Chapter IV: Book 1 (1)

"Though some make slight of Libels, yet you may see by them how the wind sits: As, take a straw and throw it up into the air, you may see by that which way the wind is, which you shall not do by casting up a stone. More solid things do not shew the complexion of the times so well as Ballads and Libels."--Selden's _Table-Talk_.

I.

RICHARD OF ALMAIGNE,

"A ballad made by one of the adherents to Simon de Montfort, Earl of Leicester, soon after the battle of Lewes, which was fought May 14, 1264,"

--affords a curious specimen of ancient satire, and shews that the liberty, assumed by the good people of this realm, of abusing their kings and princes at pleasure, is a privilege of very long standing.

To render this antique libel intelligible, the reader is to understand that just before the battle of Lewes, which proved so fatal to the interests of Henry III., the barons had offered his brother Richard, King of the Romans, 30,000_l._ to procure a peace upon such terms, as would have divested Henry of all his regal power, and therefore the treaty proved abortive. The consequences of that battle are well-known: the king, prince Edward his son, his brother Richard, and many of his friends, fell into the hands of their enemies: while two great barons of the king's party, John, Earl of Warren, and Hugh Bigot, the king's justiciary, had been glad to escape into France.

In the first stanza the aforesaid sum of thirty thousand pounds is alluded to, but with the usual misrepresentation of party malevolence, is asserted to have been the exorbitant demand of the king's brother.

With regard to the second stanza the reader is to note that Richard, along with the earldom of Cornwall, had the honours of Walingford and Eyre confirmed to him on his marriage with Sanchia, daughter of the Count of Provence, in 1243. Windsor Castle was the chief fortress belonging to the king, and had been garrisoned by foreigners: a circumstance which furnishes out the burthen of each stanza.

The third stanza alludes to a remarkable circumstance which happened on the day of the battle of Lewes. After the battle was lost, Richard, king of the Romans, took refuge in a windmill, which he barricaded, and maintained for some time against the barons, but in the evening was obliged to surrender. See a very full account of this in the _Chronicle of Mailros_, Oxon. 1684, p. 229.[1]

The fourth stanza is of obvious interpretation: Richard, who had been elected king of the Romans in 1256, and had afterwards gone over to take possession of his dignity, was in the year 1259 about to return into England, when the barons raised a popular clamour, that he was bringing with him foreigners to over-run the kingdom: upon which he was forced to dismiss almost all his followers, otherwise the barons would have opposed his landing.

In the fifth stanza the writer regrets the escape of the Earl of Warren, and in the sixth and seventh stanzas insinuates that if he and Sir Hugh Bigot once fell into the hands of their adversaries, they should never more return home; a circumstance which fixes the date of this ballad, for, in the year 1265, both these noblemen landed in South Wales, and the royal party soon after gained the ascendant. See Holinshed, Rapin, &c.

The following is copied from a very ancient MS. in the British Museum. (Hart. MSS. 2253, fol. 58 v°.) This MS. is judged, from the peculiarities of the writing, to be not later than the time of Richard II.; _th_ being everywhere expressed by the character þ; the _y_ is pointed after the Saxon manner, and the _i_ hath an oblique stroke over it.

* * * * *

[The date of the MS. in which this ballad occurs is usually placed
at an earlier period than that fixed upon by Percy. Mr. Thomas
Wright, who prints it in his volume of _Political Songs of_
_England_ (Camden Society), with several other poems in French,
Anglo-Norman, and Latin, on Simon de Montfort and the Barons' Wars,
assigns it to the reign of Edward II. It will be seen from Percy's
note to verse 44, that the last stanza was printed for the first
time in the fourth edition of the _Reliques_. This is explained by
the fact that these lines are written on a new folio of the MS.,
and must therefore have been overlooked by the original copyist.

This little poem is without rival as an early exhibition of English
popular feeling in the vernacular; and it also stands alone as the
first dated English historical ballad in existence. It was probably
written during the first flush of enthusiasm after the memorable
battle of Lewes, because, before a year had gone by, victory had
passed to the other side, and at the battle of Evesham, fought on
the 4th of August, 1265, Simon, his eldest son Henry, and a host of
distinguished men, fell on the fatal field. As Drayton sang:

"Great Lester here expired with Henry his brave sonne,
When many a high exploit they in that day had done."

