Chapter IV: His Weariness (1)

_To Laud, Aug. 17, 1636, from Gawthorp._ Knowler, vol. ii., p. 26.

I am gotten hither to a poor house I have, having been this last week almost feasted to death at York. In truth for anything I can find they were not ill-pleased to see me. Sure I am it much contented me to be amongst my old acquaintance, which I would not leave for any other affection I have, but to that which I both profess and owe to the person of his sacred majesty. Lord! with what quietness in myself could I live here, in comparison of that noise and labour I meet with elsewhere; and, I protest, put up more crowns in my purse at the year's end too. But we'll let that pass. For I am not like to enjoy that blessed condition upon earth. And therefore my resolution is set to endure and struggle with it so long as this crazy body will bear it; and finally drop into the silent grave, where both all these (which I now could, as I think, innocently delight myself in) and myself are to be forgotten: and fare them well.

LAUD TO WENTWORTH (1633).

=Source.=--_Works of William Laud, D.D._ Vol. vi., pp. 310-312. Parker, Oxford, 1857.

MY VERY GOOD LORD,

I heartily thank your Lordship for all your love, and for the joy you are pleased both to conceive and express for my translation to Canterbury; for I conceive all your expressions to me are very hearty, and such I have hitherto found them. And now, since I am there, (for my translation is to be on Thursday, Sept. 19th,) I must desire your Lordship not to expect more at my hands than I shall be able to perform, either in Church or State; and this suit of mine hath a great deal of reason in it; for you write, that ordinary things are far beneath that which you cannot choose but promise yourself of me in both respects. But, my Lord, to speak freely, you may easily promise more in either kind than I can perform. For, as for the Church, it is so bound up in the forms of the common law, that it is not possible for me, or for any man, to do that good which he would, or is bound to do. For your Lordship sees, no man clearer, that they which have gotten so much power in and over the Church, will not let go their hold; they have, indeed, fangs with a witness, whatsoever I was once said in passion to have. And for the State, indeed, my Lord, I am for _Thorough_, but I see that both thick and thin stays somebody, where I conceive it should not; and it is impossible for me to go through alone. Besides, private ends are such blocks in the public way, and lie so thick, that you may promise what you will, and I must perform what I can, and no more.

Next, my Lord, I thank you heartily for your kind wishes to me, that God would send me many and happy days where I now am to be. Amen. I can do little for myself, if I cannot say so; but truly, my Lord, I look for neither: not for many, for I am in years, and have had a troublesome life; not for happy, because I have no hope to do the good I desire; and, besides, I doubt I shall never be able to hold my health there one year; for instead of all the jolting which I had over the stones between London House and Whitehall, which was almost daily, I shall have now no exercise, but slide over in a barge to the Court and Star Chamber; and in truth, my Lord, I speak seriously, I have had a heaviness hang upon me ever since I was nominated to this place, and I can give myself no account of it, unless it proceed from an apprehension that there is more expected from me than the craziness of these times will give me leave to do.

* * * * *

Now, my Lord, why may you not write, as whilom you did to the Bishop of London? The man is the same, and the same to you; but I see you stay for better acquaintance, and till then you will keep distance. I perceive, also, my predecessor's awe is upon you, but I doubt I shall never hold it long; and I was about to swear by my troth, as you do, but I remember oaths heretofore were wont to pass under the Privy Seal, and not the Ordinary Seal of letters. Well, wiser or not, you must take that as you find it; but I will not write any long letters and leave out my mirth, it is one of the recreations I have always used with my friends, and 'tis hard leaving an old custom, neither do I purpose to do it; though I mean to make choice of my friends, to whom I will use it. For proof of this, I here send your Lordship some sermon notes which I have received from Cambridge; and, certainly, if this be your method there, you ride as much aside as ever Croxton did towards Ireland. I wish your Lordship all health and happiness, and so leave you to the grace of God, ever resting

Your Lordship's very loving poor Servant,
W. CANT. ELECT.

FULHAM,
_Sept. 9th, 1633_.

SHIP MONEY. THE KING'S CASE LAID BEFORE THE JUDGES, WITH THEIR ANSWER (1637).

=Source.--Rushworth.= Vol. ii., p. 355.

CAROLUS REX,

When the good and safety of the kingdom in general is concerned, and the whole kingdom in danger, whether may not the King, by writ under the Great Seal of England, command all the subjects of our kingdom at their charge to provide and furnish such a number of ships, with men, victuals, and munition, and for such time as we shall think fit for the defence and safeguard of the kingdom from such danger and peril, and by law compel the doing thereof, in case of refusal or refractoriness: and whether in such a case is not the King the sole judge both of the danger, and when and how the same is to be prevented and avoided?

MAY IT PLEASE YOUR MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY,

We have, according to your Majesty's command, every man by himself, and all of us together, taken into serious consideration the case and question signed by your Majesty, and inclosed in your royal letter; and we are of opinion, that when the good and safety of the kingdom in general is concerned, and the kingdom in danger, your Majesty may, by writ under the Great Seal of England, command all your subjects of this your kingdom, at their charge to provide and furnish such a number of ships, with men, victuals, and munition, and for such time as your Majesty shall think fit for the defence and safeguard of this kingdom from such danger and peril: and that by law your Majesty may compel the doing thereof in case of refusal or refractoriness: and we are also of opinion, that in such case your Majesty is the sole judge both of the danger, and when and how the same is to be prevented and avoided.

