Chapter XXII: Appendix: I (2)
P.S. By way of postscript should follow here the discussion of
the question whether the term Minstrels was applied in English to
singers and composers of songs, &c. or confined to musicians only.
But it is reserved for the concluding note.[Gg]
THE END OF THE ESSAY.
FOOTNOTES:
[1031] The larger Notes and Illustrations referred to by the capital letters [A] [B] &c. are thrown together to the end of this essay.
[1032] Wedded to no hypothesis, the author hath readily corrected any mistakes which have been _proved_ to be in this essay; and considering the novelty of the subject, and the time and place when and where he first took it up, many such had been excusable.--That the term Minstrel was not confined, as some contend, to a meer musician in this country, any more than on the Continent, will be considered more fully in the last note [Gg] at the end of this essay.
[1033] Vid. Pelloutier, _Hist. des Celtes_, tom. i. l. 2. c. 6. 10.
[1034] _Tacit. de Mor. Germ._ cap. 2.
[1035] Vid. _Bartholin. de Causis contemptæ a Danis mortis_, lib. 1. cap. 10.--_Wormij Literatura Runic._ ad finem.--See also _Northern_ _Antiquities, or, A Description of the Manners, Customs, &c. of the_ _ancient Danes and other northern nations: from the French of M._ _Mallet_. London, printed for T. Carnan, 1770, 2 vols. 8vo.
[1036] _Torfæi Præfat. ad Orcad. Hist._--Pref. to _Five pieces of Runic Poetry_, &c.
[1037] Vid. _Chronic. Saxon. à Gibson._ pp. 12, 13, 4to.--_Bed. Hist._ _Eccles. à Smith_, lib. 1, c. 15.--"Ealdsexe [Regio antiq. Saxonum] in cervice Cimbricæ Chersonesi, Holsatiam proprie dictam, Dithmarsiam, Stormariam, et Wagriam, complectens."--_Annot. in Bed. à Smith_, p. 52. Et vid. _Camdeni Britan_.
[1038] "Anglia Vetus, hodie etiam Anglen, sita est inter Saxones et Giotes [Jutos], habens oppidum capitale ... Sleswick."--_Ethelwerd_, lib. 1.
[1039] See _Northern Antiquities_, &c. vol i. pp. 7, 8, 185, 259, 260, 261.
[1040] See _Northern Antiquities_, Preface, p. xxvi.
[1041] See Rapin's _Hist._ (by Tindal, fol. 1732, vol. i. p. 36) who places the incident here related under the year 495.
[1042] By Bale and Spelman. See Note [M].
[1043] _Ibid._
[1044] _Anno_ 938. Vid. Rapin, &c.
[1045] So I think the name should be printed, rather then Anlaff, the more usual form (the same traces of the letters express both names in MS.), Aulaff being evidently the genuine northern name Olaff, or Olave. Lat. Olaus. In the old Romance of _Horn-Childe_ (see vol. iii. Appendix), the name of the king his father is Allof, which is evidently Ollaf, with the vowels only transposed.
[1046] Rollo was invested in his new duchy of Normandy, A.D. 912. William invaded England, A.D. 1066.
[1047] Vid. _Hist. des Troubadours_, 3 tom. passim, & vid. _Fableaux ou Contes du XII. & du XIII. Siécle, traduits, &c. avec des Notes historiques & critiques, &c._ par M. le Grand. Paris, 1781, 5 tom. 12mo.
[1048] See Notes [B] and [Aa]
[1049] See a pathetic song of his in Mr. Walpole's _Catalogue of Royal Authors_, vol. i. p. 5. The reader will find a translation of it into modern French, in _Hist. littéraire des Troubadours_, 1774, 3 tom. 12mo. See vol. i. (p. 58) where some more of Richard's poetry is translated. In Dr. Burney's _Hist. of Music_, vol. ii. p. 238, is a poetical version of it in English.
[1050] Mons. Favine's _Theatre of Honour and Knighthood_, translated from the French. London, 1623, fol. tom. ii. p. 49. An elegant relation of the same event (from the French of Presid. Fauchet's _Recueil_, &c.) may be seen in _Miscellanies in prose and verse_: by Anna Williams, London, 1766, 4to. p. 46. It will excite the reader's admiration to be informed that most of the pieces of that collection were composed under the disadvantage of a total deprivation of sight.
[1051] Favine's words are, "Jongleur appellé Blondiaux de Nesle," Paris, 1620, _4to_. p. 1106. But Fauchet, who has given the same story, thus expresses it, "Or ce roy ayant nourri un Menestrel appellé Blondel, &c." liv. 2, p. 92. _Des anciens Poëtes François._ He is however said to have been another Blondel, not Blondel (or Blondiaux) de Nesle: but this no way affects the circumstances of the story.
[1052] This the author calls in another place, _An ancient MS. of old_ _Poesies, written about those very times_. From this MS. Favine gives a good account of the taking of Richard by the duke of Austria, who sold him to the emperor. As for the MS. chronicle, it is evidently the same that supplied Fauchet with this story. See his _Recueil de l'Origine de la Langue & Poesie Françoise, Ryme, & Romans, &c._ Par. 1581.
[1053] Tribales. "Retrudi eum præcepit in Triballis: a quo carcere nullus ante dies istos exivit."--_Lat. Chron. of Otho of Austria_: apud Favin.
[1054] _Comme Menestrels s'accointent legerement._--Favine. (Fauchet expresses it in the same manner.)
[1055] I give this passage corrected, as the English translator of Favine's book appeared here to have mistaken the original:--Scil. "Et quant Blondel eut dit la moitie de la Chanson, le Roy Richart se prist a dire l'autre moitie et l'acheva."--FAVINE, p. 1106. Fauchet has also expressed it in nearly the same words. _Recueil_, p. 93.
[1056] In a little romance or novel, intitled, _La Tour Tenebreuse, et_ _les Jours lumineux, Contes Angloises, accompagnez d'Historiettes, &_ _tirez a'une ancienne Chronique composee par Richard, surnomme Coeur de Lion, Roy d'Angleterre, &c._ Paris, 1705, 12mo. In the Preface to this Romance the editor has given another song of Blondel de Nesle, as also a copy of the song written by K. Richard, and published by Mr. Walpole, mentioned above (in Note [1049], p. 357), yet the two last are not in Provençal like the sonnet printed here; but in the old French, called _Langage Roman_.
[1057] The words of the original, viz. "Citharisator homo jocosus in Gestis antiquorum valde peritus," I conceive to give the precise idea of the ancient minstrel. See Note [V2]. That Gesta was appropriated to romantic stories, see Note [I], Part IV. (i.)
[1058] See Dugdale (Bar. i. 42, 101), who places it after 13 John, A.D. 1212. See also Plot's _Staffordsh._ Camden's _Britann._ (Cheshire).
[1059] See the ancient record in Blount's _Law Dictionary_. (Art. Minstrel.)
[1060] _Ibid._ p. 101.