Prince Edward, who had passed his boyhood in Henry's company and
was much attached to him, personally attended his funeral.

Richard, Earl of Cornwall, brother of Henry III., was elected King
of the Romans on the 13th of January, 1256-7, at Frankfort, and is
styled in Latin documents _Rex Alemanniæ_. In earlier times Richard
had been a leader of malecontents, and "all from the child to the
old man heaped frequent blessings upon him," but Montfort (then a
courtier) gained him over to the King's side, and the insurgents
were in consequence dispersed.

Richard was probably not so base a man as the writer of the ballad
would wish us to believe, and a good action is recorded of him
which was very ill returned. He interceded for the life of De
Montfort's second son Simon, when that youth surrendered to the
royal party at Northampton in 1266, and he was successful in his
suit. In 1271, Simon and his brother Guy assassinated Henry,
Richard's son, then in the suite of Philip of France, on his return
from the Holy Land, while he was at mass in the church of St.
Lawrence, at Viterbo. Richard himself died in this same year at
Berkhampstead, and his estates descended to his son Edmond, Earl of
Cornwall.

The uncertain manner in which biographic honours are apportioned is
noteworthy, and a writer in the _Quarterly Review_ (vol. cxix. p.
26) very justly points out a deficiency in English literature, when
he writes that Simon de Montfort V., second Earl of Leicester, "the
founder of the English House of Commons, has had no biographer."[2]
Mr. Freeman, however, promises to do full honour to his memory in a
forthcoming volume of his history.

This is not the place to give any detailed account of De
Montfort, but a few words on the great leader may be allowable,
more particularly as Percy's introduction does injustice to the
anti-royalist party.

Simon de Montfort, fourth son of Simon de Montfort IV., fourth
Comte de Montfort,[3] married Eleanor, Countess of Pembroke,
the daughter of King John. She had made a vow of widowhood, and
although her brother Henry III. gave her away when she was married,
by one of the royal chaplains, in the king's private chapel at
Westminster, 6th January, 1238, Edmund, Archbishop of Canterbury,
remonstrated strongly against the marriage. It is said that when
the prelate left England, he stood on a hill which commanded a view
of London, and, extending his hands towards the city, pronounced a
parting blessing on his country, and a curse on the countess and
the offspring of her unholy union.

Events so came about that the courtier and alien became the
representative leader of Englishmen, with the famous war-cry of
"England for the English." The battle of Lewes placed everything
in the power of Simon de Montfort, but in his prosperity many of
his followers fell away from him. The last scene of the great man's
life is truly pathetic. He lay at Evesham awaiting the troops which
his son was to bring from Kenilworth. He did not know, however,
that the garrison of that town had been surprised by Prince Edward,
who had escaped from confinement. The army that marched upon
Evesham bore the banners of Simon's son, but they were flying in
the van of an enemy. Simon's first words, when he saw the force
approach, were those of soldierly pride: "By the arm of St. James
they come on well; they learnt that order from me." Before he
spoke again, however, he had realized his position, and he cried
out: "May God have mercy on our souls, for our bodies are Prince
Edward's." When he died liberty seemed to have been crushed out of
existence, but it was not so, for his spirit lived though his body
died, and the real victory was with him.

The fate of Simon de Montfort was a subject of general lamentation,
but none of the songs upon it that have come down to us are in
English. In an Anglo-Norman lament he is likened to Thomas of
Canterbury, and described as "a precious flower." Priest and layman
united in his praise, and he was revered as a saint and martyr.
Prayers were said in his honour, and a hymn was sung at his shrine,
beginning:

"Salve Symon Montis-Fortis
Totius flos militiæ
Duras p[oe]nas passus mortis,
_Protector gentis Angliæ_."

Miracles were supposed to be worked by the power of his name,[4]
and the character of these miracles may be judged by the following
samples. The "old Countess of Gloucester" had a palfrey, which
was asthmatic for two years, until one day in journeying from
Tewkesbury to Evesham, it drank from the earl's well and was
restored to perfect health. The next instance of miraculous healing
is still more remarkable. A chick, which belonged to Agnes of
Selgrave, fell into a pond and was drowned. Its mistress pulled it
out and commended it to "blessed Simon," whereupon it got up and
walked as usual.

