Chapter XVI: Mediæval Greece (3)

89 In the fragments of Plutarch’s _De anima_ there are some very
striking passages on this subject. “After this,” he says, evidently
describing some part of the ceremony, “there came a great light,
there were shown pure places and meadows, with dances, and all that
was splendid and holy to see and hear, in which he who is now
perfected by initiation, and has obtained freedom and remission,
joins in the devotions, with his head crowned, in the company of
pure and holy men, and beholds from thence the unclean uninitiated
crowd of mortals in deep mire and mist, trodden down and crowded by
each other, but in fear of death, adhering to their ills through
want of faith in the goods beyond. Since from these you may clearly
see that the connection of the soul with the body is a coercion
against nature.”

90 The Greeks always regard these nomads as foreigners in race, and
incapable of any settled or civilized life. They do great mischief
to young trees and fences, which they never respect. Yet when
arrested for doing mischief they are protected by the sympathies of
the Greeks, who hate all coercion, however reasonable.

91 Colonel Leake already felt these difficulties, and moves Eleutheræ a
few miles to the south-west. But Œnoe and Eleutheræ must have been
close together, from the allusion in the _Antiope_ of Euripides. Cf.
Eurip., frag. 179 (ed. Nauck), and the passages quoted there.

92 This the Peloponnesians did at Œnoe, according to Thucydides;
perhaps therefore at this very place.

93 There was no photograph of this very fine building existing when I
was in Greece. The only drawing of it I have seen is in the plates
of Dodwell’s _Archæological Tour in Greece_—a splendid book. The
fort of Phyle, though smaller, possesses all the features described
in this fort, and shows that they represent a general type.

94 This pass (seized by the Persian cavalry before the battle of
Platæa, in order to stop the Greek provision trains) was called
_τρεῖς κεφαλαί_ by the Thebans, but _δρυὸς κεφ._ by the Athenians
(Herod. IX. 39)—evidently the same old name diversely interpreted by
diverse _Volks-etymologien_. _τρεῖς_ and _δρυός_ are pronounced
almost alike in modern Greek, probably therefore in old Greek
likewise. But I will not touch the thorny question of old Greek
pronunciation.

95 Cf. what I have said in relation to Polybius’s account of it in my
_Greek Life and Thought_, pp. 534 _sq._

96 Cf., for example, the figures in the recent (1891) _Guide Joanne_,
ii. xxxvi.

97 There was, indeed, a splendid _pleasaunce_ built at Thebes by the
Frankish knights, which was completely destroyed by the grand
Catalan company. It is described by their annalist Ramon Muntaner.
The remains of one Frankish tower mark the place.

98 See his life in Gregorovius’s _Athen_, vol. i. pp. 144 _sq._

99 The legend of the name is now fully explained in the fragments of
the _Antiope_ published by me in the _Petrie papyri_ (Williams &
Norgate, 1891).

100 I trust none will imagine that I intend the least disrespect to M.
Boulgaris, who was, according to far better authority than that
quoted in the text, an honorable and estimable man. But some of his
Ministers have been since convicted of malpractices concerning
certain archbishoprics, which were bought for money. The trial is
now a matter of history, to which an allusion is sufficient.

101 Since that time, the chief power has for the most part been in the
hands of M. Trikoupi, an honest patriot. Yet it was the misfortune
of the country to be reduced by M. Delyanni to the verge of
bankruptcy through his absurd war policy against Turkey. It is
probable enough that he did not lead, but was carried along by this
policy, with which all the Athenian “Jingoes” were possessed.

102 This plague seems unavoidable in a southern climate, wherever the
houses, however good, are built of wood, and does not imply any
ungrateful reflection upon my refined and generous hosts. In the
Morea, where houses are built of masonry, even badly-kept houses are
comparatively safe.

103 Cf. Polygnotus’s picture of Agamemnon (Paus. x. 30, 3), _σκήπτρῳ τε
ὑπὸ τὴν ἀριστερὰν μασχάλην ἐρειδόμενος_.

104 Since these words were written, M. Holleaux’s researches at Akræphiæ
have not only discovered the inscription containing the Emperor
Nero’s speech to the Greeks, but also many curious remains from the
temple of Apollo Ptoos.