[1061] Leland's _Collectanea_, vol. i. p. 261, 266, 267.
[1062] This old feudal custom of marrying an heiress to the knight who should vanquish all his opponents in solemn contest, &c. appears to be burlesqued in the _Turnament of Totenham_ (see vol. ii. book i. No. 4), as is well observed by the learned author of _Remarks_, &c. in _Gent. Mag._ for July, 1794, p. 613.
[1063] "John, sun to K. Henry, and Fulco felle at variance at Chestes [r. Chesse]; and John brake Fulco[s] hed with the Chest borde: and then Fulco gave him such a blow, that he had almost killid hym."--Lel. _Coll._ 1, p. 264. A curious picture of courtly manners in that age! Notwithstanding this fray, we read in the next paragraph, that "K. Henry dubbid Fulco & 3 of his bretherne knightes at Winchester."--_Ibid._
[1064] Burney's _Hist._ ii. p. 355. Rot. Pip. An. 36, H. 3. "Et in uno dolio vini empto & dato Magistro Ricardo Citharistæ Regis, xl sol. per br. Reg. Et in uno dolio empto & dato Beatrici uxori ejusdem Ricardi."
[1065] Walter Hemmingford (_vixit temp._ Edw. I.) in Chronic. cap. 35, inter _V. Hist. Ang. Scriptores_, vol. ii. Oxon. 1687, fol. p. 591.
[1066] "Accurrentes ad hæc Ministri ejus, qui a longe steterunt, invenerunt eum (scil. Nuntium) in terra mortuum, et apprehendit unus eorum tripodem, scilicet Cithareda suus & percussit eum in capite, et effundit cerebrum ejus. Increpavitque eum Edwardus quod hominem mortuum percussisset."--_Ibid._ These _ministri_ must have been upon a very confidential footing, as it appears above in the same chapter that they had been made acquainted with the contents of the letters, which the assassin had delivered to the prince from his master.
[1067] See Gray's _Ode_: and the Hist. of the Gwedir Family in _Miscellanies by the Hon. Daines Barrington_, 1781, 4to. p. 386; who in the laws, &c. of this monarch could find no instances of severity against the Welsh. See his _Observations on the Statutes_, 4to. 4th edit. p. 358.
[1068] _Hist. of Staffordshire_, Ch. 10, Section 69-76, p. 433, & seqq. of which see extracts in Sir J. Hawkins's _Hist. of Music_, vol. ii. p. 64, and Dr. Burney's _Hist._ vol. ii. p. 360 & seqq.
N.B. The barbarous diversion of Bull-running was no part of the original institution, &c. as is fully proved by the Rev. Dr. Pegge in _Archæologia_, vol. ii. No. xiii. p. 86.
[1069] See the charge given by the steward, at the time of the election, in Plot's _Hist._ ubi supra; and in Hawkins, p. 67, Burney, p. 363-4.
[1070] So among the heralds _Norrey_ was anciently stiled _Roy d'Armes_ _de North_ (Anstis, ii. 300). And the kings at armes in general were originally called _Reges Heraldorum_ (_Ibid._ 302), as these were _Reges Minstrallorum_.
[1071] Rymer's, _Fædera_, tom. vii. p. 555.
[1072] Rymer, ix. 255.
[1073] _Ibid._ p. 260.
[1074] See his _Chronicle_, sub anno 1415 (p. 1170). He also gives this other instance of the king's great modesty, "that he would not suffer his helmet to be carried with him, and shewed to the people, that they might behold the dintes and cuttes, whiche appeared in the same, of such blowes and stripes, as hee received the daye of the battell."--_Ibid._ Vid. T. de Elmham, c. 29, p. 72.
The prohibition against vain and secular songs would probably not include that inserted in our 2nd vol. No. v. which would be considered as a hymn. The original notes may be seen reduced and set to score in Mr. Stafford Smith's _Collection of English Songs for 3 and 4 voices_, and in Dr. Burney's _Hist. of Music_, ii. p. 384.
[1075] T. ix. 336.
[1076] _Ibid._ x. 287. They are mentioned by name, being _ten_ in number: one of them was named Thomas Chatterton.
[1077] Tom. xi. 375.
[1078] See it in Rymer, t. xi. 642, and in Sir J. Hawkins, vol. iv. p. 366, note. The above charter is recited in letters patent of K. Charles I. 15 July (11 Anno Regni) for a corporation of musicians, &c. in Westminster, which may be seen, _ibid._
[1079] Rymer, ix. 255.
[1080] _Ibid._ xi. 375.
[1081] Rymer, xi. 512.
[1082] Here unfortunately ends a curious fragment (an. 9, E. IV.), ad calcem _Sprotti Chron._ Ed. Hearne, Oxon. 1719, 8vo. Vid. T. Warton's _Hist._ ii. p. 134, note [C].
[1083] Rymer, xi. 642.
[1084] _Ibid._ xiii. 705.
[1085] _Ibid._ xiv. 2. 93.
[1086] So I am inclined to understand the term Serviens noster Hugo Wodehous, in the original Grant (see Rymer, _ubi supra_). It is needless to observe that _Serviens_ expressed a serjeant as well as a servant. If this interpretation of _Serviens_ be allowed, it will account for his placing Wodehouse at the head of his Gild, although he had not been one of the eight minstrels who had had the general direction. The serjeant of his minstrells, we may presume, was next in dignity to the marshal, although he had no share in the government of the Gild.
[1087] See below, and Note [Gg].
[1088] See vol. ii. book 2, No. 10.
[1089] Puttenham in his _Arte of English Poesie_, 1589, 4to. p. 33. See the quotation in its proper order in vol ii. book ii. No. 10.
[1090] _Ibid._ p. 69. See vol. ii. book 2, No. 10.
[1091] Puttenham, &c. p. 69.
[1092] See a very curious "Letter: whearin, part of the entertainment untoo the Queenz Maiesty, at Killingwoorth Castl, in Warwick Sheer, in this soomerz Progress 1575, iz signified," &c. bl. l. 4to. vid. p. 46, & seqq. (Printed in Nichols's _Collection of Queen Elizabeth's Progresses_, &c. in 2 vols. 4to.) We have not followed above the peculiar and affected orthography of this writer, who was named Ro. Laneham, or rather Langham.
[1093] I suppose "Tonsure-wise," after the manner of the monks.
[1094] _i.e._ handkerchief. So in Shakspear's _Othello_, passim.
[1095] Perhaps, points.
[1096] The key, or screw, with which he tuned his harp.
[1097] The reader will remember that this was not a real minstrel, but only one personating that character; his ornaments therefore were only such as _outwardly_ represented those of a real minstrel.
[1098] As the house of Northumberland had anciently three minstrels attending on them in their castles in Yorkshire, so they still retain three in their service in Northumberland, who wear the badge of the family (a silver crescent on the right arm), and are thus distributed; _viz._ one for the barony of Prudhoe, and two for the barony of Rothbury. These attend the court leets and fairs held for the Lord, and pay their annual suit and service at Alnwick castle; their instrument being the ancient Northumberland bagpipe (very different in form and execution from that of the Scots, being smaller; and blown, not with the breath, but with a small pair of bellows).