[Signed by twelve Judges.]

LILBURNE'S PUNISHMENT (1638).

=Source.=--Rushworth. Vol. ii., p. 466.

ORDER OF THE STAR CHAMBER, APRIL 8, 1638.

Whereas _John Lilburne_, Prisoner in the _Fleet_, by Sentence in _Star Chamber_, did this day suffer condign Punishment for his several offences, by whipping at a Cart, and standing in the _Pillory_, and (as their Lordships were this day informed) during the time that his Body was under the said Execution, audaciously and wickedly, not only uttered sundry scandalous and seditious Speeches, but likewise scattered sundry Copies of seditious Books amongst the People that beheld the said Execution, for which very thing, amongst other offences of like nature, he had been Censured in the said Court by the aforesaid Sentence. It was thereupon ordered by their Lordships, that the said _Lilburne_ should be laid alone with Irons on his Hands and Legs in the Wards of the _Fleet_, where the basest and meanest sort of Prisoners are used to be put; and that the Warden of the _Fleet_ take special care to hinder the resort of any Person whatsoever unto him, and particularly that he be not supplied with any Hand, and that he take special notice of all Letters, Writings, and Books brought unto him, and seize and deliver the same unto their Lordships. And take notice from time to time who they be that resort to the said Prison to visit the said _Lilburne_, and to speak with him, and inform the Board....

THE BILL OF ATTAINDER AGAINST STRAFFORD (1641).

=Source.=--_Harleian Miscellany._ Vol. iv., p. 527.

Whereas the Knights, Citizens and Burgesses of the House of Commons in this present Parliament assembled, have, in the name of themselves, and all the Commons of England, impeached Thomas Earl of Strafford of high treason, for endeavouring to subvert the ancient and fundamental laws and government of his Majesty's realms of England and Ireland, and to introduce an arbitrary and tyrannical government against law in the said kingdoms; and for exercising a tyrannous and exorbitant power over and against the laws of the said kingdoms, over the liberties, estates and lives of his majesty's subjects; and likewise for having, by his own authority, commanded the laying and assessing of soldiers upon his Majesty's subjects in Ireland against their consents, to compel them to obey his unlawful commands and orders, made upon paper petitions, in causes between party and party, which accordingly was executed upon divers of his Majesty's subjects in a warlike manner within the said realm of Ireland, and in so doing did levy war against the King's majesty and his liege people in that kingdom; and also for that he, upon the unhappy dissolution of the last Parliament, did slander the House of Commons to his Majesty and did counsel and advise his Majesty that he was loose and absolved from rules of government, and that he had an army in Ireland which he might employ to reduce this kingdom; for which he deserves to undergo the pains and forfeitures of high treason.

And the said Earl hath been also an incendiary of the wars between the two kingdoms of England and Scotland, all which offences have been sufficiently proved against the said Earl upon his impeachment.

Be it therefore enacted by the King's most excellent Majesty and by the Lords and Commons in the present Parliament assembled and by authority of the same, that the said Earl of Strafford for the heinous crimes and offences aforesaid, stand and be adjudged and attainted of high treason, and shall suffer the pain of death, and incur the forfeitures of his goods and chattels, lands, tenements, and hereditaments, of any estate of freehold or inheritance in the said kingdoms of England and Ireland which the said Earl, or any other to his use, or in trust for him, have or had, the day of the first sitting of this present parliament or at any time since.

Provided that no judge or judges, justice or justices whatsoever shall adjudge or interpret any act or thing to be treason, nor hear or determine any treason, in any other manner than he or they should or ought to have done before the making of this act, and as if this act had never been had or made.

STRAFFORD'S LAST LETTER TO THE KING (1641).

=Source.=--Rushworth. Vol. iii., p. 251.

MAY IT PLEASE YOUR SACRED MAJESTY,

It hath been my greatest grief, in all these troubles, to be taken as a person which should endeavour to represent and set things amiss between your Majesty and your people; and to give counsels tending to the disquiet of the three kingdoms.

Most true it is, that this (mine own private condition considered,) had been a great madness; since, through your gracious favour I was so provided, as not to expect, in any kind, to mind my fortune or please my mind more, than by resting where your bounteous hands had placed me.

Nay, it is most mightily mistaken. For unto your majesty it is well known, my poor and humble advice concluded still in this, that your majesty and your people could never be happy till there was a right understanding betwixt you and them; and that no other means were left to effect and settle this happiness but by the counsel and assent of your parliament; or to prevent the growing evils of this state, but by entirely putting yourself in this last resort upon the loyalty and good affections of your English subjects.

Yet, such is my misfortune, that this truth findeth little credit; yea, the contrary seemeth generally to be believed, and myself reputed as one who endeavoured to make a separation between you and your people. Under a heavier censure than this, I am persuaded, no gentleman can suffer.