_ 105 ὅστις δὲ τὰ σὺν τέχνῃ πεποιημένα ἐπίπροσθε τίθεται τῶν ἀρχαιόητα
ἡκώτων, καὶ τάδε ἐστιν οἱ θεάσασθαι._ I. 24. 3.

106 Cf. Plut. _Agesilaus_, chap. xvii.

107 An account of the discovery, by the only surviving member of the
party, Mr. G. L. Taylor, has been published by Mr. W. S. Vaux in the
_Trans. of the Roy. Soc. of Lit._, 2nd series, vol. viii. pp. 1,
_sqq._ The latter gentleman called attention to his paper when the
subject was being discussed in the _Academy_ in 1877. A very
different story was told to Colonel Mure, and has passed from his
_Travels_ into Murray’s _Guide_. The current belief among the Greeks
seems still to be that a Greek patriot called Odysseus, perceiving
the stone protruding from the clay, and, on striking it, hearing its
hollow ring, dug it out and broke it in pieces, imagining it to be a
record of Philip’s victory over Hellenic liberty. Some ill-natured
people added that he hoped to find treasure within it.

108 Mr. Taylor and his friends thought it must have stood in the
attitude of the now abolished lion on Northumberland House. This did
not appear so to us; but it is difficult to decide. The restoration
by Siegel in the _Mon. of the Soc. Arch._ of Rome, for 1856, of
which Mr. A. S. Murray most kindly sent me a drawing, makes the
posture a _sitting_ one, like that of the sitting lion in front of
the Arsenal at Venice. There is a small sitting lion from Calymnæ,
of the same posture, in the Brit. Museum. The Greeks, when my
account was first published in their papers, became fully alive to
the value of this monument, and anxious for its restoration. There
had been a custodian appointed to watch over it, even when I was
there, but he chanced to be absent when we paid our visit.

109 Since these words were written, the labors of the Greek
archæologists have discovered the great _polyandrion_ or common tomb
of the dead, which the lion commemorated. They lay in rows, many of
them with broken bones, showing how they had received their
death-wound, and with them were fragments of broken weapons. Never
have we come closer to an ancient battle, or discovered more
affecting records of a great struggle.

110 This seems to be implied in the account of the murder of Laïus by
Œdipus, on this very road, as it is described in Sophocles’s _Œdipus
Tyrannus_.

111 Indeed Tripolitza lies between the ancient sites of Mantinea and
Tegea, and quite close to the latter.

112 This was done by the monks at Athos, when Mahomet II. was
threatening Constantinople. They foresaw his victory, and by early
submission made their own terms, and saved both their liberties and
their property.

113 Cf. also Plutarch’s tract _de Pyth. orac._ for details of _ciceroni_
and visitors in his day.

114 The hippodrome for the chariot races was, however, in the plain
beneath, as Pausanias tells us (x. 37, 4).

115 This journey I since made by rail, in this place a harmless
innovation.

116 Cf. the passage quoted from M. Georges Perrot above, p. 185.

117 A commodious stone museum has since been built, and the treasures
are doubtless by this time transferred to it. But the great
earthquake of 1885, so near Olympia, makes us tremble for the safety
of any sculpture in a stone building under a solid roof. How
terrible if the house were to fall on the _Hermes_!

118 This judgment of mine has since been confirmed by the authority of
Overbeck. It is indeed very hard to estimate rightly a new discovery
of this kind. I rated the work of Alkamenes, perhaps, too highly.

119 The student who desires to prosecute this difficult subject should
study Overbeck’s _History of Greek Sculpture_, or the works of Mr.
A. S. Murray, or Mr. Copeland Perry, on the same subject.

120 The fact that some of these public meetings are associated with the
fall of tyrants does not, I think, disprove what is here advanced.