This, with many other venerable customs of the ancient Lord Percys, was revived by their illustrious representatives the late Duke and Dutchess of Northumberland.
[1099] Anno Dom. 1597. Vid. _Pult. Stat._ p. 1110, 39 Eliz.
[1100] See this vol. Song 6, v. 156, 180, &c.
[1101] Giraldus Cambrensis, writing in the reign of K. Henry II. mentions a very extraordinary habit or propensity, which then prevailed in the north of England, beyond the Humber, for "symphonious harmony," or singing "in two parts, the one murmuring in the base, and the other warbling in the acute or treble." (I use Dr. Burney's version, vol. ii. p. 108.) This he describes as practised by their very children from the cradle; and he derives it from the Danes (so _Daci_ signifies in our old writers) and Norwegians, who long over-ran and in effect new-peopled the northern parts of England, where alone this manner of singing prevailed. (Vide _Cambriae Descriptio_, cap. 13, and in Burney, _ubi supra_.) Giraldus is probably right as to the origin or derivation of this practise, for the Danish and Icelandic scalds had carried the arts of poetry and singing to great perfection at the time the Danish settlements were made in the north. And it will also help to account for the superior skill and fame of our northern minstrels and harpers afterwards: who had preserved and transmitted the arts of their scaldic ancestors. See _Northern Antiquities_, vol. i. c. 13, p. 386, and _Five pieces of Runic poetry_, 1763, 8vo. Compare the original passage in Giraldus, as given by Sir John Hawkins, i. 408, and by Dr. Burney, ii. 108, who are both at a loss to account for this peculiarity, and therefore doubt the fact. The credit of Giraldus, which hath been attacked by some partial and bigotted antiquaries, the reader will find defended in that learned and curious work, _Antiquities of Ireland_, by Edward Ledwich, LL.D. &c. Dublin, 1790, 4to. p. 207, & seqq.
[1102] This line being quoted from memory, and given as old Scottish poetry, would have been readily corrected by the copy published in _Scottish Songs_, 1794, 2 vols. 12mo. i. p. 267, thus (though apparently corrupted from the Scottish idiom):
"Live you upo' the Border?"
had not all confidence been destroyed by its being altered in the _Historical Essay_, prefixed to that publication (p. cx.) to
"Ye live upo' the Border,"
the better to favour a position, that many of the pipers "might live upon the border, for the conveniency of attending fairs, &c. in both kingdoms." But whoever is acquainted with that part of England knows that on the English frontier rude mountains and barren wastes reach almost across the island, scarcely inhabited by any but solitary shepherds; many of whom durst not venture into the opposite border on account of the ancient feuds and subsequent disputes concerning the Debatable Lands, which separated the boundaries of the two kingdoms, as well as the estates of the two great families of Percy and Douglas; till these disputes were settled, not many years since, by arbitration between the _present_ Lord Douglas, and the _late_ Duke and Dutchess of Northumberland.
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS
REFERRED TO IN THE FOREGOING ESSAY.
[A] [_The Minstrels, &c._]
The word _minstrel_ does not appear to have been in use here before the Norman Conquest: whereas it had long before that time been adopted in France.[1103] Menestrel, so early as the eighth century, was a title given to the _Maestro di Capella_ of K. Pepin, the father of Charlemagne; and afterwards to the Coryphæus, or leader of any band of musicians (v. Burney's _Hist. of Music_, ii. 268). This term _menestrel_, _menestrier_ was thus expressed in Latin, _ministellus_, _ministrellus_, _ministrallus_, _menesterellus_, &c. (Vid. _Gloss. Du Cange_, and Supplement.)
Menage derives the French words above mentioned from _ministerialis_ or _ministeriarius_, barbarous Latin terms, used in the middle ages to express a workman or artificer (still called in Languedoc _ministral_), as if these men were styled artificers or performers by way of excellence (vid. _Diction. Etym._) But the origin of the name is given perhaps more truly by Du Cange, "Ministelli ... quos vulgo _menestreux_ vel _menestriers_ appellamus, quod minoribus aulæ _ministris_ accenserentur." (_Gloss._ iv. p. 769.) Accordingly, we are told, the word "_minister_" is sometimes used "pro _ministellus_" (_Ibid._), and an instance is produced which I shall insert at large in the next paragraph.
Minstrels sometimes assisted at divine service, as appears from the record of the ninth of Edw. IV. quoted above in p. 371 by which Haliday and others are erected into a perpetual Gild, &c. See the original in _Rymer_, xi. 642. By part of this record it is recited to be their duty to pray (_exorare_: which it is presumed they did by assisting in the chant, and musical accompaniment, &c.) The same also appears from the passage in the Supplem. to Du Cange, alluded to above. "Minister ... pro _Ministellus_ Joculator[1104]--Vetus ceremoniale MS. B. M. deauratæ Tolos. Item, etiam congregabuntur Piscatores, qui debent interesse isto die in processione cum _Ministris_ seu Joculatoribus: quia ipsi Piscatores tenentur habere isto die _Joculatores_, seu _Mimos_ ob _honorem Crucis_--et vadunt primi ante processionem cum _Ministris_ seu Joculatoribus semper pulsantibus usque ad ecclesiam S. Stephani" (_Gloss_. 773). This may perhaps account for the clerical appearance of the minstrels, who seem to have been distinguished by the tonsure, which was one of the inferior marks of the clerical character.[1105] Thus Jeffery of Monmouth, speaking of one who acted the part of a minstrel, says, _Rasit capillos suos & barbam_ (see note [K]). Again, a writer in the reign of Elizabeth, describing the habit of an ancient minstrel, speaks of his head as "rounded tonster-wise" (which I venture to read tonsure-wise), "his beard smugly shaven." See above, p. 375.
It must, however, be observed, that notwithstanding such clerical appearance of the minstrels, and though they might be sometimes countenanced by such of the clergy as were of more relaxed morals, their sportive talents rendered them generally obnoxious to the more rigid ecclesiastics, and to such of the religious orders as were of more severe discipline; whose writings commonly abound with heavy complaints of the great encouragement shewn to those men by the princes and nobles, and who can seldom afford them a better name than that of _scurræ, famelici, nebulones_, &c. of which innumerable instances may be seen in Du Cange. It was even an established order in some of the monasteries, that no minstrel should ever be suffered to enter their gates.[1106]
We have, however, innumerable particulars of the good cheer and great rewards given to the minstrels in many of the convents, which are collected by T. Warton (i. 91, &c.) and others. But one instance, quoted from Wood's _Hist. Antiq. Univ. Ox._ i. 67. (Sub. An. 1224) deserves particular mention. Two itinerant priests, on a supposition of their being _mimi_ or _minstrels_, gained admittance. But the cellarer, sacrist, and others of the brethren, who had hoped to have been entertained with their diverting arts, &c. when they found them to be only two indigent ecclesiastics, who could only administer spiritual consolation, and were consequently disappointed of their mirth, beat them and turned them out of the monastery. (_Ibid._ p. 92.) This passage furnishes an additional proof that a minstrel might by his dress or appearance be mistaken for an ecclesiastic.