Now I understand the minds of men are more and more incensed against me, notwithstanding your Majesty hath declared that in your princely opinion, I am not guilty of treason; nor are you satisfied in your conscience to pass the bill.

This bringeth me in a very great strait: there is before me the ruin of my children and family, hitherto untouched, in all the branches of it, with any foul crime: here are before me the many ills which may befall your sacred person, and the whole kingdom, should yourself and the parliament part less satisfied one with the other than is necessary for the preservation both of king and people: here are before me the things most valued, most feared by mortal men, life and death.

To say, Sir, that there hath not been a strife in me, were to make me less man than (God knoweth) my infirmities make me. And to call a destruction upon myself and young children, where the intentions of my heart, at least, have been innocent of this great offence, may be believed will find no easy consent from flesh and blood.

But, with much sadness, I am come to a resolution of that, which I take to be the best becoming me; and to look upon it as that which is most principal in itself, which, doubtless, is the prosperity of your sacred person, and the commonwealth, things infinitely before any private man's interest.

And therefore, in few words, as I put myself wholly upon the honour and justice of my peers, so clearly, as to wish your majesty might please to have spared that declaration of yours on Saturday last, and entirely to have left me to their lordships; so now, to set your majesty's conscience at liberty, I do most humbly beseech your majesty, for the prevention of evils which may happen by your refusal, to pass this bill, and by this means to remove, (praised be God, I cannot say this accursed, but I confess) this unfortunate thing forth of the way; towards that blessed agreement, which God, I trust, shall ever establish between you and your subjects.

Sir, my consent shall more acquit you herein to God, than all the world can do besides. To a willing man there is no injury done: and as, by God's grace, I forgive all the world with calmness and meekness of infinite contentment to my dislodging soul: so, Sir, to you I can give the life of this world with all the cheerfulness imaginable, in the just acknowledgement of your exceeding favours; and only beg that, in your goodness, you would vouchsafe to cast your gracious regard upon my poor son and his sisters, less or more, and no otherwise than their (in present) unfortunate father may hereafter appear more or less guilty of his death. God long preserve your majesty.

Your majesty's most humble, most faithful subject and servant,

STRAFFORD.

TOWER,
_May 4, 1641._

THE KING'S ANSWER TO THE GRAND REMONSTRANCE (1641).

=Source.=--Rushworth. Vol. iv., p. 452.

We having received from you, soon after our return out of Scotland, a long petition consisting of many desires of great moment, together with a declaration of a very unusual nature annexed thereunto, we had taken some time to consider of it, as befitted us in a matter of that consequence, being confident that your own reason and regard to us, as well as our express intimation by our comptroller, to that purpose, would have restrained you from the publishing of it till such time as you should have received our answer to it; but, much against our expectation, finding the contrary, that the said declaration is already abroad in print, by directions from your House as appears by the printed copy, we must let you know that we are very sensible of the disrespect. Notwithstanding, it is our intention that no failing on your part shall make us fail in ours, of giving all due satisfaction to the desires of our people in a parliamentary way; and therefore we send you this answer to your petition, reserving ourself in point of the declaration which we think unparliamentary, and shall take a course to do that which we shall think fit in prudence and honour.

To the petition, we say that although there are divers things in the preamble of it which we are so far from admitting that we profess we cannot at all understand them, as of "a wicked and malignant party prevalent in the government"; of "some of that party admitted to our Privy Council and to other employments of trust, and nearest to us and our children"; of "endeavours to sow among the people false scandals and imputations, to blemish and disgrace the proceedings of the Parliament"; all, or any of them, did we know of, we should be as ready to remedy and punish as you to complain of, so that the prayers of your petition are grounded upon such premises as we must in no wise admit; yet, notwithstanding, we are pleased to give this answer to you.

To the first, concerning religion, consisting of several branches, we say that, for preserving the peace and safety of this kingdom from the design of the Popish party, we have, and will still, concur with all the just desires of our people in a parliamentary way: that, for the depriving of the Bishops of their votes in Parliament, we should have you consider that their right is grounded upon the fundamental law of the kingdom and constitution of Parliament. This we would have you consider; but since you desire our concurrence herein in a parliamentary way, we will give no further answer at this time.

As for the abridging of the inordinate power of the clergy, we conceive that the taking away of the High Commission Court hath well moderated that; but if there continue any usurpations or excesses in their jurisdictions, we therein neither have nor will protect them.

Unto that clause which concerneth corruptions (as you style them) in religion, in Church government, and in discipline, and the removing of such unnecessary ceremonies as weak consciences might check at: that for any illegal innovations which may have crept in, we shall willingly concur in the removal of them: that, if our Parliament shall advise us to call a national synod, which may duly examine such ceremonies as give just cause of offence to any, we shall take it into consideration, and apply ourself to give due satisfaction therein; but we are very sorry to hear, in such general terms, corruption in religion objected, since we are persuaded in our consciences that no Church can be found upon the earth that professeth the true religion with more purity of doctrine than the Church of England doth, nor where the government and discipline are jointly more beautified and free from superstition, than as they are here established by law, which, by the grace of God, we will with constancy maintain (while we live) in their purity and glory, not only against all invasions of Popery, but also from the irreverence of those many schismatics and separatists, wherewith of late this kingdom and this city abounds, to the great dishonour and hazard both of Church and State, for the suppression of whom we require your timely aid and active assistance.