121 I have not room here to give in full my reasons for rejecting the
earlier part of the Olympic register, as being the manufacture of
Hippias of Elis, later than 400 B. C. But the reader who is curious
on the subject may either consult my article in the _Journal of
Hellenic Studies_ for 1881, or the appendix to my _Problems in Greek
History_ (1892). He will then see that there is no direct evidence
whatever for any early list, and that the antiquarian Pausanias, in
his hunt after ancient monuments at Olympia, could find nothing
earlier than the so-called 33d Olympiad. Plutarch, moreover, in the
opening of his _Life of Numa_, tells us plainly that the list was
the manufacture of Hippias, _and based on no trustworthy evidence_.
To accept the list, therefore, in the face of these objections, is
to exhibit culpable credulity.

122 So also under the early Roman Empire the exiles on the barren
islands of the Ægean seem to have been allowed this indulgence. Cf.
the curious passage from Plutarch I have quoted and explained in my
_Greek World under Roman Sway_, p. 261.

123 The very stringent laws quoted by Æschines _in Timarchum_ may
possibly be spurious, since we know from other allusions that they
were not enforced. But more probably they existed as a dead letter,
which could be revived if occasion required.

124 The modern Greeks make their cheese for keeping, even now, in wicker
baskets, and distinguish it from _χλωρὸς τύρος_, which now means
cream cheese, and which they carry to market in woollen bags. There
was a special market for it in Athens in Aristophanes’s day, but not
in woollen bags; for, as Mr. Pickering (of Shrewsbury School)
pointed out to me, the cream cheese of Aristophanes’s day was kept
in wicker work. I gladly here acknowledge this correction of the
note in my former edition.

125 I should, however, call attention to an exceptional vase in the
little Turkish house on the Acropolis, probably of late date, in
which a runner is represented with his elbows back and hands closed,
and near his sides, in very good form.

126 Pausanias is responsible for the date, which he probably copied from
Hippias of Elis. It is noted as a special wonder that the same man
should win the sprint and long races at Olympia, which shows that
the latter must have been mainly a test of staying power. The
Spartan Ladas died at the winning-post, and this endurance was
thought rather a wonderful feat, but of course his death may have
resulted from bad training, or from heart disease.

127 “Know ye not,” says St. Paul, “that all run, and _one_ receiveth the
crown?”—a quite different condition of things from that of the
Iliad, where every competitor, like the boys at a private school,
comes off with a prize.

128 Possibly this special sort of wrestling has been confused with the
_pankration_, from which it can have differed but little, if it
indeed subsisted permanently as a distinct form of wrestling.

129 The single competitions in running and wrestling were distinct from
those in the pentathlon, and rewarded by separate crowns.

130 This is the moment chosen by Canova in his celebrated representation
of these boxers in the Vatican, a fact of which I was ignorant till
it was pointed out to me, in correcting an error I had made about
them, by Mr. M’D. Campbell, of Glasgow.

131 The first case of cheating was said to have taken place in the 98th
Ol. (388 B. C.), when the Thessalian Eupolos was convicted of
bribing the three boxers opposed to him, one of whom had won at the
previous meeting. Such crimes were commemorated by bronze figures of
Zeus (called _Ζᾶνες_ at Elis), which were of the value of the fines
inflicted, and had inscriptions warning all athletes of the dangers
and the disgrace of cheating.

132 The reader will find some illustrations of it in my _Social Greece_,
6th edition, p. 96.

133 It has been since inserted from my notes in the English translation
of Bædeker’s _Greece_.

134 Polybius, iv. 70.

135 By this time (1891) there are probably three or four rivals, which
the traveller will see noted in his guide-book, provided he does not
depend on the _Guide Joanne_, which neglects to give such
information. The house to which I allude in the text is the Hotel S.
George.

136 This is not contradicted by the fact of there being isolated
Arcadian poets, such as Echembrotus and Aristarchus, distinguished
in foreign schools of art.

137 The _Eclogues_ of Petrarch are modelled upon those of Vergil to the
exclusion of the most characteristic features borrowed by the latter
from Theocritus.