[B] [_The minstrels use mimicry and action, and other means of diverting, &c._] It is observable that our old monkish historians do not use the words _cantator_, _citharædus_, _musicus_, or the like, to express a minstrel in Latin, so frequently as _mimus_, _histrio_, _joculator_, or some other word that implies gesture. Hence it might be inferred that the minstrels set off their songs with all the arts of gesticulation, &c. or according to the ingenious hypothesis of Dr. Brown, united the powers of melody, poem, and dance. (See his _History of the Rise of Poetry_, &c.)
But indeed all the old writers describe them as exercising various arts of this kind. Joinville, in his _Life of S. Lewis_, speaks of some Armenian minstrels, who were very dextrous tumblers and posture masters. "Avec le Prince vinrent trois Menestriers de la Grande Hyermenie (Armenia) ... et avoient trois cors--Quand ils encommenceoient a corner, vous dissiez que ce sont les voix de cygnes, ... et fesoient les plus douces melodies.--Ils fesoient trois merveilleus _saus_, car on leur metoit une touaille desous les piez, et tournoient tout debout ... Les deux tournoients les testes arieres," &c. (See the extract at large, in the Hon. D. Barrington's _Observations on the Anc. Statutes_, 4to. 2nd edit. p. 273, omitted in the last impression.)
This may also account for that remarkable clause in the press warrant of Henry VI. "_De Ministrallis propter solatium regis providendis_," by which it is required, that the boys, to be provided _in arte Ministrallatûs instructos_, should also be _membris naturalibus_ _elegantes_. See above, p. 370. (_Observ. on the Anc. Stat._ 4th edit. p. 337.)
Although by minstrel was properly understood, in English, one who sang to the harp, or some other instrument of music, verses composed by himself or others; yet the term was also applied by our old writers to such as professed either music or singing separately, and perhaps to such as practised any of the sportive arts connected with these.[1107] Music, however, being the leading idea, was at length peculiarly called minstrelsy, and the name of minstrel at last confined to the musician only.
In the French language all these arts were included under the general name of _menestraudie_, _menestraudise_, _jonglerie_, &c. (Med. Lat. _menestellorum ars_, _ars joculatoria_, &c.) "On peut comprendre sous le nom de jonglerie tout ce qui appartient aux anciens chansonniers Provençaux, Normands, Picards, &c. Le corps de la jonglerie etoit formé des _trouveres_, ou _troubadours_, qui composoient les chansons, et parmi lesquels il y avoit des _improvisateurs_, comme on en trouve en Italie; des _chanteurs_ ou _chanteres_ qui executoient ou chantoient ces compositions; des _conteurs_ qui faisoient en vers ou en prose les contes, les recits, les histoires; des _jongleurs_ ou _menestrels_ qui accompagnoient de leurs instrumens,--L'art de ces chantres ou chansonniers, etoit nommé la Science Gaie, _Gay Saber_." (Pref. _Anthologie Franç._ 1765, 8vo. p. 17.) See also the curious Fauchet (_De l'Orig. de la Lang. Fr._ p. 72, &c.) "Bien tost après la division de ce grand empire François en tant de petits royaumes, duchez, & comtez, au lieu des Poetes commencerent a se faire cognoistre les _trouverres_, et _chanterres_, _contëours_, et _juglëours_: qui sont trouveurs, chantres, conteurs, jongleurs, ou jugleurs, c'est à dire, menestriers chantans avec la viole."
We see then that _jongleur_, _jugleur_, (Lat. _joculator_, _juglator_) was a peculiar name appropriated to the minstrels. "Les jongleurs ne faisoient que chanter les poesies sur leurs instrumens. On les appelloit aussi Menestrels," says Fontenelle, in his _Hist. du Theat._ _Franc._ prefixed to his _Life of Corneille_.
[C] [_Successors of the ancient bards._] That the minstrels in many respects bore a strong resemblance both to the British bards and to the Danish scalds, appears from this, that the old monkish writers express them all without distinction by the same names in Latin. Thus Geoffrey of Monmouth, himself a Welshman, speaking of an old pagan British King, who excelled in singing and music so far as to be esteemed by his countrymen the patron deity of the bards, uses the phrase _Deus_ Joculatorum; which is the peculiar name given to the English and French minstrels.[1108] In like manner, William Malmesbury, speaking of a Danish king's assuming the profession of a scald, expresses it by _professus_ mimum; which was another name given to the minstrels in middle latinity.[1109] Indeed, Du Cange, in his _Glossary_, quotes a writer who positively asserts that the minstrels of the middle ages were the same with the ancient bards. I shall give a large extract from this learned glossographer, as he relates many curious particulars concerning the profession and arts of the minstrels; whom, after the monks, he stigmatizes by the name of _scurræ_; though he acknowledges their songs often tended to inspire virtue.
"Ministelli, dicti præsertim _scurræ_, Mimi, joculatores." ... "Ejusmodi _scurrarum_ munus erat principes non suis duntaxat ludicris oblectare, sed et eorum aures variis avorum, adeoque ipsorum principum laudibus, non sine assentatione, cum cantilenis & musicis instrumentis demulcere ...
"Interdum etiam virorum insignium & heroum gesta, aut explicata & jocunda narratione commemorabant, aut suavi vocis inflexione, fidibusque decantabant, quo sic dominorum, cæterorumque qui his intererant ludicris, nobilium animos ad virtutem capessendam, et summorum virorum imitationem accenderent: quod fuit olim apud Gallos bardorum ministerium, ut auctor est Tacitus. Neque enim alios à _ministellis_, veterum Gallorum _bardos_ fuisse pluribus probat Henricus Valesius ad 15 Ammiani.... Chronicon Bertrandi Guesclini.
"Qui veut avoir renom des bons & des vaillans
Il doit aler souvent a la pluie & au champs
Et estre en la bataille, ainsy que fu Rollans,
Les Quatre Fils Haimon, & Charlon li plus grans,
Li dus Lions de Bourges, & Guions de Connans
Perceval li Galois, Lancelot, & Tristans,
Alixandres, Artus, Godfroi li Sachans,
De quoy cils _menestriers_ font les nobles _Romans_."
"Nicolaus de Braia describens solenne convivium, quo post inaugurationem suam proceres excepit Lud. VIII. rex Francorum, ait inter ipsius convivii apparatum, in medium prodiisse mimum, qui regis laudes ad cytharam decantavit."
