Chapter IX: Introduction: The Manuscripts (9)

The Ship is sett upon by pirats corsaires, and they are taken al sclaves and carried to the ile of Dorigni. Heir they stayed a long tyme, and Almahide growes to some years, and hir beauty growes wondrously wt her, which the pirats seing they resolve to carry hir to Constantinople to sell hir to them that plenishes the Turks seraglio. Whiles they are on their way they are casten away, none saved but Fernand and the litle Almahide, tho Fernand know not of it; for some shephards finding hir in a sound[365] on the shore, they carried hir to the Fountaines iust at hand (for their lot was such to be casten away their), and sold hir to the Duc and Dutchesse. Dom Fernand, finding that he was in his oune country, and knowing that the Ducks house, who was his old freind, was neir he went to visit him, wheir to his amazement he fand the litle Almahide, who came runing to him and velcomed him. Heir the Duc choses Fernand to be his sones gouueneur, and appointes the beautiful Almahide to stay their to bear his sone company.

[365] Swoon.

All this while Morayzel could gett no newes of his daughter, which was no small greife to him. In the interim the fierce and fair Semahis, his Lady, wt hir charmes conqueres so many souls to hir beck that being ambitious she brought Grenade in hazard.

After this is intervoven a lang but pretty description of the house called Fontaines. Love begines incessantly to grow betuixt them. The only obstacle was she was still mahometane, which the sclaves had infused in hir. Yet on a tyme young Ponce mocking merrily at the fopperies of the Alcoran she tournes Christian. On this their love takes new strenthe: on a tyme he impartes it to hir; from whom at lenth he getts a promise of hir fidelity to him. After she turned Christian she got the name of Aminte. Theirs sowen in a pretty dispute that happened, what might be the prettiest of flowers, and its generally by Aminte also concluded on the Tulip.

Their fame cannot be long confined at the Fontaines, but its at the Court of Sewill already; which drawes many galland persons to come sy them, and amongs others Dom Alvare, who proved to Ponce de Leon a Rivall, who expressing his affection to the fair Grenadine both in verses and lettres it occasioned bad intelligence betuixt him and Ponce, so that it comes to a combat, wheirin Ponce carries away the victory. And it was like to have occasioned more mischeif had not Fernand, Ponce his governor, writen to the Duc to fetche away Aminte, who was the occasion of their striv, which the Duc obeyes, sending a coach for hir to carry hir to Sewil, who having renewed hir promise of fidelity to Ponce leives him their a very sorry man. Thus ends the first Book.

* * * * * [366]

[366] Half a page blank. There follows here an essay in French or
notes of a lecture on the study of law, a juvenile performance.
Though inserted in the MS. book it is not part of the Journal. It
has been printed here as it stands.

Il y a deuz methodes pour estudier le droit, ou par la voye du text ou par celle des quæstions: certes le chemin du text est le plus asserre, plus solide et moins trompeur. Pour le text comme guides wous vous attacherez a Vinnèus, ou vous trouwerez cela qu'il est de la scholastick: a Sucidiwen non paralellé quant est de la practique. A la glosse ou Accurse si vous souhaitez les cas et les especes des loix: si vous ne tirez pas toute la satisfaction possible quant est de la text de ceux-cy, feuilletez Bartol, Cuiace et Azon dans son Summa, de qui autrefois l'on disoit, Qui non habet Azonem vendat pallium. Si vous voudrez chicaner ou jusque an moindres points epluscher une loix dans la text vous trouverez vostre conte dans Antonius Faber.

Ayant leu les Institutes avec ses aydes, vous vous tournerez aux Paratitlairs. Sur la quelle matiere personne n'entrera en parrallelle avec Peresius in C. Vesenbecius ne laisse pas faire assez bicn la dessus: vous pourrez aussi regardez Corvinus. Calvin dans ses Paratitles n'a fait qu'une honteuse recueill de cela que les autres avoient dit la dessus devant lui, comme de Cuiace, Vesenbec, etc. Entre les Docteur Francois les parratitles de Maranus, Antecesseur de Tholose, sont en haute estime, mais puisque nos sentiments nous sont libres, nous ne voyons pas trop de raison. Vous n'oublierez pas les Paratitles de Tulden wrayment grand homme: comme ceux de Zoesig et sur les Digests, et sur le droit canon. Cette Methode apprendre le droit par le text a receu ses meilleurs et plus brillantes lumiers des Francois. Seulement vous prendrez icy garde d'une faute de qui je les accus presque tous, pourtant fort insupportable et bien digne de la fowette: c'est que ils advancent des choses en controverse comme s'ils estoient hors du controverses et autant de Principes, et par ainsi pitieusement abusent la ieunesse. Afin de vous detromper vous passerez dans l'autre chemin, qui est celui des Quæstions, lequel si vous pourrez marier heureusement a l'autre, de cette union vous peut redonder dans son temps une entiere connoissance du droit. Dans ce chemin-cy wous ne manquez pas des hommes sçavants pour vos præcepteurs. Ici s'offrent Fachinæi controversiæ, Vasquii controversiæ Illustres: item son traité De successionibus tam ex testamento quam ab intestato. Item Pacij centuriæ: qui outre son commentaire ad Institutiones a aussi escrit ad librum 4tum c. lequel oeuure de Pacius emporte sur tous ses autres. Vous y trowwerez Merenda. Vous chercherez pour Bronchorstii Quæstiones, qui a aussi escrit ad T.D. De Regulis Juris. Vous ne manquerez pas d'acheter les disputationes selecta Treutheri ou ses Theses, avec Hunnius (qui a aussi ecrit 4 libres variarum resolutionum) in 3 tomes le dessus, et Bachovius cet grand esprit, de qui Vineus derobe le meilleur de cela qu'il a. Mais sur toute n'oubliez pas le 4 Tomes de Harpreclitus sur les 4 livres des Institutes, qui vous donnera une lumiere merveilleuse dans toutes les quæstions; et ou il defail le lui-mesme, il vous n'envoye aux meilleurs autheurs qui a escrit sur cette matiere. A la mesme fin vous demanderez pour Mastertius, ou particulierement pour son sedes illustrium materiarum Juvis civilis, ou il vous monstre tous les meilleurs Autheurs de la connoissance qui explique une telle ou une telle loix Voyez Nicolaus de Passeribus De Reconciliationibus Legum.