To the second prayer of the petition, the removal and choice of councillors, we know not any of our Council to whom the character set forth in the petition can belong: that by those whom we had exposed to trial, we have already given you sufficient testimony that there is no man so near unto us in place or affection, whom we will not leave to the justice of the law, if you shall bring a particular charge and sufficient proofs against him; and of this we do again assure you, but in the meantime we wish you to forbear such general aspersions as may reflect upon all our Council, since you name none in particular.

That for the choice of our councillors and ministers of state, it were to debar us that natural liberty all freemen have; and as it is the undoubted right of the Crown of England to call such persons to our secret counsels, to public employment and our particular service as we shall think fit, so we are, and ever shall be, very careful to make election of such persons in those places of trust as shall have given good testimonies of their abilities and integrity, and against whom there can be no just cause of exception whereon reasonably to ground a diffidence; and to choices of this nature, we assure you that the mediation of the nearest unto us hath always concurred.

To the third prayer of your petition concerning Ireland, we understand your desire of not alienating the forfeited lands thereof, to proceed from much care and love, and likewise that it may be a resolution very fit for us to take; but whether it be seasonable to declare resolutions of that nature before the events of a war be seen, that we much doubt of. Howsoever, we cannot but thank you for this care, and your cheerful engagement for the suppression of that rebellion; upon the speedy effecting whereof, the glory of God in the protestant profession, the safety of the British there, our honour, and that of the nation, so much depends; all the interests of this kingdom being so involved in that business, we cannot but quicken your affections therein, and shall desire you to frame your counsels, to give such expedition to the work as the nature thereof and the pressures in point of time require; and whereof you are put in mind by the daily insolence and increase of those rebels.

For conclusion, your promise to apply yourselves to such courses as may support our royal estate with honour and plenty at home, and with power and reputation abroad, is that which we have ever promised ourself, both from your loyalties and affections, and also for what we have already done, and shall daily go adding unto, for the comfort and happiness of our people.

"ROUNDHEADS."

=Source.=--_Memoirs of Colonel Hutchinson._ Ed. Bohn. G. Bell and Son. P. 120.

When puritanism grew into a faction, the zealots distinguished themselves, both men and women, by several affectations of habit, looks, and words, which, had it been a real forsaking of vanity, and an embracing of sobriety in all those things, would have been most commendable; but their quick forsaking of those things, when they had arrived at their object, showed that they either never took them up for conscience, or were corrupted by their prosperity to take up those vain things they durst not practise under persecution. Among other affected habits, few of the puritans, what degree soever they were of, wore their hair long enough to cover their ears, and the ministers and many others cut it close round their heads, with so many little peaks, as was something ridiculous to behold; whereupon Cleaveland, in his Hue and Cry after them, begins,

"With hayre in Characters and Luggs in Text," etc.

From this custom of wearing their hair, that name of roundhead became the scornful term given to the whole parliament party, whose army indeed marched out as if they had been only sent out till their hair was grown. Two or three years after, any stranger that had seen them, would have inquired the reason of that name. It was very ill applied to Mr. Hutchinson, who, having naturally a very fine thickset head of hair, kept it clean and handsome, so that it was a great ornament to him; although the godly of those days, when he embraced their party, would not allow him to be religious because his hair was not in their cut, nor his words in their phrase, nor such little formalities altogether fitted to their humour; who were, many of them, so weak as to esteem such insignificant circumstances, rather than solid wisdom, piety, and courage, which brought real aid and honour to their party. But as Mr. Hutchinson chose not them, but the God they served, and the truth and righteousness they defended, so did not their weaknesses, censures, ingratitude, or discouraging behaviour, with which he was abundantly exercised all his life, make him forsake them in any thing wherein they adhered to just and honourable principles or practices; but when they apostatized from these, none cast them off with greater indignation, how shining soever the profession was that gilt, not a temple of living grace, but a tomb, which only held the carcase of religion.

A NATIONAL FAST (1642).

=Source.=--_Acts and Ordinances of Interregnum._ Ed. by C. H. Firth and R. S. Rait. London: Wyman and Son, 1911. Vol. i., p. 26. September 2.

Whereas the distressed estate of Ireland, steeped in her own blood, and the distracted estate of England, threatened with a cloud of blood by the civil war, call for all possible means to appease and avert the Wrath of God, appearing in these judgments; among which Fasting and Prayer, having been often tried to be very effectual, having been lately and are still enjoined; and whereas public sports do not well agree with public calamities, nor public stage plays with the seasons of humiliation, this being an exercise of sad and pious solemnity, and the other being spectacles of pleasure, too commonly expressing lascivious mirth and levity: it is therefore thought fit and ordained, by the Lords and Commons in this parliament assembled, that while these sad causes and set times of humiliation do continue, public Stage Plays shall cease and be forborn, instead of which are recommended to the people of this land, the profitable and seasonable considerations of repentance, reconciliation and peace with God, which probably may produce outward peace and prosperity, and bring again times of joy and gladness to these nations.

THE GOOD YEOMAN (1642).