138 The following extract from the first prose piece of the book will
show how absolutely imaginary is his Arcadia, with its impossible
combination of trees, and its absence of winter:—

“Giace nella sommità di Partenio, non umile monte della pastorale
Arcadia, un dilettevole piano, di ampiezza non molto spazioso,
peroche il sito del luogo non consente, ma di minuta e verdissima
erbetta sì ripieno, che, se le lascive pecorelle con gli avidi morsi
non vi pasceresso, vi si potrebbe d’ogni tempo ritrovare verdura.
Ove, se io non m’inganno, son forse dodici o quindici alberi di
tanto strana ed eccessiva bellezza, che chiunque le vedesse,
giudicherebbe che la maestra natura vi si fosse con sommo diletto
studiata in formarli. Li quali alquanto distanti, ed in ordine non
artificioso disposti, con la loro rarità la naturale bellezza del
luogo oltra misura annobiliscono. Quivi senza nodo veruno si vede il
dritissimo abete, nato a sostenere i pericoli del mare; e con più
aperti rami la robusta quercia, e l’alto frassino, e lo amenissimo
platano vi si distendano, con le loro ombre non picciola parte del
bello e copioso prato occupando; ed evvi con più breve fronda
l’albero, di che Ercole coronare si solea, nel cui pedale le misere
figliuole di Climene furono trasformate: ed in un de’ lati si scerne
il noderoso castagno, il fronzuto bosco, e con puntate foglie lo
eccelso pino carico di durissimi frutti; nell’ altro l’ombroso
faggio, la incorruttibile tiglia, il fragile tamarisco, insieme con
la orientale palma, dolci ed onorato premio dei vincitori. Ma fra
tutti nel mezzo, presso un chiaro fonte, sorge verso il cielo un
dritto cipresso,” etc., etc. The work is, moreover, full of direct
imitations of Vergil, not, I fancy, of Theocritus also, as the
Italian commentators suppose, for that poet was not adequately
printed till 1495, which must have been very near the date of the
actual composition of the _Arcadia_.

139 It is worth noting that the Arcadian vision in the _Shepherd of
Hermas_, describing a scene of twelve mountains of varied and
contrasted aspect, though intended for an allegorical purpose, is
really faithful to nature, and suggests that the author knew
something of the country he describes.

140 Pausanias places the source of the Alpheus higher up, and close to
Tegea in the eastern plain.

141 This is what Pausanias says, though modern scholars seem very
doubtful about it.

142 Several details, such as the unusual length in proportion to the
breadth, the engaged pillars inside the cella, and the forms of the
capitals, have now been explained as deliberate archaicisms on the
part of Ictinus, who here copied far older forms. The curious Ionic,
and even the Corinthian, capitals, may point back to old Asianic, or
Assyrian, models, and the proportions of the cella with its engaged
pillars have their prototype or parallel in the curious old _Heræon_
(cf. p. 304) found at Olympia. This seems to me a very happy
solution of the difficulties, and shows us Ictinus in a new light.
Another specimen of his art, with unexpected features, may be the
newly unearthed Hall of the Mysteries at Eleusis, already described,
if indeed this be his work, and not a late copy of it.

143 The same must have been the case with Messene, which was laid out
likewise by Epaminondas on an absurdly large scale, as the remains
of the great walls still show. They seem intended to enclose a whole
parish, and not a city. But of these I shall speak again, p. 452.

144 The results hitherto attained are still uncertain, owing to an
active controversy between Dr. Dörpfeld and the English explorers,
which has not yet (1892) been settled. I forbear entering upon it
here.

145 It is usually forgotten in recent accounts that this sacking of the
town was no more than a retribution for the hideous massacre of the
whole Turkish population, including women and children, in cold
blood, by the insurgent Greeks. The details may be had in General
Gordon’s _Memoirs_ or in Finlay’s _History_.

146 Strabo mentions that the new settlers, coming upon old tombs in the
digging for new foundations, found there quantities of graceful
pottery, which was sold to Romans, and became the fashion there.
Hence it was diligently sought and sold under the title
_νεκροκορίνθια_. We may be sure that every ancient tomb was rifled
in this way.