Simon had six children by his wife Eleanor, viz., Henry, Simon,
Guy, Amauri, Richard, and Eleanor. Henry was slain with his father,
but the countess and the other children escaped out of England.
Simon and Guy went to Tuscany; Amauri accompanied his mother to
France, was taken prisoner in 1276, and kept in confinement by
Edward for a time, but set at liberty in 1280; Richard went to
Bigorre, but nothing certain is known of his after career, and
it is said that he settled in England under the assumed name of
Wellysborne, an assertion founded on two or three deeds of doubtful
authenticity.[5] Eleanor was married to Llewellyn, Prince of Wales,
in 1279, Edward I. paying all the expenses of the ceremony, which
was performed with great pomp.]

* * * * *

Sitteth alle stille, ant herkneth to me;
The kyn[g] of Alemaigne,[6] bi mi leaute,[7]
Thritti thousent pound askede he
For te make the pees[8] in the countre,
Ant so he dude more. 5
Richard, thah[9] thou be ever trichard,[10]
Tricthen[11] shalt thou never more.

Richard of Alemaigne, whil that he wes kyng,
He spende al is tresour opon swyvyng,[12]
Haveth he nout of Walingford o ferl[.y]ng,[13] 10
Let him habbe,[14] ase he brew, bale to dryng,[15]
Maugre[16] Wyndesore.
Richard, thah thou be ever, &c.

The kyng of Alemaigne wende do[17] ful wel,
He saisede the mulne[18] for a castel, 15
With hare[19] sharpe swerdes he grounde the stel,[20]
He wende that the sayles were mangonel[21]
To helpe Wyndesore.
Richard, thah thou be ever, &c.

The kyng of Alemaigne gederede ys host, 20
Makede him a castel of a mulne post,
Wende with is prude,[22] ant is muchele bost,[23]
Brohte[24] from Alemayne mon[.y] sori gost
To store Wyndesore.
Richard, thah thou be ever, &c. 25

By God, that is aboven ous, he dude muche s[.y]nne,
That lette passen over see the erl of Warynne:
He hath robbed Engelond, the mores,[25] ant th[e] fenne,
The gold, ant the selver, and [.y]-boren henne,[26]
For love of Wyndesore. 30
Richard, thah thou be ever, &c.

Sire Simond de Mountfort hath suore bi [.y]s ch[.y]n,
Hevede[27] he nou here the erl of War[.y]n,
Shulde he never more come to is [.y]n,[28]
Ne with sheld, ne with spere, ne with other g[.y]n,[29] 35
To help of Wyndesore.
Richard, thah thou be ever, &c.

Sire Simond de Montfort hath suore bi ys cop,[30]
Hevede he nou here Sire Hue de Bigot:[31]
Al[32] he shulde quite here twelfmoneth scot[33][34] 40
Shulde he never more with his fot pot[35]
To helpe Wyndesore.
Richard, thah thou be ever, &c.

Be the luef, be the loht,[36] sire Edward,[37]
Thou shalt ride sporeles o thy lyard[38] 45
Al the ryhte way to Dovere-ward,
Shalt thou never more breke foreward;
Ant that reweth sore
Edward, thou dudest as a shreward,[39]
Forsoke thyn emes lore[40] 50
Richard, &c.

* * * * *

[***] This ballad will rise in its importance with the reader, when
he finds that it is even believed to have occasioned a law in our
statute book, viz. "Against slanderous reports or tales, to cause
discord betwixt king and people." (_Westm. Primer_, c. 34, anno
3 Edw. I.) That it had this effect is the opinion of an eminent
writer [the Hon. Daines Barrington], see _Observations upon the
Statutes_, &c. 4to. 2nd edit. 1766, p. 71.

However, in the Harl. Collection may be found other satirical and
defamatory rhymes of the same age, that might have their share in
contributing to this first law against libels.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] [Robert of Gloucester wrote: "The king of Alemaigne was in a windmulle income."]

[2] [A German has taken upon himself the duty of an Englishman, but Dr. Pauli's life of the hero has not yet been translated out of the German language.]

[3] [Montfort is a small town between Paris and Chartres.]

[4] [See _Miracula Simonis de Montfort_. MS. Cotton. Vespas. A. vi., annexed to Mr. Halliwell's edition of William de Rishanger's _Chronicle of the Barons' Wars_ (Camden Society), 1840.]