=Source.=--_The Holy State_, by Thomas Fuller, 1642. P. 116.

Is a gentleman in ore whom the next age may see refined, and is the wax capable of a gentle impression, when the prince shall stamp it. Wise Solon (who accounted Tellus the Athenian the most happy man for living privately on his own lands) would surely have pronounced the English yeomanry a fortunate condition, living in the temperate zone betwixt greatness and want, an estate of people almost peculiar to England. France and Italy are like a die which hath no points betwixt six and ace, Nobility and Peasantry. Their walls though high must needs be hollow, wanting filling stones. Indeed Germany hath her Boors like our Yeomen, but by a tyrannical appropriation of Nobility to some few ancient families, their yeomen are excluded from ever rising higher to clarify their bloods. In England the Temple of Honour is bolted against none who have passed through the Temple of Virtue, nor is a capacity to be gentle denied to our Yeoman, who thus behaves himself.

He wears Russet clothes but makes golden payment, having tin in his buttons and silver in his pockets. If he chance to appear in clothes above his rank, it is to grace some great man with his service, and then he blusheth at his own bravery. Otherwise he is the surest landmark where foreigners may take aim of the ancient English customs; the Gentry more shooting after foreign fashions.

In his house he is bountiful both to strangers and poor people. Some hold when hospitality died in England, she gave her last groan amongst the yeomen of Kent. And still at our yeoman's table you shall have as many joints as dishes. No meat disguised with strange sauces, no straggling joint of a sheep in the midst of a pasture of grass, beset with salads on every side, but solid substantial food, no servitors, (more nimble with their hands than the guests with their teeth) take away meat before stomachs [appetites] are taken away. Here you have that which in itself is good, made better by the store of it and best by the welcome to it.

He hath a great stroke in making a knight of the shire. Good reason, for he makes a whole line in the subsidy book, where whatsoever he is rated, he pays without any regret, not caring how much his purse is let blood, so it be done by the advice of the physicians of the State. He seldom goes far abroad, and his credit stretcheth farther than his travel. He goes not to London, but _se defendo_ to save himself of a fine being returned of a Jury, where seeing the King once, he prays for him ever afterwards.

In his own country he is a main man in Juries. Where if the judge please to open his eyes in matter of Law, he needs not to be led by the nose in matters of fact. He is very observant of the Judges _item_, where it followeth the truth _in primis_; otherwise (though not mutinous in a Jury) he cares not whom he displeaseth, so he pleaseth his own conscience. He improveth his land to a double value by his good husbandry. Some grounds that wept with water, or frowned with thorns, by draining the one and clearing the other, he makes both to laugh and sing with corn. By marl and limestones burnt he bettereth his ground, and his industry worketh miracles by turning stones into bread....

In time of famine he is the Joseph of the country, and keeps the poor from starving. Then he tameth his stacks of corn, which not his covetousness, but providence hath reserved for time of need, and to his poor neighbours abateth somewhat of the high price of the market. The neighbour gentry court him for his acquaintance, which he either modestly waiveth, or thankfully accepteth, but no way greedily desireth. He insults not the ruins of a decayed gentleman, but pities and relieves him; and as he is called Goodman, he desires to answer to the name and to be so indeed.

In war, though he serveth on foot, he is ever mounted on a high spirit; as being a slave to none and subject only to his own prince. Innocence and independence make a brave spirit, whereas otherwise one must ask his leave to be valiant, on whom he depends. Therefore if a state run up all to noblemen and gentlemen, so that the husbandmen be only mere labourers or cottagers (which one [Bacon] called but housed beggars) it may have good cavalry, but never good bands of foot so that their armies will be like those birds called Apodes, without feet, always only flying on their wings of horse. Wherefore to make good Infantry, it requireth men bred, not in a senile or indigent fashion, but in some free and plentiful manner. Wisely therefore did that knowing prince King Henry VII. provide laws for the increase of his yeomanry, that his kingdom should not be like to coppice woods, where the staddles being left too thick all runs to bushes and briars, and there's little clean underwood. For, enacting that houses used to husbandry should be kept up with a competent proportion of land, he did secretly sow Hydra's teeth, whereby (according to the poet's fiction) should rise up armed men for the service of this kingdom.

EXPERIENCES OF A VOLUNTEER (1642).[1]

=Source.=--_State Papers: Domestic_, 1641-1643. P. 398.