147 On the foundation of the new Greek kingdom, it was seriously debated
whether Corinth should not be the capital; but the constant
prevalence of fever in the district, together with sentimental
reasons, determined the selection of Athens in preference.

148 Even the new railway has not altered this. The journey up and down
the bay in a coasting steamer is still well worth undertaking.

149 M. Viollet-le-duc, in his _Entretiens sur l’Architecture_, vol. i.
p. 45, explains the reason of this. Apart from the greater facility
of raising smaller blocks, most limestones are subject to flaws,
which are disclosed only by strain. Hence it was much safer to
support the entablature on two separate beams, one of which might
sustain, at least temporarily, the building, in case the other
should crack.

150 Cf. pp. 370 and 433.

151 Strabo, who had apparently travelled but little through Greece,
speaks with admiration of this view, which he had evidently seen.
The fortress of Karytena is some twenty or thirty feet higher in
situation and far more picturesque from below, but is too much
surrounded by other high mountains to admit of a prospect like that
from the Acro-Corinthus.

152 See also _Guide Joanne_, ii. p. 197.

153 This is just what Strabo says (viii. 6, § 21): _ἔκρυσιν μὲν οὐκ
ἔχουσαν μεστὴν δ’ ἀεὶ διαυγοῦς καὶ ποτίμου ὕδατος_, and Corinth was
one of the few Greek places he visited.

154 So also learned men speak about the amphitheatre. Herzberg (ii. 253)
says: “Seine Ruine steht noch heute.” Cf. also Friedländer, ii. 383,
but I could not find it.

155 Part ii. p. 198, _sq._ (1891).

156 The reader who performs this journey by train may consider whether
what here follows is not an older and better way.

_ 157 πολλὸς δὲ καὶ ὡς ῥόδα κίσθος ἐπανθεῖ_.—THEOCR. v. 131.

158 There is a tract of sea-coast on the east side of Italy, about
halfway between Ancona and Monte Gargano, which has this Theocritean
character to perfection. Even the railway passenger can appreciate
the curious contrast it affords to the splendid orchards and gardens
about Bari, which are still farther south.

_ 159 οὐ θέμις, ὦ ποιμήν, τὸ μεσημβρινόν, οὐ θέμις ἆμμιν_
_συρίσδεν. τὸν Πᾶνα δεδοίκαμες· ἦ γὰρ ἀπ’ ἄγρας_
_τανίκα κεκμηὼς ἀμπαύεται, ἐστι γὰρ πικρός,_
_καὶ οἱ ἀεὶ ὁριμεῖα χολὰ ποτὶ ῥινὶ κάθηται._—THEOCR. i. 15.

_ 160 τοὺς μὴν ὄγε λάεσσιν ἀπὸ χθονὸς ὅσσον ἀείρων_
_γευγέμην ἄψ ὀπίσω δειδίσσετο, τρηχὺ δὲ φωνῇ_
_ἠπείλει μάλα πᾶσιν, ἐρητύσασκε δ’ ὑλαγμοῦ,_
_χαίρων ἐν φρησὶν ᾖσιν, ὁθούνεκεν αὔλιν ἔρυντο._
THEOCR. xxv. 73, and cf. _Odyss._ xiv. 29 _sq._

161 Pausanias speaks of Mycenæ and Tiryns as of like structure, which is
not true. He often refers with wonder to these walls, and reflects
upon the care with which Greek historians had described foreign
curiosities like the Pyramids, while equally wonderful things in
Greece were left unnoticed. Thus, he says that no pair of mules
could stir from its place the smallest of the blocks in the walls of
Tiryns. Cf. ii. 25, 8; and ix. 36, 5.

162 The same effect is observable in Staigue Fort, in the county of
Kerry, and has led some people to imagine that its stones were
rudely fashioned. Cf. the splendid photographs of this Irish Tiryns
in Lord Dunraven’s _Notes on Irish Architecture_.