While I was at Campheire, towards the end of July 1667, I had occasion to sie the book writ by our banished ministers at Rotterdam and other places, and particularly by Mr. Macquaire[367] put ut in the years 1665, intituled 'An Apologetical Relation of the particular sufferings of the faithful ministers and professors of the Church of Scotland since August 1660, wherein severall questions useful for the tyme are discussed. The Kings praerogative over parliament and peaple soberly inquired into; the lawfulnesse of defensive war cleared; the supreme Magistrats powers in Church matters examined, Mr. Stellingfleets notion of the divine right of the formes of government considered; the author of the Seasonable Case answered: other particulars, such as the hearing of the curates, the appearing before the hy commission court., etc., canvassed, togither with the rise, raigne, and ruine of the former Praelats in Scotland, being a breiff accompt from History of the Goverment of the Church of Scotland from the beginning, and of the many troubles which Praelats have created to hir first and last, for satisfaction of Strangers and encouradgement of present sufferers by a weill wisher to the goud old cause. Then follows some places of Scripture, as Jeremias 50, ver. 34, Micah 7, ver. 9-10, Isay 51, ver. 22-23.

[367] Robert Macquare wrote a postscript to the _Apologetical
Relation_, etc., which was the work of J. Brown. A reprint in the
_Presbyterian's Armoury_, vol. iii. (1843), is in the British
Museum.

In this book they traduce Spotswood, Archbishop of St. Androws, endeavoring to make him ridiculous, and empanelling him of falsehood in many places of his History, using to refute him the auctority of Buchanan, a auctor more suspected then himselfe.

In their 4 section they prove the Marquis of Argyle most uniustly to have bein put to death the 27 of May 1661. The ground of his sentence they say in the 78 page to have bein that he was and had bein an ennemy to the King and his interests thesse 23 years or more bypast, which in effect (say they) is as much as give ye would say he had bein an active freind for the interest of Christ, making Gods interest and the Kings interest point blanc contrary, so that a freind to the one could not be but a ennemy to the other.

The thing that more particularly the Parliament adhered to was his compliance wt the English and sitting in their Parliaments. But that this was not treason, and consequently not capable to take his life, they labor to prove by sundry particulars, first that the Lawyers themselfes (who best of any should know what treason is) complied, yea swore fidelity, to that government. They instance to his odium Sir John Fletcher, then Kings Advocate. 2dly, He was not guilty of compliance alon. Many members of Parliament sitting their to judge him war _conscii criminis_. 3dly, If compliance was treasonable and capable enough to put him to death, whey ware they so anxious to find out other grounds against him wheiron they might walk? 4ly, Whey was never on save this nobleman not so much as empanelled for this fault, much lesse put to death? Whow came it to passe that William Purves, who by complying had almost occasioned ruine to many noblemen, boroughs, and gentlemen, was absolved by a act of Parliament? Then their was never act of Parliament, nether any municipal Law, condemning necessesary compliance for life and liberty wt a conqueror, and for the good of the country conquered, as treasonable. Their was never a practick or _praejudicium_ in Scotland for it since it was a Kingdome. Bruce did never so much as quaestion his nobility that in Balliols tyme had complied wt Edward of England. Nixt the Royalists say conquaest is a just title to a croune. So Baleus[368] in his _Sacro-sancta Regum Maiestas_, cap. 17; but so be Cromwell conquered our country, ergo, he was our lawful governour and had just title to our croune. If so, whow could compliance and passive obedience to such a on be treason? In this he triumphs so, that he addes, let al the Royalists answer to this wtout contradicting themselfes if they can. No definition out of the civil Law can be brought of treason which wil comprehend necessary compliance; ergo, its no treasonable. Finally, we sie compliance to be the practise of all conquered nations, yet upon the alteration of government no body condemned for it.

[368] John Bale, Bishop of Ossory, died 1563.

In the end they appeal to al governours of states, Lawyers, casuists, politicians, canonists, and Quod-libetists, yea to Royalists themselfes, whither or no when a nation is broken in 3 or 4 battells, so that they can do no more, but are oblidged to take laws from the conqueror, wil it be treason to comply wt the ennemy for life and liberty, and when he is chosen by the country to go and sit in the conquerors judicatories (which priveledge _ex gratiâ_ he grants them), to sie the affairs of the Kingdom regulate, and sie to what wil be best for the good of the country. They persuade themselfes that all wil say this is no treason. Then subsume they, but such was Argiles compliance; ergo, for treasonable compliance he could not be put to death because not guilty of it.

Then ye have a vindication of Mr. James Guthry,[369] execute 1 of June 1661, from the crimes layd to his charge wheirupon his sentence was founded. They say the crime was that some 10 years before, being challenged by the King for somthing spok over the pulpit, he declined his cognizance as a incompetent judge in ecclesiastical spiritual matters, which declinaturs be a act of Parliament, anno 1584, are discharged under the pain of hy treason; but this they contend was afterwards abrogated, so that they conclud him to have died a martyr for the truth against Erastian abomination.

[369] Covenanting minister (? 1612-1661).