Our author then gives the lines at length, which begin thus,
"Dumque fovent genium geniali munere Bacchi,
Nectare commixto curas removente Lyæo
Principis a facie, citharæ celeberrimus arte
Assurgit mimus, ars musica quem decoravit.
Hic ergo chorda resonante subintulit ista:
Inclyte rex regum, probitatis stemmate vernans,
Quem vigor & virtus extollit in æthera famæ," &c.
The rest may be seen in Du Cange, who thus proceeds, "Mitto reliqua similia, ex quibus omnino patet ejusmodi mimorum & ministellorum cantilenas ad virtutem principes excitasse.... Id præsertim in pugnæ præcinctu, dominis suis occinebant, ut martium ardorem in eorum animis concitarent: cujusmodi cantum _Cantilenam Rollandi_ appellat Will. Malmesb. lib. 3. Aimoinus, lib. 4. de Mirac. S. Bened. c. 37. Tanta vero illis securitas ... ut scurram se precedere facerent, qui musico instrumento res fortiter gestas et priorum bella præcineret, quatenus his acrius incitarentur, &c." As the writer was a monk, we shall not wonder at his calling the minstrel, _scurram_.
This word _scurra_, or some one similar, is represented in the Glossaries as the proper meaning of _leccator_ (Fr. _leccour_) the ancient term by which the _minstrel_ appears to be expressed in the Grant to Dutton, quoted above in page 363. On this head I shall produce a very curious passage, which is twice quoted in Du Cange's _Glossary_. (Sc. ad verb. Menestellus & ad verb. Lecator.) "Philippus Mouskes in Philip. Aug. fingit Carolum M. Provincie comitatum scurris & mimis suis olim donasse, indeque postea tantum in hac regione poetarum numerum excrevisse.
"Quar quant li buens Rois Karlemaigne
Ot toute raise a son demaine
Provence, qui mult iert plentive
De vins, de bois, d'aigue, de rive,
As leccours as menestreus
Qui sont auques luxurieus
Le donna toute et departi."
[D] _The poet and the minstrel early with us became two persons._ The word scald comprehended both characters among the Danes, nor do I know that they had any peculiar name for either of them separate. But it was not so with the Anglo-Saxons. They called a poet +Sceop.+ and +Leoðþyrta+: the last of these comes from +Leoð+, a song; and the former answers to our old word make (Gr. #Poiêtês#), being derived from +Scippan+ or +Sceopan+, _formare_, _facere_, _fingere_, _creare_ (Ang. to shape). As for the minstrel, they distinguished him by the peculiar appellation of +Gligman+, and perhaps by the more simple title of +Ðearpere+, harper: (See below, notes [H], [I].) This last title, at least, is often given to a minstrel by our most ancient English rhymists. See in this work vol. i. book i. No. 6, vol. iii. book i. No. 7.
[E] [_Minstrels ... at the houses of the great, &c._] Du Cange affirms, that in the middle ages the courts of princes swarmed so much with this kind of men, and such large sums were expended in maintaining and rewarding them, that they often drained the royal treasures: especially, he adds, of such as were delighted with their flatteries (_præsertim qui ejusmodi ministellorum assentationibus_ _delectabantur_). He then confirms his assertion by several passages out of monastic writers, who sharply inveigh against this extravagance. Of these I shall here select only one or two, which show what kind of rewards were bestowed on these old songsters.
"Rigordus de Gestis Philippi Aug. an. 1185. 'Cum in curiis regum seu aliorum principum, frequens turba histrionum convenire soleat, ut ab eis aurum, argentum, equos, seu vestes,[1110] quos persæpe mutare consueverunt principes, ab eis extorqueant, verba joculatoria variis adulationibus plena proferre nituntur. Et ut magis placeant, quicquid de ipsis principibus probabiliter fingi potest, videlicet omnes delitias et lepores, et visu dignas urbanitates et cæteras ineptias, trutinantibus buccis in medium eructare non erubescunt. Vidimus quondam quosdam principes, qui vestes diu excogitatas, et variis florum picturationibus artificiosè elaboratas, pro quibus forsan 20 vel. 30 marcas argenti consumpserant, vix revolutis septem diebus, histrionibus, ministris diaboli, ad primam vocem dedisse, &c."
The curious reader may find a similar, though at the same time a more candid account, in that most excellent writer, Presid. Fauchet (_Recueil de la Lang. Fr._ p. 73), who says, that, like the ancient Greek #Aoidoi#, "Nos trouverres, ainsi que ceux la, prenans leur subject sur les faits des vaillans (qu'ils appelloyent geste, venant de _gesta_ Latin) alloyent ... par les cours rejouir les princes ... Remportans des grandes recompences des seigneurs, qui bien souvent leur donnoyent jusques aux robes qu'ils avoyent vestues: & lesquelles ces juglëours ne failloyent de porter aux autres cours, à fin d'inviter les seigneurs a pareille liberalité. Ce qui a duré si longuement, qu'il me souvient avoir veu Martin Baraton (ja viel menestrier d'Orleans) lequel aux festes et nopces batoit un tabourin d'argent, semé des plaques aussi d'argent gravees des armoiries de ceux a qui il avoit appris a danser." Here we see that a minstrel sometimes performed the function of a dancing-master.
Fontenelle even gives us to understand, that these men were often rewarded with favours of a still higher kind. "Les princesses & les plus grandes dames y joignoient souvent leurs faveurs. Elles etoient fort foibles contre les beaux esprits." (_Hist. du Théat._) We are not to wonder then that this profession should be followed by men of the first quality, particularly the younger sons and brothers of great houses. "Tel qui par les partages de sa famille n'avoit que la moitié ou le quart d'une vieux chateaux bien seigneurial, alloit quelque temps courir le monde en rimant, et revenoit acquerir le reste de Chateau." (_Fontenelle, Hist. du Théat._) We see then, that there was no improbable fiction in those ancient songs and romances, which are founded on the story of minstrels being beloved by kings' daughters, &c., and discovering themselves to be the sons of some sovereign prince, &c.
[F] The honours and rewards lavished upon the minstrels were not confined to the continent. Our own countryman Johannes Sarisburiensis (in the time of Henry II.) declaims no less than the monks abroad, against the extravagant favour shown to these men. Non enim more nugatorum ejus seculi in histriones & mimos, et hujusmodi monstra hominum, ob famæ redemptionem & dilatationem nominis effunditis opes vestras, &c. (_Epist._ 247.[1111])
The monks seem to grudge every act of munificence that was not applied to the benefit of themselves and their convents. They therefore bestow great applauses upon the Emperor Henry, who, at his marriage with Agnes of Poictou, in 1044, disappointed the poor minstrels, and sent them away empty. "Infinitam histrionum & joculatorum multitudinem sine cibo & muneribus vacuam & moerentem abire permisit." (_Chronic. Virtziburg._) For which I doubt not but he was sufficiently stigmatized in the songs and ballads of those times. Vid. Du Cange, _Gloss._ tom. iv. p 771, &c.