_ 163 πολυδίψιον_. A fragment of Hesiod (quoted by Eustathius in _Il._,
p. 350) notes this epithet, in order to account for its being no
longer true, _Ἄργος ἄνυδρον ἔον Δαναὸς ποίησεν ἔνυδρον_. Strabo
(viii. p. 256) explains it by confining the epithet to the town of
Argos, which Homer certainly did not, and by admitting that the
country was well watered. Pausanias (ii. 15, 5) says that all the
rivers ran dry, except in rainy weather, which is seldom true now.

_ 164 ἀλλ’ ἀνθηρῶν λειμώνων, φύλλων τ’ ἐν κόλποις ναίω,_
_ἡνίκ’ ἄν ὁ θεσπέσιος ὀξὺ μέλος ἀχέτας_
_θάλπεσι μεσημβρινοῖς ἡλιομανὴς βοᾷ._ (_Aves_, 1092–8.)

The little-known lines in the _Shield of Hercules_ are also worth
quoting (393, _sqq._):—

_ἦμος δὲ χλοερῷ κυανόπτερος, ἠχέτα τέττιξ,_
_ὄζῳ ἐφεζόενος, θέρας ἀνθρώποισιν ἀείδειν_
_ἄρχεται, ᾧ τε πόσις καὶ βρῶσις θῆλυς ἐέρση,_
_καί τε πανημέριός τε καὶ ἐῷος χέει αὐδὴν_
_ἴδει ἐν αἰνοτάτῳ, ὁπότε χρόα Σείριος ἄζει._

165 These Cyclopes, cunning builders, and even workers in metal, are to
be carefully distinguished from the rude and savage Cyclopes
represented in Homer’s _Odyssey_ as infesting Thrinacria, in the
western seas.

166 In the days of the composition of the _Iliad_ we see the power and
greatness of Mycenæ distinctly expressed by the power of Agamemnon,
who appears to rule over all the district and many islands. Yet the
great hero, Diomedes, is made the sovereign of Argos and Tiryns in
his immediate neighborhood. This difficulty has made some critics
suppose that all the acts of Diomedes were foisted in by some of the
Argive reciters of the _Iliad_. Without adopting this theory, which
seems to me extravagant, I would suggest that, in the poet’s day,
Argos was rapidly growing into first-rate importance, while all the
older legends attested the greatness of Mycenæ. Thus the poet, who
was obliged to put together the materials given him by divers older
and shorter poems, was under the difficulty of harmonizing the
fresher legends about Argos with the older about Mycenæ.

167 I prefer this view even to that from the theatre of Taormina in
Sicily, which is so justly celebrated, and which many people think
the finest in Europe.

168 Cf. his exhaustive article on the Mediæval History of Greece, in
Ersch and Gruber’s _Encyclopædia_, vol. lxxxv., and more especially
his refutation of Fallmerayer’s theory, pp. 100–19.

169 A great authority, whose opinion I deeply respect—Prof. Sayce—goes
so far as to say that language is by itself no proof of race, but
only of social contact. I will not venture to deny that there are
instances where this is so, and where invading strangers have
adopted the language of the vanquished, though quite foreign to
them. But surely this is the exception, and not the rule, and there
is a _primâ facie_ probability in favor of a well-preserved language
indicating a well-preserved race.

170 This fact strengthens my conviction that at an early period Ægina
worked the silver-mines of Laurium.

171 Cf. Pindar’s frag. for the Corinthian _ἑταίραι_.

172 The bronze cow of Myron seems also to have been a wonderfully
admired work, to judge from the crowd of epigrams written upon it,
which still survive.

173 Cf. the account of his habits in his work, _Tiryns_, cap. I.

174 I have made special inquiries for these, but without any result.
They seem to be lost.

175 Cf. p. 389, and the outrages of the Galatian mercenaries under
Philip V. of Macedon.

_ 176 Mycenæ_, p. 49.