In the 6 section ye have the zeal of that minister, who upon the Parliaments casting of the Covenant, pulling out a six pence, took instruments in the hands of the peaple and protested against all courses or acts in preiudice of the Covenant, for which he was banished. None of the banisht ministers could ever obtain a extrait of their sentence, which is a thing no judicatory ever refused. Nixt, because they could not banish them furder then from Scotland, they forged a bond to which they compelled the ministers to subscryve, wheirin they promised not to be found wtin any of his maiesties dominions under the pain of death; which they call cruel and unreasonable.

Voetius they commend and cite often. Sharpe they call a betrayer of his bretheren, and a most unnatural sone of his mother church. Then the reasons whence they refuse to go to the prælats courts are rendred; whey they refuse collation and presentation of them, which they exclaime against as popish, foisting in its steed the peaples frie election.

In France they know not moor foul. They have 2 sorts of excellent partridges. That we call the Lampre elle, wt us esteemed almost poison, wt them called la Lamprey, is a great delicacy. They are wery big.

Follows some riddles.

* * * * * [370]

[370] Eight lines are omitted, containing four riddles with _double
entendres_ which are grossly indecent without being witty.

Sequitur Ænigmaticum quoddam epitaphium Bononia studiorum ante multa sæcula marmoreo lapidi insculptum: Ælia Lælia crispis, nec vir nec mulier, nec androgyna nec puella, nec juvenis nec anus, nec meretrix nec pudica, sed omnia; sublata neque fame nec ferro nec veneno sed omnibus; nec cælo nec aquis nec terra sed ubiqe iacet. Lucius Agatho Priscus nec maritus nec amator nec necessarius neque moerens, neque gaudens neque flens hanc neque molem nec pyramidem nec sepulchrum sed omnia, scit et nescit quid qui posuerit, hoc est, sepulchrum intus cadaver non habens, hoc est, cadaver sepulchrum extra non habens sed cadaver idem est et sepulchrum sibi.

Bacon has write Apothegmes new and old, a litle book.

A English curate said their was 3 things that annoyed man, and they began all wt a double w, win, women, and tobacco, but whow does tobacco begin wt a w, wil ye say: tobacco is nothing but a weed, which word begins wt a w.

Another having read his text, sayd he had 3 things to tell them, the first thing he know and they know it not, and this was that under his gown he had a pair of ragged breitches; the 2d thing they know and he know it not, and this was, whither they would give him new ones or no; the thrid thing nether of us knows, and that is the true meaning of thir words: and thus out of the pulpit he went.

Repasse Dom Alvare, repasse bien cxactement en ta memoire tous ces que tes yeux t'out fait voir de beau depuis que la suit de l'age les a rendus capables de faire une juste discernement des belles et de laides choses, et apres cette soigneuse recherche ne seras tu pas obliger de prononcer en faveur D'Aminte, et d'auoüer ingenument quelle est sans contredit la plus aimable et la plus accomplie personne que Nature ait jamais fait. Quelle grace n'a tu pas remarquée au ton de sa voix comme en ses paroles et ses beaux yeux; n'out ils pas beaucoup plus parlé que sa belle bouche? O qu'ils sont eloquens ces beaux yeux! qu'ils sont doux! qu'il sont pourtant imperieux, qu'ils ont de charmes et de Maiesté! qu'ils ont de charmes et de Maieste? qu'ils ont de feu! qu'ils ont de lumiere! et que leur eclat est brillant et dangereux!

Vous dites tants de choses agreables que vous me fait venir l'eau a la bouche. Dissimulez aussi bien que vous voulez la mesche est deia eventée.

Il n'y a gueres de fumée sans feu, iamais escritoire ne fut bonne espee, il vaut mieux tard que iamais. Il ne faut pas lire beaucoup, c'est a dire, il faut faire choiz des Auteurs et se les rendre familier. L'Histoire a bon droit est appelle le tesmoin des temps, le flambeau de la verité, la vie de la memoire, et la maistresse de la vie. L'occasion fait le Larron; for finding a thing in the way it temptes him to steall, it seing so faire a occasion. Pain coupé n'a point de maistre, whence a man seing bread cut, wheirof no man is as yet in possession, he may freely take hold of it as belonging to none or having no master. Chacune est fol de sa marotte: the crow thinks hir oune bird fairest. Chaque pais chaque coustume. Toutes choses ont leur season, qui premier nait premier paiste. The eldest feids first, insinuating the priveledges of primogeniture, which are great in France as also with us.

Il faut prendre gard (saye the frenchman) d'une qui pro quo d'une Apotiquaire (as when in mistake he takes one pig[371] for another, or out of ignorance gives a binding thing for a laxative) d'une et caetera d'un Notaire (by which is taxed the knaveries of that calling), d'une dewant une femme, d'une derriere une mule, et d'un Moin de tout costes: thats to say, diligently. Of the man that undertakes the voyag to Rome, because of the great corruptions their, of which few can keip themselfes frie, the Frenchman sayes: Jamais bon cheval ni meschant homme ne s'amendist pour aller a Rome. When they would taxe on for being much given to lying, they say, Il est un menteur comme un arracheur de dents; for the tooth-drawers wil promise that they sall not so much as touch them almost, that they sal find no peine, when in the interim the peine wil be very sensible. Of one much given to study, they say, Il estudie tant que les rats scauroient manger ses oreilles. Who can approach such a glorious sun wtout being dazeled.

[371] Earthenware vessel.

