financial situation was the constantly fluctuating value of the paper currency.

Another feature of President Riesco’s administration is the fact that it closed with a national calamity, caused by the great earthquake that occurred in August, 1906, causing serious loss of life and great destruction of property in the cities and towns throughout the country.

In the general election of 1906, Don Pedro Montt, son of Manuel Montt, President of Chile from 1851 to 1861, was elected president by a larger majority than that received by any candidate in the history of the Republic.

Señor Montt was for many years previous to his election regarded as the most able and conservative statesman in the country. He was born in Santiago in 1846, and was graduated from the University in his native city in 1870. In 1874 he was elected a member of the House of Deputies, where he remained for several years. He also served as Speaker of the House, Minister in different cabinets and Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to the United States. With a long and successful political career to his credit he was inaugurated under more favorable and auspicious circumstances than any president since his father, to whom history gives the credit of being one of the ablest executives ever elected to the office.

It was President Montt’s ambition to improve the industrial and financial conditions of the country by establishing the gold standard, and thereby do away with the ruinous fluctuations in the currency values. But in this commendable undertaking he was doomed to disappointment, being defeated in his plans for accomplishing that most desirable reform by the factions that dominated the politics of the Republic, and in 1908-9, the exchange rate reached its lowest level, the Chilean peso being worth at one time only 20 cents U. S. currency, whereas upon a gold standard basis it represents a value of 34 cents.

In May 1910 President Montt attended the inauguration of the centennial exposition of the Argentine Republic in Buenos Aires, making the trip by rail over the Transandine Railway, which was opened to traffic about that time. In July he started on a trip to Europe, going by way of the United States, arriving in New York, August 3. On August 9 he sailed for Europe, arriving in Hamburg on the 16th, where he died soon after his arrival.

After the death of President Montt, Vice-President Elias Fernandez Albano became president. On September 6, of the same year President Albano died and Senator MacIver Como, vice-president of the Council of State became the acting president.

At the regular election in 1910, Don Raymon Barros Luco was elected to the presidency.

INDIANS

The indigenous races of Chile consist of the following tribes: Araucanians, Chilotes, Chonos, Onas, Fueginos, Yahgans, Alacalupes and Patagonians.

The Araucanians, the most powerful, brave, and warlike tribe of South American Indians, formerly occupied all the territory now constituting the northern half of Chile. In the Araucanians the Spaniards met a strong resistance to their invasion of the territory. The tribe then numbered one million, and for three hundred and fifty years they maintained a warfare against the occupation of their country by white men. The Spaniards were unable to subdue them, and even after the war of independence and the establishment of the Republic, they maintained a hostile attitude. Although being gradually and peacefully subjugated they still maintain a sort of independence, living under a form of government agreeable to their common tribal laws and customs. They are now generally engaged in the peaceful pursuits of agriculture.

The Araucanian government consists of a confederation constituted by the union of three independent tribes, each of which is governed by a hereditary chief, called Toqui, or Cacique. A few years ago the territory was divided into sub-districts, for each of which there is a subordinate chief. The Caciques are elected by their respective tribes. They hold armed diets, like the ancient Poles and Germans. In the formation of laws governing their actions, and determining upon military operations, every member of the confederation has a vote.

In more recent years these erstwhile savages have manifested a friendly disposition towards foreigners, some of whom have been admitted to membership in their tribes. These “white Indians,” who usually possess superior intelligence, education and knowledge of the world, sometimes rise to eminence among the tribes. A French lawyer named De Tonneins, once humbugged the Indians into believing in his alleged magical and spiritual attainments to such an extent that the Araucanian tribes proclaimed him king, which distinction he assumed under the title of King Orelie Antonio I, and reigned for several years. The small court by which he was surrounded paid him great deference. His Fraudulent Highness made war against the Chilean government, was captured and deported to his native country, where after several uneventful years, he died in an asylum in Bordeaux.

The Araucanians are a sturdy race, with fine physiques. They are tall, muscular, agile and possess wonderful power of endurance. They are brave to foolhardiness, but lack intelligence, ambition and creative genius. Their stupidity combined with their passions, cruel natures and natural characteristics have prevented them from rising little above the low level of animals in their domestic life. A study of their past history and present conditions has a tendency to disillusionize one who has formed ideas of the Araucanians from descriptions written by historians and tales related by travelers who have never visited the habitations of that peculiar people. In general appearance the Araucanians resemble the other indigenous tribes of North and South America. They are copper colored, have black, straight, coarse hair and deep set, piercing black eyes. There is a trace of foreign blood apparent in many of them, due to their association with the Spaniards who first invaded the country, and shipwrecked sailors, many of whom cast their lots with the Indians, and lived peacefully among them, frequently marrying Indian women.