177 According to Pausanias, the treasury of Minyas was differently
built; for the top stone of its flat dome was the keystone
(_ἁρμονία_) of the whole. This is not true. The stone roofs in
Ireland seem to me far more curious in construction, for two
reasons: first, because the stones used are so very small; and
secondly, because there can be, of course, no pressure on a roof
like the pressure brought to bear on a subterranean chamber from
above.

178 Cf. Macpherson’s _Antiquities of Kertch_.

179 There has been strange diversity of opinion about the nature of this
stone. Dodwell and Leake call it basalt. Moreover, Dodwell thought
it greenish. Some one else thinks it yellowish. The French
expedition and Curtius call it limestone. Dr. Schliemann says it is
the same breccia as the rest of the gate. It is in the face of these
opinions that I persist in the statement that it is bluish, and
limestone.

It is owing to this note that it was again critically examined by
Mr. Tuckett, who published his result in the _Architect_ of 19th
January, 1879, and who had fragments of the stone analyzed, which
justified my observation. He also notes that several observers erred
as to the shape of the central pillar, which does not diminish in
bulk downward.

180 This, I perceive, is Dr. Schliemann’s opinion also. He was the first
to show that along the entrance-wall the fine building with square
blocks was only a facing laid on irregular building with small
stones. This points clearly to two successive stages in the work.

181 These analogies are brought out by Mr. A. S. Murray, in the
_Academy_, No. 29. Cf. also Dörpfeld in _Schuchhardt_, p. 161.

182 This is not true of Irish designs, which I compared carefully with
the Mycenæan, and failed to find any identity, though many close
resemblances.

183 It agrees with that of Schuchhardt (in _Schliemann’s Excavations_,
1891), and of Busolt in the new edition of his Greek history, 1892.

184 This theory of mine, stated in my first edition, is strongly
supported by Dr. Adler in his preface to Schliemann’s _Tiryns_
(1885).

185 This has all been done, and alas! many of the gold cups have been
polished by the barbarous zeal of the curators, so destroying the
exquisite red bloom which made them so remarkable.

_ 186 Athos, or the Mountain of the Monks._ By Athelstan Riley. Longmans,
1887. This is the newest and best book on the subject.

187 The very few travellers who have seen this, the most picturesque of
all European buildings, must have heard with a painful shock that it
was burned down in the spring of 1891.

TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE

The illustrations in the original volume were printed on separate, not paginated plates. The captions were printed on the reverse side of the plates.

The following changes have been made to the text:

page 59, apostrophe added in “à l’ Eugénie”
page 101, “Erectheum” changed to “Erechtheum”
page 125, period added after “Bühnenalt”
page 140, “Anaxgoras” changed to “Anaxagoras”
page 144, “than” changed to “that”
page 147, “fueillages” changed to “feuillages”, “caractèristiques”
to “caractéristiques”
page 188, “aujhourd’hui” changed to “aujourd’hui”
page 197, “pollared” changed to “pollarded”
page 201, period added after “23”, “Xenophen” changed to “Xenophon”,
single quote changed to double quote before “I witnessed”
page 211, “Oed.” changed to “Œd.”
page 213, “initation” changed to “initiation”
page 216, “Emile” changed to “Émile”
page 263, period added after “originals”
page 282, comma changed to period after “memory”
page 369, “Basse” changed to “Bassæ”
page 471, “haraldic” changed to “heraldic”
page 481, quote removed before “but”
page 519, “still” changed to “till”
page 531, comma added after “Alkamenes”, period added after “154”,
semicolon changed to comma after “_sq._” and “321–324”
page 532, “plagues” changed to “plaques”, “Copias” changed to
“Copais”, period added after “131” and “246”
page 533, dash added between “425” and “427”, period added after
“505”, semicolon changed to comma after “_sq._”
page 534, “Pausanius” changed to “Pausanias”, “Mycenæn” changed to
“Mycenæan”, “151,;” changed to “151;”
page 535, semicolon changed to comma after first “_sq._”

Variations in hyphenation (e.g. “prehistoric”, “pre-historic”; “halfway”, “half-way”) have not been changed. Neither have variant spellings in the captions to the plates and in the index.

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