[5] [This tradition is possibly connected with the one to be found in the _Beggar's Daughter of Bethnal Green_, where the Blind Beggar is said to be Henry de Montfort, who was taken off the battlefield, blind but not dead.]

[6] [Germany.]

[7] [loyalty.]

[8] [peace.]

[9] [though.]

[10] [treacherous.]

[11] [deceive (should be _trichen_).]

[12] [lechery.]

[13] [He has not of Wallingford one furlong. The MS. reads _oferlyng_, and Percy and Warton explain that word to mean _superior_, in opposition to underling, but it has not been met with elsewhere. Mr. Wright's reading of "one furlong" is much more in accordance with the context.]

[14] [have.]

[15] [evil to drink.]

[16] [in spite of.]

[17] [thought to do.]

[18] [he seized the mill.]

[19] [their.]

[20] [steel.]

[21] [a military engine for throwing great stones.]

[22] [pride.]

[23] [great boast.]

[24] [brought.]

[25] [moors.]

[26] [bore them away hence.]

[27] [had.]

[28] [house.]

[29] [engine.]

[30] [sworn by his head.]

[31] [The Hugh Bigod here mentioned, was the cousin of Hugh Bigod, who took part with the barons, and was slain at Lewes.]

[32] [although.]

[33] [tax or revenue.]

[34] [Ver. 40. Percy prints _grante here_ (_i.e._ grant their), but the MS. reads _qte here_ (_i.e._ quite or pay here).]

[35] [with his foot push on. Percy prints this _sot pot_, but it is undoubtedly _fot_ in the MS.]

[36] [whether you like it or loathe it.]

[37] Ver. 44. This stanza was omitted in the former editions.

[38] [ride spurless on thy grey horse.]

[39] [male shrew.]

[40] [forsookest thy uncle's teaching. De Montfort was Prince Edward's uncle.]

II.

ON THE DEATH OF K. EDWARD THE FIRST.

We have here an early attempt at elegy. Edward I. died July 7, 1307, in the 35th year of his reign, and 69th of his age. This poem appears to have been composed soon after his death. According to the modes of thinking peculiar to those times, the writer dwells more upon his devotion than his skill in government, and pays less attention to the martial and political abilities of this great monarch, in which he had no equal, than to some little weaknesses of superstition, which he had in common with all his contemporaries. The king had in the decline of life vowed an expedition to the Holy Land, but finding his end approach, he dedicated the sum of _£_32,000 to the maintenance of a large body of knights (140 say historians, eighty says our poet), who were to carry his heart with them into Palestine. This dying command of the king was never performed. Our poet, with the honest prejudices of an Englishman, attributes this failure to the advice of the king of France, whose daughter Isabel, the young monarch, who succeeded, immediately married. But the truth is, Edward and his destructive favourite, Piers Gaveston, spent the money upon their pleasures. To do the greater honour to the memory of his heroe, our poet puts his eloge in the mouth of the Pope, with the same poetic licence as a more modern bard would have introduced Britannia or the Genius of Europe pouring forth his praises.

This antique elegy is extracted from the same MS. volume as the preceding article; is found with the same peculiarities of writing and orthography; and tho' written at near the distance of half a century contains little or no variation of idiom: whereas the next following poem by Chaucer, which was probably written not more than fifty or sixty years after this, exhibits almost a new language. This seems to countenance the opinion of some antiquaries, that this great poet made considerable innovations in his mother tongue, and introduced many terms, and new modes of speech from other languages.

* * * * *

[When Henry III. died, highly laudatory songs were sung in honour
of the new king, but when Edward I. died the people were too
grieved at their loss to sing the praise of his successor. The
present song is printed by Mr. Thomas Wright in his _Political_
_Songs of England_ (Camden Society, 1839, p. 246), where he also
prints a French version, and points out that the one is clearly
translated from the other, adding that the French song was probably
the original. In verse 27, Percy printed hue (_i.e._ she) with a
capital H, under the impression that it was "the name of the person
who was to preside over the business."]

* * * * *

Alle, that beoth of huerte trewe,[41]
A stounde herkneth[42] to my song
Of duel,[43] that Deth hath diht[44] us newe,
That maketh me syke, ant sorewe among;
Of a knyht, that wes so strong, 5
Of wham God hath don ys wille;
Me-thuncheth[45] that deth hath don us wrong,
That he so sone shall ligge stille.[46]

Al Englond ahte[47] for te knowe
Of wham that song is, that y synge; 10
Of Edward kyng, that lith[48] so lowe,
Yent[49] al this world is nome con springe:[50]
Trewest mon of alle thinge,
Ant in werre war ant wys,[51]
For him we ahte oure honden wrynge,[52] 15
Of Christendome he ber the prys.