When America was discovered, the indigenous tribes wore little clothing, but contact with white men has wrought some changes in their customs and habits, and taught them the propriety of wearing at least a semi-civilized garb. The costume of the Araucanian consists of a shirt, a loin cloth, a manta or poncho of dark blue or black fabric, and a scarlet turban, all woven by hand and from natural wool, and colored from dyes extracted from the roots of plants and bark of trees. The women wear long, scarlet petticoats, and over the head a blue manta, which drapes over the body down to and below the waist. Their costumes are also made of hand-woven wool cloth, which is soft and warm, and very durable. A unique feature of the cloth made by the Indians is the variety and peculiarity of colors woven into the fabric. The designs are odd and quaint, and not infrequently weird figures representing animals, serpents and imaginary gods and devils are worked into the patterns. A peculiar feature of the fabric is that the designs are never duplicated, no two pieces of cloth being made of the same pattern. Hence, if one buys an Indian poncho, he has the satisfaction of knowing that no one else will have one like it in design. The mantas worn by the men and women are in plain colors, as a rule, but they are unique garments, the feature of which is a long nap on the outer side of the fabric, which makes it almost impervious to water. These mantas are usually fastened with a huge silver pin, ornamented with a round, flat disk. Both men and women wear silver earrings of huge proportions, very heavy and of varied and odd design. The women wear various other silver ornaments in the form of necklaces, bangles, crosses and pendants. These articles are all made of hammered silver and have an intrinsic as well as a decorative value. The usual aversion of Indians in general to familiarity, or to become communicative, the traditional stolidity of the race, holds good with the Araucanians. They are averse to selling any of their personal apparel or adornments, and all efforts to purchase such articles are resented.

These people, constituting the remnant of a once powerful and proud race, live in miserable huts, the roofs of which provide little protection against rain, and the walls of which are sometimes conspicuous by their absence. In a climate where it rains one half the year, and where the temperature frequently drops to zero, these places of habitation afford little comfort. In these miserable “rucas” live the family, not infrequently consisting of a large number of children, together with donkeys, pigs, dogs and fowls, in sanitary conditions that are shockingly disgusting.

In the Araucanian country, which extends from the River Bio Bio on the north to Valdivia on the south, and from the Cordillera to the sea, some strange sights may be witnessed. Almost the entire country is covered with forests, and there are hundreds of miles of solitude and unbroken wilderness, save the little cultivated patches, where the Indians engage in farming. Their farms and ranchos are usually back from, rather than along the trails where travelers pass. There is little bird or animal life in the forests, and one may ride for days through those solitudes, with little or nothing to attract attention or relieve the oppressive silence and monotony, save the sight of an occasional Indian. The strange, mysterious manner of the Indians only adds to the uncanny aspect of the wilderness. They are mysterious, and undesirable as companions, ignorant, superstitious, and by nature vicious, but like animals, they are dangerous only when disturbed in the pursuit of life.

The deeds of heroism, acts of valor and bravery, which caused the Araucanians to be immortalized in verse and recorded in the more sober lines of prose and history, were enacted during the days of the Spanish conquest.

In 1535, Don Diego de Almagro, the ally and rival of Pizarro, the despoiler of Peru, set out on a mission of conquest of the territory which now constitutes the Republic of Chile. He came not as a peaceful conqueror, as did the Incas long before, but as a tyrant and butcher, endeavoring to strike terror to the hearts of the Indians by acts of cruelty and inhuman treatment. They were treated as so many beasts to be enslaved or slaughtered at the pleasure of those who invaded the country in quest of gold, only. The attitude of Almagro and his followers aroused all the latent fierce combative spirit and resentful feelings that had been smoldering in the hearts of the aborigines during centuries of peaceful occupation of the country, and they resisted the invasion with a heroism and determination that finds few parallels in primitive warfare in the history of the world.

There were then no horses in the country, save those brought by the Spaniards, and the Indians had to fight on foot. The only weapons they possessed were bows and arrows, and lances made of long, flexible bamboo poles, the latter being the weapons of war. They had no military training or leaders and were ignorant of the arts of war, not even appreciating or understanding the advantages of combined or orderly attack. They depended entirely upon impetuous charges, ambush and secret night attacks. They had no fear of death, and not infrequently in battle they continued the conflict until every man engaged was killed. After years of warfare against the Spaniards, they learned the advantages to be gained by the use of horses in battle, which they adopted to some extent, but they did not follow the example of their enemies in the use of saddles, always riding bareback. After many generations of resistance to the invaders, they became more clever and systematic in attack and defense, having learned the importance of better preparation, councils of war and leadership. The Araucanian war extended intermittently over three centuries, and as the case in all wars, whether among barbarians or civilized nations, brought conspicuously to the front individuals who by superior intelligence and bravery were recognized as natural leaders. Chief among those who achieved fame as warriors, and whose deeds of daring form thrilling chapters in Chilean history, were Lautaro, a young brave who at the age of twenty was recognized as the leader of the Indian forces. It was Lautaro who first attempted to organize the various tribes and bands into something like a military force. After many successful battles he was surprised in a night attack by the Spaniards, near Talca, where almost the entire army under his command was annihilated, he being among the killed. He was decapitated, and his head taken to Santiago, where it was placed upon a pole and paraded through the streets as a victorious trophy.

Later Caupolican, one of the bravest of his race, assumed the leadership of the Araucanians. He was finally captured, and his enemies wishing to make an example of the chief cut off both his arms at the elbows, after which he was released. Caupolican pointing the stumps of his amputated arms at his persecutors said: “Be careful, be careful, murderers and persecutors, I will return to avenge these wrongs.” And notwithstanding his maimed condition he later returned to the attack with renewed courage and fierceness, and in many battles, Caupolican was first in the fray, and when beaten, was the last to retire from the field.

Since the days of the conquest of Chile, the Araucanian Indians have been hedged about and encroached upon with modern civilizing influences. Under these conditions they have degenerated until their greatness is only a memory. They now have fixed places of residence, and live upon the proceeds of their labor or lands.