[G] [_The annals of the Anglo-Saxons are scanty and defective._] Of the few histories now remaining that were written before the Norman Conquest, almost all are such short and naked sketches and abridgements, giving only a concise and general relation of the more remarkable events, that scarce any of the minute circumstantial particulars are to be found in them: nor do they hardly ever descend to a description of the customs, manners, or domestic economy of their countrymen. The _Saxon Chronicle_, for instance, which is the best of them, and upon some accounts extremely valuable, is almost such an epitome as Lucius Florus and Eutropius have left us of the Roman history. As for Ethelward, his book is judged to be an imperfect translation of the _Saxon Chronicle_;[1112] and the _Pseudo Asser_, or _Chronicle of St. Neot_, is a poor defective performance. How absurd would it be then to argue against the existence of customs or facts, from the silence of such scanty records as these! Whoever would carry his researches deep into that period of history, might safely plead the excuse of a learned writer, who had particularly studied the Ante-Norman historians. "Conjecturis (licet nusquam sine verisimili fundamento) aliquoties indulgemus ... utpote ab historicis jejune nimis & indiligenter res nostras tractantibus coacti ... Nostri ... nudâ factorum commemoratione plerumque contenti, reliqua omnia, sive ob ipsarum rerum, sive meliorum literarum, sive historicorum officii ignorantiam, fere intacta prætereunt." Vide plura in _Præfat. ad_ _Ælfr. Vitam a Spelman_. Ox. 1678, fol.
[H] [_Minstrels and harpers._] That the harp (_cithara_) was the common musical instrument of the Anglo-Saxons, might be inferred from the very word itself, which is not derived from the British, or any other Celtic language, but of genuine Gothic original, and current among every branch of that people: viz. Ang.-Sax. +Ðearpe, Ðearpa;+ Iceland. harpa, haurpa; Dan. and Belg. harpe; Germ, harpffe, harpffa; Gal. harpe; Span. harpa; Ital. arpa. (Vid. _Jun. Etym., Menage Etym._ &c.) As also from this, that the word +Ðearpe+ is constantly used, in the Anglo-Saxon versions, to express the Latin words _cithara_, _lyra_, and even _cymbalum_: the word _psalmus_ itself being sometimes translated +Ðearp sang+, harp song (_Gloss, Jun. R. apud Lye Anglo-Sax. Lexic._)
But the fact itself is positively proved by the express testimony of Bede, who tells us that it was usual at festival meetings for this instrument to be handed round, and each of the company to sing to it in his turn. See his _Hist. Eccles. Anglor._ lib. iv. c. 24, where speaking of their sacred poet Cædmon, who lived in the times of the Heptarchy (_ob. circ._ 680) he says:
"Nihil unquam frivoli & supervacui poematis facere potuit; sed ea tantummodo, quæ ad religionem pertinent, religiosam ejus linguam decebant. Siquidem in habitu sæculari, usque ad tempora provectioris ætatis constitutus, nil carminum aliquando didicerat. Unde nonnunquam in convivio, cum esset lætitia causa ut omnes per ordinem cantare deberent, ille ubi appropinquare sibi citharam cernebat, surgebat a mediâ coenâ, et egressus ad suam domum repedabat."
I shall now subjoin King Alfred's own Anglo-Saxon translation of this passage, with a literal interlineary English version.
+Ðe.. næfre noht leasunga. ne ideles leoðes pyrcean ne mihte;+
_He ... never no leasings, nor idle songs compose ne might_;
+ac efne ða an ða ðe to æfestnesse belumpon. [et]+
_but lo! only those things which to religion [piety] belong, and_
+his ða æfestan tungan gedafenode singan: [hj]æs he se man+
_his then pious tongue became to sing: He was the [a] man_
+in peorolt-hade geseted oð ða tide ðe he pæs of+
_in worldly [secular] state set to the time in which he was of an_
+gelyfedre ylde. [et] he næfre ænig leoþ geleornode. [et] he+
_advanced age; and he never any song learned. And he_
+forþon oft in gebeorscipe ðonne ðær pæs blisse intinga+
_therefore_ OFT _in an entertainment when there was for merriment_
+gedemed. [þ/] hi ealle sceoldan ðuph engeby+
_sake adjudged [or decreed], that they_ ALL _should through their_
+rdnesse be hearpan singan. ðonne he geseah ða hearpan+
_turns by [to the]_ HARP SING; _when he saw the_ HARP
+him nealæcan. ðonne aras he for sceome fram ðam symle+
_him approach, then arose he FOR_ SHAME _from the supper_
+[et] ham eode to his huse.+
_and home yode [went] to his house._
_Bed. Hist. Eccl. a Smith._ Cantab. 1722, fol. p. 597.
In this version of Alfred's it is observable, (1) that he has expressed the Latin word _cantare_, by the Anglo-Saxon words "+be hearpan singan+," sing to the harp; as if they were synonymous, or as if his countrymen had no idea of singing unaccompanied with the harp: (2) That when Bede simply says, _surgebat a mediâ coenâ_, he assigns a motive, "+aras for sceome+," arose for shame: that is, either from an austerity of manners, or from his being deficient in an accomplishment which so generally prevailed among his countrymen.
[I] [_The word_ glee _which peculiarly denoted their art_, &c.] This word glee is derived from the Anglo-Saxon +Gligg+, (Gligg) _musica_, music, minstrelsy (Somn). This is the common radix, whence arises such a variety of terms and phrases relating to the minstrel art, as affords the strongest internal proof, that this profession was extremely common and popular here before the Norman Conquest. Thus we have
I.
(1) +Glip+ (Gliw.), _mimus_, a minstrel. +Gligman, gligmon, gliman+, (gleeman[1113]) _histrio_, _mimus_, _pantomimus_; all common names in middle latinity for a minstrel; and Somner accordingly renders the original by a minstrel--a player on a timbrel or taber. He adds, a fidler; but although the _fythel_ or _fiddle_, was an ancient instrument, by which the _jogelar_ or minstrel sometimes accompanied his song (see Warton, i. 17), it is probable that Somner annexes here only a modern sense to the word, not having at all investigated the subject.
+Gliimen, gliigmen+, (Gleemen), _histriones_, minstrels. Hence,
+Gligmanna-yppe+. _Orchestra_, vel _pulpitus_. The place where the minstrels exhibited their performances.
(2) But their most proper and expressive name was
+Gliphleoþriend+, _musicus_, a minstrel; and
+Gliphleoþriendlica+, _musicus_, musical.
These two words include the full idea of the minstrel character, expressing at once their music and singing, being compounded of +Glip+, _musicus, mimus_, a musician, minstrel; and +Leoð+, _carmen_, a song.
(3) From the above word +Gligg+, the profession itself was called.
+Gligcræft+ (glig _or_ glee-craft), _musica, histrionia, mimica gesticulatio_: which Somner rightly gives in English, ministrelsy, mimical gesticulation, mummery. He also adds stage-playing: but here again I think he substitutes an idea too modern, induced by the word _histrionia_, which in middle latinity only signifies the minstrel-art.