_Nehemiah Wharton to George Willingham, Oct. 7, 1642._

This day a company of knights, gentlemen, and yeomen of the county of Hereford came to his Excellency [Essex], petitioners for strength to be sent speedily to Hereford; and forthwith we were commanded to draw out fifteen men out of every company in our regiments, in all about 900, with three troops of horse and nine pieces of ordnance, with which we marched, a forlorn hope, towards Hereford.... After we had marched 10 miles, we came to Bromyard, the weather wet and the way very foul. Here we got a little refreshment, and from hence marched 10 miles further to Hereford. But [it was] very late before we got thither; and by reason of the rain and snow, and extremity of cold, one of our soldiers died by the way; and it is wonderful we did not all perish, for the cowardly Cavaliers were within a few miles of us. In this poor condition coming to Hereford, the gates were shut against us, and for two hours we stood in dirt and water up to the mid-leg, for the city were all Malignants, save three which were Roundheads, and the Marquis of Hereford had sent them word the day before that they should in no wise let us in, or if they did, we would plunder their houses, murder their children, burn their bibles and utterly ruinate all, and promised he would relieve them himself with all speed, for which cause the citizens were resolved to oppose us unto the death, and having in the City three pieces of ordnance, charged them with stones, nails, etc., and placed them against us, and we against them, resolving either to enter the city, or die before it. But the Roundheads in the City, one of them an alderman surnamed Lane, persuaded the silly Mayor, for so he is indeed, that his Excellency and all his forces were at hand, whereupon he opened unto us, and we entered the city at Byster's gate, but found the doors shut, many of the people with their children fled, and had enough to do to get a little quarter. But the poor Mayor, seeing he was so handsomely cozened, was not a little angry, for Hereford with all his forces, which fled from Sherborne, promised to visit them the day following. This night though wet and weary we were fain to guard the city.... Saturday our squadron watched at St. Owen's gate, which day I took an opportunity to view the city, which is well situate, and seated upon the river Wye, environed with a strong wall better than any I have seen before, with five gates and a strong stone bridge of six arches, surpassing Worcester. In this city is the stateliest marketplace in the Kingdom, built with columns after the manner of the Exchange: the Minster every way exceeding that at Worcester; but the city in circuit not so large. The inhabitants are totally ignorant in the ways of God and much addicted to drunkenness and other vices, but principally to swearing, so that the children that have scarce learned to speak do universally swear stoutly. Many here speak Welsh. This day, our companies exercising in the fields at Worcester, one of the Lord General's soldiers shot at random, and with a brace of bullets shot one of his fellow-soldiers through the head, who immediately died. Sabbath day about the time of morning prayer, we went to the Minster, where the pipes played and the puppets sang so sweetly that some of our soldiers could not forbear dancing in the holy choir, whereat the Baalists were sore displeased. The anthem ended, they fell to prayer, and prayed devoutly for the King, the Bishops, etc.; and one of our soldiers with a loud voice said, "What, never a bit for the Parliament?" which offended them much more. Not satisfied with this human service, we went to divine, and passing by found shops open and men at work, to whom we gave some plain dehortations, and went to hear Mr. Sedgwick [the Army Chaplain], who gave us two famous sermons, which much affected the poor inhabitants, who wondering said they never heard the like before. And I believe them. The Lord move your hearts to commiserate their distresses and to send them some faithful and painful ministers; for the revenue of the college will maintain many of them. This even the Earl of Stamford, who is made governor of Hereford, entered the city with a regiment of foot and some troops of horse, and took up the Bishop's palace for his quarter and is resolved there to abide: whereupon on Monday morning we marched towards Worcester, and at the end of 10 miles came to Bromyard, where we quartered all night. This day his Excellency proclaimed that all soldiers that would set to digging should have twelve pence the day, and enter into pay presently. Tuesday we marched to Worcester, and were received with much joy, for the design was so desperate that our judicious friends never looked to see us again....

FOOTNOTE:

[1] Nehemiah Wharton, a Londoner who volunteered and joined the army of Essex. He writes to his former employer, a city merchant, to whom he had been apprenticed.

CROMWELL TO CRAWFORD (1643).

=Source.=--Carlyle, _Cromwell's Letters and Speeches_, March 10, 1643.

SIR,

The complaints you preferred to my Lord against your Lieutenant-Colonel, both by Mr. Lee and your own Letters, have occasioned his stay here:--my Lord being so employed, in regard of many occasions which are upon him, that he hath not been at leisure to hear him make his defence which, in pure justice, ought to be granted him or any man before a judgment be passed upon him.

During his abode here and absence from you, he hath acquainted me what a grief it is to him to be absent from his charge, especially now the regiment is called forth to action: and therefore, asking of me my opinion, I advised him speedily to repair unto _you_. Surely you are not well advised thus to turn off one so faithful to the Cause, and so able to serve you as this man is. Give me leave to tell you, I cannot be of your judgment; cannot understand, if a man notorious for wickedness, for oaths, for drinking, hath as great a share in your affection as one who fears an oath, who fears to sin,--that this doth commend your election of men to serve as fit instruments in this work!--

Ay, but the man "is an Anabaptist." Are you sure of that? Admit he be, shall that render him incapable to serve the Public? "He is indiscreet." It may be so, in some things: we have all human infirmities. I tell you, if you had none but such "indiscreet men" about you, and would be pleased to use them kindly, you would find as good a fence to you as any you have yet chosen.

Sir, the State, in choosing men to serve it, takes no notice of their opinions; if they be willing faithfully to serve it,--that satisfies. I advised you formerly to bear with men of different minds from yourself: if you had done it when I advised you to it, I think you would not have had so many stumbling blocks in your way. It may be you judge otherwise; but I tell you my mind.--I desire you would receive this man into your favour and good opinion. I believe, if he follow my counsel, he will deserve no other but respect from you. Take heed of being sharp, or too easily sharpened by others, against those to whom you can object little but that they square not with you in every opinion concerning matters of religion. If there be any other offence to be charged upon him,--that must in a judicial way receive determination. I know you will not think it fit my Lord should discharge an Officer of the Field but in a regulate way. I question whether you or I have any precedent for that.