The French are generally wery timorous on Sea, whereon he sayes, Je n'aime pas passer la ou le cheure[372] ne scauroit fermer ses pieds, hold its feet. The frenchman sayes that he hath heard qu'une grande riviere et un grand seigneur sont mauvais voisins. Vous serez bien venu comme une singe, mais point comme une renard. Chou pour chou, craft for craft. Patience abusé se tourne en fureur. Laughter compelled and bitter, as the Latins calles it, Risus sardonius, so the French sayes; Le ris d'hosteliers qui ne passe point le noeud de la gorge, because that hoasts and others of sick like stuffe laught ordainarly to please their ghests wt out any true affection to laught. The occasion of the Latin, Risus sardonius, as Erasmus explaines, is because of a Herbe called in Latin, Apium Risus, in French, Herbe de Sardagne, because it growes in great abondance in Sardinia, which no sooner eaten but it looseth and disiointeth al the nerves, so that the mouth falls wide open iust as give they ware laughting; yea in this posture they die. Thus the commentator on Du Bartas weeks, que dit un peuple dit un fol, who sayes a multitude sayes a fool. C'est tousiours plus mal-aisé de faire mal que bien, its easier to do a thing the right way then the wrong, as in opening a door. Il n'y a marchand qui gaigne tousjours. _Nemo ubique potest foelici_,[373] etc., its a good roost that drapes aye.[374] Of him that out of scarcity tauntes his neihbour wt the same scorne wt which he scorned him, the Frenchman sayes, il ne vaut rien pour prendre la bal a la seconde enleuement, at the 2d stot. He is a man of a 1000 crounes a year, l'un important l'autre, on way or other; its used also in drinking healths. Of a modest, learned young man, _cui contigit ante diem virtus_, they say, qu'il demente son menton, he belyes his chin. If one would know another weill he most try him and sus et sous la peau trinque [land][375] hachis hach, old French words used by Du Bartas. If ye demand him for a thing he hath eaten, he'el tel you, il est passé par la ville d'Angoulesme. Of a man that hath not spirit, they say, il est ni chair ni poisson; l'on moque de cela a la cour. Entre nous autres Gentils-hommes il n'y a point de bourgois, as give ye would say, among 10 whites their is not a black.

[372] Chèvre, goat.

[373] For _felici_.

[374] Ferguson's _Scottish Proverbs_, p. 21: It's a good goose
that draps ay.

[375] Interlined.

They put a gentleman and burgoise as opposites; he cannot be a gentleman if a burgoise; but he may become on and then he ceaseth to be a burgoise. I urged whither or no a gentlemans sone by becoming a burgoise was not stil gentleman; they sayd not, for by becoming bourgoise (he is called Roturier) he seimes to renounce his right of gentleman. Throw Germany they are thought so incompatible, that if a man can deduce himselfe, tho never so far fetcht, from gentlemen, he, tho he have no means and be like to starve, he wil not turne marchand or any other trade.

Une harangue de Gascoigne is on courte et mauvaise, tho they have not the tongue and cannot manage it weil, yet they have ever manadged the sword weill, being brave sogers, and consequently horrid Rodomontades and boasters. Du Bartas tho was a Gascoin.

They call a brothers sone in France neveu; our sones sone petit fils. A barren women in France they call very disdainfully une mulet: thus they termed Marguerit, King of Spaines daughter, Emperor Charles the 5 neice, Henry the 4ts queen, for a tyme, who cucolded him.

We most never forget the 2 catalogues which served Pighoog[376] of so great use, on of all the fathers, the other of all the Haeresies; also the dron[377] and false Latin we fand in the Corpus Glossatum, Domine tanta, etc.; as also our rowing at the boat, Pighogs ...[378] and Piters falling on his back, his perruvick coming of; also our sports that night we studied the stars wt Mr. James, his griveous hat, and James of a low stature and William Ker had almost lost his hat, wt many others to be recalled to memory.

[376] A nickname for somebody, perhaps a tutor or schoolmaster.

[377] Have not found this word.

[378] Three or four words erased.

If we be demanded at any tyme to sing a song we may begin...[379] we would look to the company. If they be speaking of any song, we may say we have heard it song sweitly wt 3, 2 of them harkening and the 3d not opening his mouth. If we fall to be demanded to tell a story we may begin ...[380] that of him that called himselfe ...[381] If they be talking of wonders, we may say that their was a stone at Poictiers, which at every twelve howers it hard whirled about thrice. Also when togither wt any commorads and fall to in merrinesse to dance, at any pas in mockery we may say it was worth a 100 crouns.

[379] Nearly a line erased.

[380] Three or four words erased.

[381] Two words erased.

They have 3 proverbs in France: 1, save a thief from the gallowes and he'el be the readiest man to help you to it; 2, never commit your secrets to a woman, as to your wife; and 3d, a man sould not bourd[382] wt his masters.

[382] Jest familiarly.

One example sal verify all 3. In the tyme of Charles the great their was on that had a great wogue of learning and wisdome, to which man the King concredited his sone the Prince. One of the Princes attendants was taken in a roobery and condemned to the gibbet: the Prince and his master begged his life, and so saved him. To try the 2d byword, the master took his pupill the Prince to the Soan to bath, having bathed, he put him wtin a mil wt strait orders not to stir from that til he called for him. He comes home to his wife wt a feigned heady countenance, telling her wt a great deal of protestations for secrecy, that as he was causing the young Prince for his healths sake bath, he was perished. Tomorrow he pickt a litle quarrel wt his wife, before some company: she being angry wt him cost up the secret to him, so that it was immediatly conveyed to the Kings ears, who in a fury ordained that he sould be broken on the wheel. The usual executioners could not be found; yea, no other body that would supply his place, so generally was the man reverenced be all. The King enraged, offers 50 pistols to him that wil do the turne. None yet presents themselfes save only the theif he had saved from the gallowes. The childs gowernour having tried all that he desired, demanded licence to go bring the Prince safe, which he did to the admiration, wonder and gladness of all.

He fand it was not good to play wt his superiors, as also he did who once taking of Charles the 9 beard in France took the boldnesse to sie that the Kings throat was in his reverence, was hanged immediatly, the King saying that his throat sould never be in his reverence againe. Also that nobleman who getting the King wtin that great cage that's to be sein at Chinon yet, in sporting said that he had the King at his reverence; its true, quoth the King, but let me out. He was no sooner out but he caused him be shut up in the cage, and suffered him to dy their for hunger wtout mercy. The story of K. James his fool may werify this same truth.