However, it should seem that both mimical gesticulation and a kind of rude exhibition of characters were sometimes attempted by the old minstrels: but
(4) As musical performance was the leading idea, so
+Gliopian+, is _Cantus musicos edere_; and
+Gligbeam, glipbeam+ (glig or glee-beam), _tympanum_; a timbrel or taber. (So Somn.) Hence
+Glypan.+ _Tympanum pulsare_; and
+Glip-megen; gliypiende-maden+; (glee-maiden), _tympanistria_: which Somner renders a she-minstrel; for it should seem that they had females of this profession; one name for which was also +Glypbydenestra+.
(5) Of congenial derivation to the foregoing is
+Glypc.+ (Glywc), _Tibia_, a pipe or flute.
Both this and the common radix +Gligg+ are with great appearance of truth derived by Junius from the Icelandic Gliggur, _flatus_; as supposing that the first attempts at music among our Gothic ancestors were with wind-instruments. Vid. _Jun. Etym. Ang._ v. Glee.
II.
But the minstrels, as is hinted above, did not confine themselves to the mere exercise of their primary arts of music and song, but occasionally used many other modes of diverting. Hence, from the above root was derived, in a secondary sense:
(1) +Gleo+, and +pinsum glip+, _facetiæ_.
+Gleopian+, _jocari_; to jest, or, be merry (Somn.), and
+Gleopiend+, _jocans_; jesting, speaking merrily. (Somn.)
+Gligman+, also signified _jocista_, a jester.
+Glig-gamen+, (glee-games), _joci_. Which Somner renders, merriments, or merry jests, or tricks, or sports, gamboles.
(2) Hence, again, by a common metonymy of the cause for the effect:
+Glie+, _gaudium_, _alacritas_, _lætitia_, _facetiæ_; joy, mirth, gladness, cheerfulness, glee. (Somner.) Which last application of the word still continues, though rather in a low debasing sense.
III.
But however agreeable and delightful the various arts of the minstrels might be to the Anglo-Saxon laity, there is reason to believe, that before the Norman Conquest, at least, they were not much favoured by the clergy; particularly by those of monastic profession. For, not to mention that the sportive talents of these men would be considered by those austere ecclesiastics, as tending to levity and licentiousness, the pagan origin of their art would excite in the monks an insuperable prejudice against it. The Anglo-Saxon harpers and gleemen were the immediate successors and imitators of the Scandinavian scalds, who were the great promoters of Pagan superstition, and fomented that spirit of cruelty and outrage in their countrymen the Danes, which fell with such peculiar severity on the religious and their convents. Hence arose a third application of words derived from +Gligg+, minstrelsy, in a very unfavourable sense, and this chiefly prevails in books of religion and ecclesiastic discipline. Thus:
(1) +Glig+ is _ludibrium_, laughing to scorn.[1114] So in S. Basil. Regul. II. +Di hæfdon him to glige halpende minegunge.+ _ludibrio habebant salutarem ejus admonitionm_. (10.) This sense of the word was perhaps not ill-founded, for as the sport of rude uncultivated minds often arises from ridicule, it is not improbable but the old minstrels often indulged a vein of this sort, and that of no very delicate kind. So again,
+Glig-man+ was also used to signify _scurra_, a saucy jester (Somn.)
+Glig-georn+, _dicax, scurriles jocos supra quàm par est amans_. Officium Episcopale, 3.
+Glipian+. _Scurrilibus oblectamentis indulgere; scurram agere._ Canon. Edgar. 58.
(2) Again, as the various attempts to please, practised by an order of men who owed their support to the public favour, might be considered by those grave censors, as mean and debasing: Hence came from the same root,
+Gliper+. _Parasitus, assentator_; a fawner, a togger, a parasite, a flatterer.[1115] (Somn.)
IV.
To return to the Anglo-Saxon word +Gligg+: notwithstanding the various secondary senses in which this word (as we have seen above) was so early applied; yet
The derivative _glee_ (though now chiefly used to express merriment and joy) long retained its first simple meaning, and is even applied by Chaucer to signify music and minstrelsy. (Vid. Jun. Etym.) E.g.
"For though that the best harper upon live
Would on the best sounid jolly harpe
That evir was, with all his fingers five
Touch aie o string, or aie o warble harpe
Were his nailes pointed nevir so sharpe
It shoulde makin every wight to dull
To heare is _glee_, and of his strokes full."
_Troyl. L._ ii.
Junius interprets _glees_ by _musica instrumenta_, in the following passages of Chaucer's third boke of Fame:--
"... Stoden ... the castell all aboutin
Of all maner of _mynstrales_
And _jestours_ that tellen tales
Both of wepyng and of game,
And of all that longeth unto fame:
There herde I play on a harpe
That sowned both well and sharpe
Hym Orpheus full craftily;
And on this syde fast by
Sate the harper Orion;
And Eacides Chirion;
And other harpers many one,
And the Briton Glaskyrion."
After mentioning these, the great masters of the art, he proceeds:--
"And small harpers with her _glees_
Sat under them in divers sees."
* * * * *
Again, a little below, the poet having enumerated the performers on all the different sorts of instruments, adds:--
"There sawe I syt in other sees
Playing upon other sundry _glees_,
Which that I cannot neven[1116]
More than starres ben in heven," &c.
Upon the above lines I shall only make a few observations:
(1) That by jestours, I suppose we are to understand gestours; scil. the relaters of gests (Lat. _gesta_) or stories of adventures both comic and tragical; whether true or feigned; I am inclined to add, whether in prose or verse. (Compare the record below, in marginal note, subjoined to v. 2.) Of the stories in prose, I conceive we have specimens in that singular book the _Gesta Romanorum_, and this will account for its seemingly improper title. These were evidently what the French called _conteours_, or story-tellers, and to them we are probably indebted for the first prose romances of chivalry, which may be considered as specimens of their manner.
(2) That the "Briton Glaskeryon," whoever he was, is apparently the same person with our famous harper Glasgerion, of whom the reader will find a tragical ballad, in vol. iii. book 1, No. 7. In that song may be seen an instance of what was advanced above in note [E] of the dignity of the minstrel profession, or at least of the artifice with which the minstrels endeavoured to set off its importance.
Thus "a king's son is represented as appearing in the character of a harper or minstrel in the court of another king. He wears a collar (or gold chain) as a person of illustrious rank; rides on horseback, and is admitted to the embraces of a king's daughter."
The minstrels lost no opportunity of doing honour to their art.
(3) As for the word _glees_, it is to this day used in a musical sense, and applied to a peculiar piece of composition. Who has not seen the advertisements, proposing a reward to him who should produce the best catch, canon, or glee?