I have not further to trouble you:--but rest,

Your humble servant,
OLIVER CROMWELL.

SIR WILLIAM WALLER TO SIR RALPH HOPTON (1643).

=Source.=--_Clarendon State Papers._ Vol. ii., p. 155.

SIR,

The experience I have had of your worth and the happiness I have enjoyed in your friendship are wounding considerations to me when I look upon this present distance between us. Certainly, my affections to you are so unchangeable, that hostility itself cannot violate my friendship to your person. But I must be true to the cause wherein I serve. The old limitation _usque ad aras_, holds still; and where my conscience is interested, all other obligations are swallowed up. I should most gladly wait upon you, according to your desire, but that I look upon you as engaged in that party beyond the possibility of a retreat, and consequently uncapable of being wrought upon by any persuasion. And I know the conference could never be so close between us, but that it would take wind, and receive a construction to my dishonour. That great God who is the searcher of my heart, knows with what a sad sense I go on upon this service, and with what a perfect hatred I detest this war without an enemy. But I look upon it as sent from God; and that is enough to silence all passion in me. The God of Heaven in his good time send us the blessing of peace, and in the mean time fit us to receive it. We are both upon the stage, and must act such parts as are assigned us in this tragedy. Let us do it in a way of honour, and without personal animosities....

THE WESTMINSTER ASSEMBLY (1644).

=Source.=--_Letters and Journals of R. Baillie._ Edinburgh: the Bannatyne Club, 1823. Vol. ii., p. 117.

_R. Baillie to (?) David Dickson in Scotland, despatched Jan. 1, 1644._

REVEREND AND BELOVED BROTHER,

... In the Grand Committee this afternoon we have finally agreed on a draft of a letter for the churches abroad to inform them of our condition, which shortly you will see in print. Also we have begun one business, (very handsomely I trust,) of great consequence. In the time of this anarchy the divisions of the people weekly do much increase: the Independent party grows; but the Anabaptists more; and the Antinomians most. The Independents being most able men, and of great credit, fearing no less than banishment from their native country if Presbyteries were erected, are watchful that no conclusion be taken for their prejudice. It was my advice which Mr. Henderson presently applauded, and gave me thanks for it, to eschew a public rupture with the Independents, till we were more able for them. As yet a Presbytery to this people is conceived to be a strange monster. It was our good therefore to go on hand in hand, so far as we did agree, against the common enemy: hoping that in our differences, when we behooved to come to them, God would give us light; in the meantime we would assay to agree upon the Directory of Worship, wherein we expect no small help from these men, to abolish the Great Idol of England, the Service-Book, and to erect in all the parts of worship a full conformity to Scotland in all things worthy to be spoken of.... This day was proposed by Mr. Solicitor, seconded by Sir Harry Vane, my Lord Say and my Lord Wharton at our Committee and assented to by all, that a sub-committee of five, without exclusion of any of the committee, shall meet with us of Scotland for preparing a Directory of Worship to be communicated to the Grand Committee and by them to the Assembly. Also there is a paper drawn up by Mr. Marshall, in the name of the chief men of the Assembly and the chief of the Independents, to be communicated on Monday to the Assembly and by their advice to be published, declaring the Assembly's mind to settle, with all speed is possible, all the questions needful about religion: to reform according to the word of God all abuses: and to give to every congregation a person, as their due; whereupon loving and pithy exhortations are framed to the people, in the name of the men who are of the greatest credit, to wait patiently for the Assembly's mind, and to give over that most unreasonable purpose of their own reformations and gathering of congregations.... Further ways are in hand, which if God bless, the Independents will either come to us or have very few to follow them. As for the other sects, wise men are in opinion that God's favour in this Assembly will make them evanish. We had great need of your prayers. On Wednesday Mr. Pym was carried from his house to Westminster on the shoulders, as the fashion is, of the chief men of the Lower House, all the House going in procession before him, and before them the Assembly of Divines. Marshall had a most eloquent and pertinent funeral sermon, which we would not hear, for funeral sermons we must have away, with the rest. The Parliament has ordered to pay his debt, and to build him, in the chapel of Henry VII., a most stately monument.

... All our company, praise to God, are in good health and cheerfulness. I must break off: for I must preach to-morrow, as also my other colleagues.

MILTON ON LIBERTY (1644).

=Source.=--Milton, _Prose Works_. Ed. Bohn. Vol. ii., p. 90. _Areopagitica_, 1644.