Byfore that oure kyng was ded,
He spek ase[53] mon that wes in care,
"Clerkes, knyhtes, barons, he sayde,
"Y charge ou by oure sware[54], 20
"That ye to Engelonde be trewe.
"Y deye, y ne may lyven na more;[55]
"Helpeth mi sone, ant crouneth him newe,
"For he is nest to buen y-core.[56]

"Ich biqueth myn herte aryht,[57] 25
"That hit be write at mi devys,[58]
"Over the see that hue be diht,[59]
"With fourscore knyhtes al of prys,
"In werre that buen war ant wys,
"Ayein the hethene for te fyhte, 30
"To wynne the croiz[60] that lowe lys,
"Myself y cholde yef[61] that y myhte."

Kyng of Fraunce, thou hevedest[62] 'sinne,'[63]
That thou the counsail woldest fonde,[64]
To latte[65] the wille of 'Edward kyng'[66] 35
To wende to the holy londe:
That oure kyng hede take on honde
All Engelond to yeme ant wysse,[67]
To wenden in to the holy londe
To wynnen us heve[n]riche[68] blisse. 40

The messager to the pope com,
And seyde that our kynge was ded:
Ys oune hond the lettre he nom,[69][70]
Ywis[71] his herte was full gret:[72]
The Pope him self the lettre redde, 45
Ant spec[73] a word of gret honour.
"Alas! he seid, is Edward ded?
"Of Christendome he ber the flour."

The Pope to is chaumbre wende,
For dol[74] ne mihte he speke na more; 50
Ant after cardinals he sende,
That muche couthen[75] of Cristes lore,
Bothe the lasse,[76] ant eke the more,
Bed hem bothe rede ant synge:
Gret deol me myhte se thore,[77][78] 55
Mony mon is honde wrynge.

The Pope of Peyters[79] stod at is masse
With ful gret solempnetè,
Ther me con[80] the soule blesse:[78]
"Kyng Edward honoured thou be: 60
"God lene[81] thi sone come after the,
"Bringe to ende that thou hast bygonne,
"The holy crois y-mad of tre,[82]
"So fain thou woldest hit hav y-wonne.

"Jerusalem, thou hast i-lore[83] 65
"The flour of al chivalrie
"Now kyng Edward liveth na more:
"Alas! that he yet shulde deye!
"He wolde ha rered up ful heyye[84]
"Oure banners, that bueth broht[85] to grounde;
"Wel longe we mowe clepe[86] and crie 71
"Er we a such kyng han y-founde."

Nou is Edward of Carnarvan
King of Engelond al aplyht,[87]
God lete him ner be worse man 75
Then his fader, ne lasse of myht,
To holden is pore men to ryht,
And understonde good counsail,
Al Engelond for to wysse ant dyht;[88]
Of gode knyhtes darh[89] him nout fail 80

Thah[90] mi tonge were mad of stel,
Ant min herte y-yote[91] of bras,
The godness myht y never telle,
That with kyng Edward was:
Kyng, as thou art cleped[92] conquerour, 85
In uch[93] bataille thou hadest prys;
God bringe thi soule to the honour,
That ever wes, ant ever ys.

* * * * *

[***] Here follow in the original three lines more, which, as
seemingly redundant, we chuse to throw to the bottom of the page,
viz.:

"That lasteth ay withouten ende,
Bidde we God, ant oure Ledy to thilke blisse
Jesus us sende. Amen."

FOOTNOTES:

[41] [are of true heart.]

[42] [for a while hearken ye.]

[43] [grief.]

[44] [wrought.]

[45] [methinketh.]

[46] [lie still.]

[47] [ought.]

[48] [lieth.]

[49] [through.]

[50] [his name spread abroad.]

[51] [in war wary and wise.]

[52] [hands wring.]

[53] [as.]

[54] [I charge you by your oath.]

[55] [I die, I may not live more.]

[56] [next to be chosen.]

[57] [rightly.]

[58] [devise.]

[59] [she be sent (see Glossary).]

[60] [cross.]