[K] [_Comes from the pen of Geoffrey of Monmouth._] Geoffrey's own words are: "Cum ergo alterius modi aditum [Baldulphus] non haberet, rasit capillos suos et barbam,[1117] cultumque joculatoris cum cythara fecit. Deinde intra castra deambulans, modulis quos in lyra componebat, sese cytharistam exhibebat." _Galf. Monum. Hist._ 4to. 1508, lib. vii. c. 1.--That _joculator_ signifies precisely a minstrel, appears not only from this passage, where it is used as a word of like import to _citharista_ or harper (which was the old English word for minstrel), but also from another passage of the same author, where it is applied as equivalent to _cantor_. See lib. i. cap. 22, where, speaking of an ancient (perhaps fabulous) British king, he says: "Hic omnes cantores quos præcedens ætas habuerat & in modulis & in omnibus musicisinstrumentis excedebat; ita ut Deus Joculatorum videretur." Whatever credit is due to Geoffrey as a relater of facts, he is certainly as good authority as any for the signification of words.
[L] [_Two remarkable facts._] Both these facts are recorded by William of Malmesbury; and the first of them, relating to Alfred, by Ingulphus also. Now Ingulphus (afterwards abbot of Croyland) was near forty years of age at the time of the Conquest,[1118] and consequently was as proper a judge of the Saxon manners, as if he had actually written his history before that event: he is therefore to be considered as an Anti-Norman writer; so that whether the fact concerning Alfred be true or not, we are assured from his testimony, that the _joculator_ or minstrel was a common character among the Anglo-Saxons. The same also may be inferred from the relation of William of Malmesbury, who outlived Ingulphus but thirty-three years.[1119] Both these writers had doubtless recourse to innumerable records and authentic memorials of the Anglo-Saxon times, which never descended down to us; their testimony therefore is too positive and full to be overturned by the mere silence of the two or three slight Anglo-Saxon epitomes, that are now remaining (vid. note [G]).
As for Asser Menevensis, who has given a somewhat more particular detail of Alfred's actions, and yet takes no notice of the following story; it will not be difficult to account for his silence, if we consider that he was a rigid monk, and that the minstrels, however acceptable to the laity, were never much respected by men of the more strict monastic profession, especially before the Norman Conquest, when they would be considered as brethren of the Pagan scalds.[1120] Asser therefore might not regard Alfred's skill in minstrelsy in a very favourable light; and might be induced to drop the circumstance related below, as reflecting in his opinion no great honour on his patron.
The learned editor of Alfred's life in Latin, after having examined the scene of action in person, and weighed all the circumstances of the event, determines from the whole collective evidence, that Alfred could never have gained the victory he did, if he had not with his own eyes previously seen the disposition of the enemy by such a stratagem as is here described. Vid. _Annot. in Ælfr. Mag. Vitam_, p. 33, Oxon. 1678. fol.
[M] [_Alfred ... assumed the dress and character of a minstrel]. Fingens se_ joculatorem, _assumpta cithara, &c. Ingulphi Hist._ p. 869.--_Sub specie mimi ... ut_ joculatoriæ _professor artis. Gul. Malmesb._ l. 2, c. 4, p. 43. That both _joculator_ and _mimus_ signify literally a minstrel, see proved in notes [B], [K], [N], [Q], &c. See also note [Gg].
Malmesbury adds, _Unius tantum fidelissimi fruebatur conscietitiâ_. As this confidant does not appear to have assumed the disguise of a minstrel himself, I conclude that he only appeared as the minstrel's attendant. Now that the minstrel had sometimes his servant or attendant to carry his harp, and even to sing to his music, we have many instances in the old metrical romances, and even some in this present collection. See vol. i. song vi., vol. iii. song vii., &c. Among the French and Provençal bards, the _trouverre_, or inventor, was generally attended with his singer, who sometimes also played on the harp, or other musical instrument. "Quelque fois durant le repas d'un prince on voyoit arriver un trouverre inconnu avec ses menestrels ou jongleours, et il leur faisoit chanter sur leurs harpes ou vielles les vers qu'il avoit composés. Ceux qui faisoient les sons _aussi_ bien qui les _mots_ etoient les plus estimés." _Fontenelle, Hist, du Theatr._
That Alfred excelled in music is positively asserted by Bale, who doubtless had it from some ancient MS. many of which subsisted in his time, that are now lost; as also by Sir J. Spelman, who we may conclude had good authority for this anecdote, as he is known to have compiled his life of Alfred from authentic materials collected by his learned father; this writer informs us that Alfred "provided himself of musitians, not common, or such as knew but the practick part, but men skilful in the art itself, whose skill and service he yet further improved with his own instruction." p. 199. This proves Alfred at least to have understood the theory of music; and how could this have been acquired without practising on some instrument? Which, we have seen above, note [H], was so extremely common with the Anglo-Saxons, even in much ruder times, that Alfred himself plainly tells us, it was _shameful_ to be ignorant of it. And this commonness might be one reason, why Asser did not think it of consequence enough to be particularly mentioned in his short life of that great monarch. This rigid monk may also have esteemed it a slight and frivolous accomplishment savouring only of worldly vanity. He has however particularly recorded Alfred's fondness for the oral Anglo-Saxon poems and songs. (_Saxonica poemata die nocteque ... audiens ... memoriter_ _retinebat_, p. 16. _Carmina Saxonica memoriter discere_, &c. p. 43, and _ib._) Now the poems learnt by rote, among all ancient unpolished nations, are ever songs chanted by the reciter, and accompanied with instrumental melody.[1121]
[N] _With his harp in his hand, and dressed like a minstrel._ Assumptâ manu citharâ ... professus _mimum_, qui hujusmodi arte stipem quotidianam mercaretur ... Jussus abire pretium cantus accepit. _Malmesb._ l. 2, c. 6. We see here that which was rewarded was (not any mimicry or tricks, but) his _singing (cantus)_; this proves beyond dispute, what was the nature of the entertainment Aulaff afforded them. Perhaps it is needless by this time to prove to the reader, that _mimus_ in middle latinity signifies a minstrel, and _mimia_, minstrelsy, or the minstrel-art. Should he doubt it, let him cast his eye over the two following extracts from Du Cange.
"_Mimus_: Musicus qui instrumentis musicis canit. Leges Palatinæ Jacobi II. Reg. Majoric. In domibus principum, ut tradit antiquitas _mimi_ seu joculatores licitè possunt esse. Nam illorum officiam tribuit lutitiam ... Quapropter volumus et ordinamus, quod in nostra curia mimi debeant esse quinque, quorum duo sint tubicinatores, et tertius sit tabelerius (i. e. a player on the tabor.)[1122] Lit. remiss. ann. 1374. Ad mimos cornicitantes, seu bucinantes accesserunt."
Mimia, Ludus Mimicus, Instrumentum (potius, Ars Joculatoria). Ann. 1482.... "Mimia & cantu victum acquiro."
Du Cange, _Gloss._ tom. iv. 1762. Supp. c. 1225.
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Reliques of Ancient English Poetry, Volume 1 (of 3)Chapter XXII: Appendix: I (2)
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