Lords and commons of England, consider what nation it is whereof ye are, and whereof ye are the governors: a nation not slow and dull, but of a quick ingenious and piercing spirit; acute to invent, subtile and sinewy to discourse not beneath the reach of any point the highest that human capacity can soar to.... Now once again by all concurrence of signs and by the general instinct of holy and devout men, as they daily and solemnly express their thoughts, God is decreeing to begin some new and great period in His church; even to the reformation of reformation itself; what does He then but reveal Himself to His servants, and as His manner is, first to His Englishmen? I say, as His manner is, first to us, though we mark not the method of His counsels, and are unworthy. Behold now this vast city; a city of refuge, the mansion-house of liberty, encompassed and surrounded with His protection: the shop of war hath not there more anvils and hammers working, to fashion out the plates and instruments of armed justice in defence of beleaguered truth, than there be pens and heads there, sitting by their studious lamps, musing, searching, revolving new notions and ideas wherewith to present, as with their homage and their fealty, the approaching Reformation; others as fast reading, trying all things, assenting to the force of reason and convincement. What could a man require more from a nation so pliant and so prone to seek after knowledge? What wants there to such a toward and pregnant soil but wise and faithful labourers, to make a knowing people a nation of prophets, of sages, and of worthies? We reckon more than five months yet to harvest: there need not be five weeks; had we but eyes to lift up, the fields are white already. Where there is much desire to learn, there of necessity will be much arguing, much writing, many opinions; for opinion in good men is but knowledge in the making. Under these fantastic terrors of sect and schism, we wrong the earnest and zealous thirst after knowledge and understanding which God hath stirred up in this city. What some lament, we rather should rejoice at, should rather praise this pious forwardness among men, to reassure the ill-deputed care of their religion into their own hands again. A little generous prudence, a little forbearance of one another, and some grain of charity, might win all these diligences to join and unite into one general and brotherly search after truth; could we but forego this prelatical tradition, of crowding free consciences and Christian liberties into canons and precepts of men. I doubt not, if some great and worthy stranger should come among us, wise to discern the mould and temper of a people, and how to govern it, observing the high hopes and aims, the diligent alacrity of our extended thoughts and reasonings in the pursuance of truth and freedom, but that he would cry out as Pyrrhus did, admiring the Roman docility and courage, "If such were my Epirots, I would not despair the greatest design that could be attempted to make a church or kingdom happy." Yet these are the men cried out against for schismatics and sectaries, as if, while the temple of the Lord was building, some cutting, some squaring the marble, others hewing the cedars, there should be a sort of irrational men, who could not consider there must be many schisms and many dissections made in the quarry and in the timber, ere the house of God can be built. And when every stone is laid artfully together, it cannot be united into a continuity, it can but be contiguous in this world; neither can every piece of building be of one form; nay rather the perfection consists in this, that out of many moderate varieties and brotherly dissimilitudes that are not vastly disproportional, arises the goodly and the gracious symmetry that commends the whole pile and structure.... Methinks I see in my mind a noble and puissant nation rousing herself like a strong man after sleep and shaking her invincible locks; methinks I see her as an eagle mewing her mighty youth, and kindling her undazzled eyes at the full midday beam; purging and unscaling her long abused sight at the fountain itself of heavenly radiance; while the whole noise of timorous and flocking birds, with those also that love the twilight, flutter about, amazed at what she means, and in their envious gabble would prognosticate a year of sects and schisms.

What should you do, then, should ye suppress all this flowery crop of knowledge and new light sprung up and yet springing daily in this city? Should ye set up an oligarchy of twenty engrossers over it, to bring a famine upon our minds again, when we shall know nothing but what is measured to us by their bushel? Believe it, lords and commons! they who counsel you to such a suppressing do as good as bid ye suppress yourselves; and I will soon show how. If it be desired to know the immediate cause of all this free writing and free speaking, there cannot be assigned a truer than your own mild and free and humane government; it is the liberty, lords and commons, which your own valorous and happy counsels have purchased us; liberty, which is the nurse of all great arts: this it is which hath rarefied and enlightened our spirits like the influence of Heaven; this is that which hath enfranchised, enlarged, and lifted up our apprehensions degrees above themselves. Ye cannot make us now less capable, less knowing, less eagerly pursuing of the truth, unless ye first make yourselves, that made us so, less the lovers, less the founders of our true liberty. We cannot grow ignorant again, brutish, formal and slavish, as ye found us: but you then must first become that which ye cannot be, oppressive, arbitrary, and tyrannous; as they were from whom ye have freed us. That our hearts are now more capacious, our thoughts more erected to the search and expectation of greatest and exactest things, is the issue of your own virtue propagated in us; ye cannot suppress that unless ye reinforce an abrogated and merciless law, that fathers may despatch at will their own children.... Give me the liberty to know, to utter, and to argue freely according to conscience, above all liberties.

MONTROSE TO CHARLES I. (1645).

=Source.=--_Memorials of Montrose._ Edinburgh: The Maitland Club, 1841. Vol. ii., p. 175.

MAY IT PLEASE YOUR SACRED MAJESTY:--

The last dispatch I sent your Majesty word by my worthy friend, and your Majesty's brave servant, Sir William Rollock, from Kintore, near Aberdeen, dated the 14th of September last; wherein I acquainted your Majesty with the good success of your arms in this kingdom, and of the battles the justice of your cause has won over your obdurate rebel subjects. Since Sir William Rollock went I have traversed all the north of Scotland up to Argyle's country; who durst not stay my coming, or I should have given your Majesty a good account of him ere now. But at last I have met with him, yesterday, to his cost; of which your gracious Majesty be pleased to receive the following particulars.