The French sayes, _il n'est pas tant la qualité que la quantité de quelque chose qui fait mal_. Is it possible that the sun hath halfed his privilegde wt you; that as he communicated heatte to the inferior bodies wtout enioying any in his oune sphaere, so also can you ...[383] not heats but dazeles and mortally wounds all that approach you wtout being in the least touched yourselfe; no, pardon me, if I cannot beleive it.

[383] Word erased.

If I be spaired what sort of folks the French are, we may reply they are folk wt noses on their faces, and that like St. Paul never speaks but they open their mouth. Rapier and Miton[384] are French words.

[384] _Mitten_. The French word has also other meanings.

They have many othes in France. Jesus, Maria, and Nostre Dame are lawful oaths used by the Churchmen themselfes. Jarne[385] Diable is also lawful, as the Cordelier sayd in his preaching, Jarne Mahomet most also be lawful. They have a numbre of horrid ones, as ventre Dieu, teste Dieu, mort Dieu, ou mort blew Jarnec Dieu; cap de bious, a Gascoin oath, and verté chou, a great oath assuredly.

[385] Corruption of _je renie_.

Qui a bon voisin a bon mastin, he is as steadable to him as a good mastive. Charité bien reiglée commence a soy mesme. To the same purpose, le peau est nous plus cher que la chemise. Le chat aime le poisson bien, mais elle n'aime pas de mouiller ses pates. Ce qui vien de la fluste s'en retourne au son du tambour, Il woon soon spent; goods lightly gotten lightly slipes away. When ye would say that he knows not weil sick a man, vous n'avez iamais mangé un minot[386] de sel avec lui. Dite moy quelle companie vous avez frequenté, et ie vous diray vos moeurs.

[386] A measure containing half a mine, equal to thirty-nine litres.

A northern minister preaching on that, Esau sold to his brother Jacob his birthright for a morsel of pottage: base man that he was, quoth he, the belligod loune, sel his birth-right for a cog of pottage, what would he have done if it had bein a better dish.

They alleadge that a Frenchman sould have sayd, that if our Saviour had a brother, the greatest honor he could put upon him would be to make him King of France.

Anthoine le Bourbon, 1 protestant of the Kings of Navarre, having got a Capycin and a Minister together, he would have them dispute before him. The Minister began on the point of the crosse. Theirs a tree, sayd he, of the one halfe of it ye make a crosse which ye vorship, of the other halfe ye make a gallows to hang up a theif on. Whey carry ye respect for that peice ye make a crosse of, and no for that ye make the gibet of, since they are both of on matter? The Capycin seimed to be wery much pusled wt this. After a little pause he demands the Minister if he was married. Yes, that I am, what of it? quoth the M. Whow comes it to passe then, quoth the Capycin, that ye kisse your wifs mouth and not hir arse, whey have ye more respect for hir mouth then hir arse, since they are both of on mater? The Minister thought himselfe out; yea, King Anthony thought shame of him.

Their was a minister of Fyfe of the name of Bruce that had a great gade[387] of ending promiscuosly his sermons, as, for example, he was telling on a tyme how the Beaver, being purshued hotly by the hunters, used to bit of his stones, the silly fellow, forgetting what he had to sy more, added, to which end, good God, bring us, as if he had sayd to bit of our stoons. He closed in that same sort once whow Judas hanged himselfe. Once as he was exhorting the peaple to beware of the Devil, who was a roaring and ramping lyon, etc., he added, to whom wt the father and the holy ghost be all honnor and glory for now and ever, amen.

[387] Probably for 'gait,' way.

One being asked whence came the antipathy that we find betuixt some beasts, as the dog and the hare, the Lizard (Ichneumon) and the crocodile, the sheip and the wolfe, and he replyed that it began wt the flood of Noah when they ware all in Ark together, that then the hare stol the dogs shoe from him, and that theirfor the dog ever when he sies him since runs efter him to get his shoe again.

The Mythologists gives 2 reasons whey they[388] bloody bat flies under night, and compairs not on the day: the first is because of his defections from the birds when they ware in war wt the beasts; the 2d because beginning to marchandise he played banque route, whence he dare never be sein in the day for fear that his creditors take him wt caption.

[388] Perhaps 'the.' The 'y' is indistinct, as if it was intended to be
erased.

This minds me of on at Edenborough, who being drouned in debt durst never pipe[389] out in the day light, but always under night. On a tyme coming by the fleschstocks of the Landmarket, a cleak[390] claughts a grip of his cloak, and holds him. He immediatly apprehending that it was some sergent or messenger that was arresting him, he cryes back as pittyfully, at whose instance, Sir; at whose, etc.

[389] Peep.

[390] Hook.

A Minister of Bamf (as Mr. Mowat when I was at dinner once their reported it), being to give the communion, he had caused buy as much win as would serve for his parishioners. Whil the cup is going about, it falls to be ful on a strong, sturdy cloun that used not to drink win oft, and who was wery thristy; he gets the cup to his head; he never rested tel he had whistled it over. On of the Elders, seing what he had done, in a great anger cryes out, even the devil go doune wt it, for that might have geined[391] a dozen.

[391] Gein or gane, sufficed for.

Its reported of Gustavus Adolphus that he was used to say, that for ennemies he had to do wt a fool (which was Valstein, Duc of Fritland, one of the Imperialists generals, a cruell man and a foolish man, he thought to make himself Emperor; wheirupon at the Emperors instigation he was slain by our countrymen Leslie and Gordon: Butler would not do it), wt a soger (which was Pappenheim, a brave souldier, slain in that same battell of Lutzen that Gustavus was slain in), and a preist; which was Tilly who never wanted his chappelets of his arme, never missed a Messe, and boasted he never know a women.

Many a brave Scotsman served in thesse wars of Germany (we most remember what he did to that tyran the Duc of Cleves), amongst others on Colonel Edmond,[392] a baxters sone of Stirleving.

[392] Colonel Sir William Edmond. See _Scots Brigade in Holland_
(S.H.S.), vol. i. p. 577, where it appears that his father was a
baker in Edinburgh. Colonel Edmond died in 1606.

The Bischop of Munster, a merry man, wil cry whiles, _donnez moy trois grande verres de vin_, then, _c'est a la santé des mes trois Charles et Charles Seconds: Charles 2d D'Angleterre, Charles 2d D'Espaigne, et Charles 2d_ [sic] _de Suede_: this is wery remarkable.

Philip, the 2d, Charles the Emperors son, had also a Charles, Prince of Spain, whom most barbarously he caused strangle, as Peter Mathieu reports it, tho Strada would dissemble it.

We had several marks of the Spanish gravity in this Prince. When the news was told him of the great victory of Lepanto, woon over the Turks by his natural brother, Dom John of Austria (the way whow they made D. Jean know his quality is worth the knowing), generalissimo of the Christian forces, he would not appear to be moved wt the least joy, al he sayd was, _Dom Juan a beaucoup hazardé_. When the news was told him of the dissipation of his invincible Armado, commanded by the Duc of Medine Sidonia, he would not seim to be troubled wt it, all he sayd was, _j'ay envoyé une flote pour combattre des hommes non pas les vagues et les vents_.

They reporte of the Queen of Suede when she was in France that she was wery curious to sie all the [brave][393] great men of the court, and amongs others to sy Mr. le Prince[394] who hes no great mine[395] to look to. On a tyme entering unto the roome wheir she was, some told her it was Mons'r le Prince. She, having contemplated him disdainfully, cryes out, _Esque la le prince de qui l'on parle tant_: he gied[396] his hat a litle, and payed hir wery weil back in her oune coin, _es que la la Reyne qui faict tant parler d'elle_.

[393] Interlined.

[394] Condé.

[395] Mein.

[396] Turned, cocked.

The young Daufin of France, tho not yet 5 years old, gives great hopes of proving a brave man. As the King was removing from St. Germains to go to Fontainebleau, and they had taken doune the plenishing to carry and put up their, as the Daufin is coming thorough the roomes he begines to misse their hingers,[397] he spears what was come to them; they told him they ware carried to F'bleau. Hes not F'bleau, quoth he, furniture for it selfe of its oune; they replying no, _cela est vilain, cela est honteux, dit-il_. His answer was told to the King: he did laught and say, _il a raison, il a raison_.

[397] Hangings, tapestry.

They prove that a woman hes not a soul out of that of the 22 of Genesis, And all the souls of Abrahams house ware circumcised, but so be its certain the women ware not circumcised; ergo, they have not souls.

Mr. Thomas Courty, preaching on that, be ye followers of Christ, sayd their was 4 sort of followers of Christ, the first was them that did not follow him at all, the 2 them that ran before him, the 3d sort of followers was them that went cheeky for chow wt him, the 4 was them that ware indeed behind him, but so far that they never could gett their eye on him.

King James gave one of his daughters to the Count Palatin of the Rhin, Frederic, who was afterward chosen King of Bohemia in 1619, the States having declaired the nomination of the Archiduc Ferdinand afterwards Emperor nulle. This election was the occasion of thesse bloudy wars that troubled poor Germany from 19 to 48 wherin the peace of Munster was concluded. The Elector sent to King James desyring his assistance, who refused it (against his interest), wt this answer, I gave my daughter to the Palatin on the Rhin, not to the King of Bohemia. The Elector hearing this replyed, a man that marries the King of Englands daughter whey may not he be King of Bohemia.

A Frenchman told me that he beleived when the devil tempted our Saviour to worship him by showing him al the Kingdomes of the earth and the glory of the samen, that the devil did put his meikle thomb upon Scotland to hide it from our Saviour for fear that having seen it sick a montanous, barren, scurvey country, he sould have conceaved a disgoust at all the rest.[398]

[398] Montereul tells the same story. See his _Correspondence_
(S.H.S.), vol. ii. p. 513.

[What follows is written at the end of book, and written the reverse way to the rest of the MS., the two writings meeting on the same page.]

From Monsieur Kinloch, I have receaved first 100 livres at Paris; a bil for 150 at Orleans, another for 42; as also a third for 100 payed me by one Mr. Boyetet, marchand their. At Poietiers I have drawen on Francis for a 100 livres, of which I have receaved payment heir from Mr. Augier, marchand. I drow again for 200, out of which I have payed Mr. Alex'r 155 francks, whence their rests me about 46. In February 1666 I drow for 300f., out of which I payed 180 francks to my hoast; I lent 3 pistols to Mr. Alexandre, a escu to Mr. Grahme.

* * * * *

Claudes answer to the perpetuité of the faith 45_f_.,[399] Du Meulins Bouelier 30_f_., Hallicarnasseus 10 _f_., Hypocrates 5_f_. les Remarques du Droict Francois une escus, Fornery Selectionum llibri duo 6_f_., les bouffoneries des Guicciardin les lois usitees dans les cours des France de Buguion[400] acheptées dans le cemetiere des SSts Innocents. L'istoire universelle de Turcelin en 3 tomes 3_ll_., Le Parfaict Capitaine 20_f_., les oeuvres de Rabelais en deux tomes 1_l_.

[399] f stands for sou; _l_ for livre.

[400] Buguion, for Bourguignon.

* * * * *

In my voyage of Flanders I changed 2 Jacobuses and a carolus, amonting to some 30_ll_. To my hoste of Anvers, when I was going to Gand for 2 dayes and a night 6_11_. 5_f_., to the cocher for Gand 48_f_., for my diner by the way 9_f_. At Gand for going up on the belfroy 9_f_., to my hoste at the Cerf 4_ll_. 8_f_., for my place in the waggon coming back 42_f_., for diner wt that Suisse of Zurick 24_f_., to my hoste of Antwerp for a night 26_f_., for my place in the coach for Mardick 3_ll_., for my diner on the way 12_f_., for my supper 14_f_., to the master of the bark for Rotterdam 30_f_., for entry 6_f_., at the ...[401] house 7_ll_., for washing 12_f_.

[401] A word here is illegible. The last part of it seems to be kerers.

In Gold I have at present, 21 December 1665, 8 14 pound peices, 14 Caroluses, 10 of whilk I got from my father before my parting from Scotland, the other 4 remaines of 8 I exchanged wt Mony at London, besydes thir I have 3 other peices, which seime to be 10 schiling peices, wt 2 other lesser ones. I have a ring wt a 4 mark peice and a ii schilling peice. On of the 14 Caroluses is in 2 10 shiling sterling peices. I have but 13 Caroluses now. I changed on of them coming wt the messenger from Poictiers. In my voyage thorow Flanders for Holland, I spent 2 Jacobuses, so that I have no mo but 6 and a Carolus, so that I have no mo but 12; the Carolus at 10_ll_. 10_f_., the one Jacobus at Gand at 11_ll_. 10_f_., the other at Antwerp at 13_ll_.[402]

[402] Half a page blank in MS.

A breife account of my expenses from my taking horse at Edenborough, 20
of March til this present 11 of May 1665, according to the Scots
account, and also after.

First before my parture I got from my Father in Gold 10 Caroluses, or 20 shiling peices, 8 Jacobuses,[403] or 14 pound peices, wt 2 5 shil. peices, and as many 10. In money[404] I got first 50 shilings, then 60 halfe crounes, thats 30 crounes; and last I had my horse price, for which I got 5 pound and a croune to lift at London. Of my gold I spended none til I was in France, whence their remained only the silver mentioned to spend. Of this our journey to London spent 50 shilings, including also the 5 shilings I payed ut for the baggadge horse at Durham. At London of the silver resting, to wit, the 31 crounes and 5 pound sterl. I payed 9 pound of silver for 8 caroluses, whence they had 7 groats[405] of gain for every peice. This consumed the 30 crounes, a pound sterling and 2 crounes out of the horses price; so that for defraying my charges from my first arrival at London, on Saturday, April 1, til monday com 8 dayes, April 10, compleit 10 dayes, I had only the remaining mony wt in 4 pounds. Of which 20 shilings by that halfe day of posting to Dover was exhausted, comprehending also our expense for our meat, and in paying the postilion, for betuixt Gravesend and Rochester burn we payed halfe a croune; from it to Seaton, 14 miles (the former stage being but 7), 4 shillings; from it to Canterbury, 16 miles, 5 shilings; from Canterbury to Dover, 16 miles, 5 shillings: their was 17 of the 20 shil. At Dover, as dues we payed 4 shillings to that knave Tours; our supper at one Buchans was halfe a croune; our fraught throw the channell was a croune, and to the boat that landed us a shiling.

[403] See Introduction, p. xliii.

[404] i.e. smaller coin than gold; Fr. monnaie. The half-crown, 30s.
Scots, 2s. 6d. sterling, was coined by James VI.

[405] Groat (English), value 4d. No groat Scots had been struck since
1527, value l8d. Scots, or ijd.

We landed at Calice on the Saturday morning, and stayed their til the Monday afternoone, spending much mony; so that from my arrival to London and my joining wit the messenger for Paris I spent 3 pound 10 shillings. Thus is all my silver, so that now I have my recourse to my gold, out of which I pay the messenger 40 livres to carry me to Paris, giving him 3 Caroluses, which according to the French rate roade 41 livres, 10 souse, whence 1 got 30 souse againe.[406] At Paris I changed [on]e carolus to pay Mr. Strachan and Mr. Hamilton, who on the rode in France had payed for me, as in the drink money, and in paying the messenger halfe a croune.

[406] There seems to be a mistake here. Three Caroluses (20-shilling
pieces) would be worth at their nominal value only 36 livres. But
in France they did not fetch so much in exchange. If they were
worth each 10_ll_. 10s., as the one he exchanged in Flanders (see
p. 148), 30 livres to the messenger instead of 40 would make the
calculation right.

Thir ware all my expenses till I was answered of mony be Francis Kinloch, so that I find all my expenses betuixt Edinborough and Paris, wheir I arrived the 14 of April, to amount to 10 pound sterling give I count the peice I changed at Paris, to 9 only give I exclud it.

All this being spent, on my demand F. advanced me 30 livres, 14 of which was spent on these books I bought at Paris, wheirof I have set doune the cataloge; 50 souse for a pair of halfe stockings; for a stamp, a comb, for helping[407] my whip and my pantons[408] I payed 10 souse; for a pair of gloves 18 souse; for vashing my cloaths 15 souse; a croune and a halfe among Mr. Kinloch's servants: theirs ane account of 23 livres out the 30. For the 7 other I can give no particular account, only it might be spent when I went in wt commorads, as when we went to drinke Limonade and Tissin, etc. At my parting from Francis I got 70 livres, which wt the former 30 makes a 100 livres. Of thir 70, 16 I payed to the messenger for Orleans, 4 livres baiting a groat for the carriadge of my valize and box, which weighted 39 pound weight, and for each pound I payed 2 souse. About a livre I spent in drinkmony by the way; another I gave to the messenger. Heir of my 70 livres are 22 gone.

[407] Mending.

[408] Slippers.

Thus I won to Orleans. The fellow that carries my valize to Mr. Ogilvies gets 10 souse; at a breakfast wt Patrick Portues I was 30 souse. For books from my coming to Orleans til this present day, 11 of May, according to the Scots account, I have payed 8 livres; for seing a comedy 10 souse; for to helpe my hand in writting a croune; for dancing a croune in hand, the other at the moneths end; for to learn me the language I gave 2 crounes. To the maister of the law Im to give 11 livres 8 souse; for a supper wheir Mr. Ogilvy payed out for us 3 livres. This being all ramasht[409] togither it comes to 62 livres, so that of the 70 only 8 are left. Out of thes 8 I payed 4 livres 10 souse for a pair of clesps, whence rests only 3 livres 10 souse. I pay 24 souse for one vashing of my linnens, and 20 souse at a four hours wt James Hunter. Thus ye have ane account of all 100 livres I got from F. Kinloch til 26 souse. Ut of the mony mentioned I payed also 3 livres 5 souse for a pair of shoes.

[409] Ramashed, ramassé.

About a moneth after I had bein in Orleans Francis sent me a bill for a hundred and 50 livres on on Boyetet, marchand their. Out of whilk I immediatly payed Mr. Ogilvy for the moneths pension bypast 55 livres; for to teach me the language for the moneth to come 6 livres; for 2 washings of my linnens 40 souse, so that out of my 150 livres are 63 gone, whence remains 87 only.

Francis, at Mr. Ogilvyes order, payed at Paris 42 livres. which Mr. Ogilvy was to refound to me: this sal pass as part of payment in the 2d moneths pension. Out of the 87 remaining I have to pay Mr. Le Berche a pistoll; Mr. Schovo 6 livres, whence their are only 70. For a pair of stockings 5 livres; for a wast belt 2 livres; for mending my silk stockings 25 souse, for washing my linnings 17 souse; so that now their remains only 60. Thir 60 livres put wt that 46 livres Francis payed at Paris, and was to be refounded to me, makes 96 livres, which Madam Ogilvyes extravagant compt for my 2d moneth, and my 6 dayes above (being) pension wholly exhausted, for first I payed 85 livres, and then for the drink that I had that night I took my leave of the gentlemen their a pistoll most shamelessly.

This put me to write for a bil of another 100 livres, of whilk I receaved payment, paying out of it againe 30 souse to him that carried me from Orleans to Blois; to my host at Blois I payed 5 livres 10 souse, paying, to wit, for the victualls I took in wt me for the following day; to the fellow that carried from Blois to Saumur, 2 dayes journey, a croune; at Tours I was 36 souse; at Saumur, wheir I was 2 dayes, I was 7 livres 10 souse; to the fellow whose horse I had, and who bore my charges from Saumurs to Poictiers, 17 livres; to him who took us throw Richelieu Castle 20 souse; to the messenger that brought my box a croune; to Madam Garnier for the 8 dayes I was wt hir a pistoll, to hir maid 15 souse; for a pair of linnen socks 18 souse. Thir be all my considerable expenses til this present day, July last: all which ramassed wil amount to 53 livres, but in some places I most have heighted, for give so then I sould have only 47 of my 100 resting, when I have about 50 at present. Out of thir 50 I have payed 12 francks for a Corpus Juris; 4 francks for a Vesenbecius; 20 souse for a litle institutes, which ramassed makes 17 livres, whence their only remaines me 33: out of thir for a supper wt Mr. Alexander and all the rest of our compatriots above 18 livres; whence at this present August 5 rests with me about 14 livers 10 souse. Out of thir I have payed 18 souse for the lean[410] of Romances from Mr. Courtois, as Celie and the sundry parts of Almahide, penned by Scuderie; 50 souse for a pair of showes; 25 souse for our dinner one Sabath communion wt Colinton and Peter Hoome in the fauxbourgs; 8 souse for cutting my head; 5 souse on a pair of carts; about 10 souse on paper and ink; for washing 30 souse; so at this present first of September I have not full 7 livres. I have payed 40 souse or 2 livres for a pair of gallozes;[411] 5 souse for a quartron of peches; 5 souse to Charlotte, whence I have little more then 4 livres; 30 souse at a collation.

[410] Loan.

[411] Braces.

When I was reduced to thir 3 livres, then I was answered of my bill I drow on Francis Kinloch for a 100 livres. Out of which I payed 15 livres for 2 halfe shirtes, but because we had 3 livres of old mony we shall call it only 12; 2 livres for 2 gravates; 60 livres to Mr. Daillié, whence I have about 25 livres. Out of thir 25 I have payed 3 livres to Mr. Rue, wt whom I began to dance, September 10, 1665; 20 souse at the tennis; 5 or 6 for lettres ports; 20 souse for a horse hire; 6 or 7 souse I was put to dispurse that day; 3 livres for washing my linnings; 8 souse sundry wayes; 5 souse on a quartron[412] of dragées[413] or sweityes, which are 20 sos. the livre; 3 souse on a peice stuffe, 2 sousemarkies[414] to Lowise;[415] 5 souse for ports; 8 souse to the Barber; 10 souse for a bottle of win to my C.;[416] 4 francks lost at carts; 34 souse at a collation after supper, when we wan all the fellows oubliés,[417] and made him sing the song; a escus to Mr. Rue; a escus for dressing my cloaths; une escus for wasching; [8 frank 5 souse for my supper the night of St. André; 10 souse wt Mad'm and others at the Croix de Fer].[418] Thus is al that rested me of thesse 200 francks, the first mony I drow at Poictiers gone.

[412] Quarteron, quarter of a livre (pound).

[413] Sugar almonds.

[414] _Sous marqué_. See p. 92, note 1.

[415] _Probably_ a maidservant at M. Daillé's.

[416] 'My C.' has baffled me.

[417] See p. 114, note 6. The meaning here is obscure. I can only
conjecture that the party made a wager of some kind with the
pastrycook's man for his cakes. See p. 114, Note 6.

[418] Erased in MS., but legible.