[61] [I would if.]

[62] [hadst.]

[63] Ver. 33. sunne, MS.

[64] [try.]

[65] [hinder.]

[66] Ver. 35. kyng Edward, MS.

[67] [govern and teach.]

[68] [heavenly.]

[69] [took.]

[70] Ver. 43. _ys_ is probably a contraction of _in hys_ or _yn his_.

[71] [verily.]

[72] [grieved.]

[73] [spake.]

[74] [grief.]

[75] [knew.]

[76] [less.]

[77] [great grief might be seen there.]

[78] Ver. 55, 59. _Me_, _i.e._ Men, so in Robert of Gloucester, _passim_.

[79] [Peter's.]

[80] [there they began.]

[81] [give.]

[82] [cross made of wood.]

[83] [lost.]

[84] [high.]

[85] [are brought.]

[86] [very long we may call. Percy printed this incorrectly, Well longe.]

[87] [entirely.]

[88] [to govern and order.]

[89] [need.]

[90] [though.]

[91] [cast.]

[92] [called.]

[93] [each.]

III.

AN ORIGINAL BALLAD BY CHAUCER.

This little sonnet, which hath escaped all the editors of Chaucer's works, is now printed for the first time from an ancient MS. in the Pepysian Library, that contains many other poems of its venerable author. The versification is of that species, which the French call _rondeau_, very naturally Englished by our honest countrymen _round O_. Tho' so early adopted by them, our ancestors had not the honour of inventing it: Chaucer picked it up, along with other better things, among the neighbouring nations. A fondness for laborious trifles hath always prevailed in the dark ages of literature. The Greek poets have had their wings and axes: the great father of English poesy may therefore be pardoned one poor solitary _rondeau_.--Geofrey Chaucer died Oct. 25, 1400.

* * * * *

[These verses are printed in Morris's _Aldine Edition of Chaucer_
(vol. vi. pp. 304-5), but there is no conclusive evidence that they
are really by Chaucer. Mr. Furnivall writes (_Trial Forewords_,
Chaucer Society, 1871, p. 32):--"With the _Pity_ I should like much
to class the _Roundel_ ... as one of the poet's genuine works,
though it is not assigned to him (so far as I know), by any MS.
of authority. It exactly suits the _Compleynte of Pite_; there is
nothing in it (so far as I can see), to make it not Chaucer's,
and it is of the same form as his Roundel in the _Parliament of
Foules_." Mr. Hales suggests to me that the poem may have been
written by one of Chaucer's followers, and refers to verse 260 of
the _Knight's Tale_:

"The freissche beauté sleeth me sodeynly,"

as having probably given the hint to the writer of this _rondeau_.]

* * * * *

I. 1.

Youre two eyn will sle me sodenly,
I may the beaute of them not sustene,
So wendeth it thorowout my herte kene.

2.

And but your words will helen hastely
My hertis wound, while that it is grene,
Youre two eyn will sle me sodenly.

3.

Upon my trouth I sey yow feithfully,
That ye ben of my liffe and deth the quene;
For with my deth the trouth shal be sene.
Youre two eyn, &c.

II. 1.

So hath youre beauty fro your herte chased
Pitee, that me n' availeth not to pleyn;[94]
For daunger halt[95] your mercy in his cheyne.

2.

Giltless my deth thus have ye purchased;
I sey yow soth,[96] me nedeth not to fayn:
So hath your beaute fro your herte chased.

3.

Alas, that nature hath in yow compassed
So grete beaute, that no man may atteyn
To mercy, though he sterve for the peyn.
So hath youre beaute, &c.

III. 1.

Syn I fro love escaped am so fat,
I nere thinke to ben in his prison lene;
Syn I am fre, I counte hym not a bene.[97]

2.

He may answere, and sey this and that,
I do no fors,[98] I speak ryght as I mene;
Syn I fro love escaped am so fat.

3.

Love hath my name i-strike out of his sclat,
And he is strike out of my bokes clene:
For ever mo 'ther'[99] is non other mene.
Syn I fro love escaped, &c.

FOOTNOTES:

[94] [complain.]

[95] [holdeth.]

[96] [I tell you truth.]

[97] [bean, a term of contempt.]

[98] [I do not care.]

[99] This, MS.

IV.

THE TURNAMENT OF TOTTENHAM:

OR, THE WOOEING, WINNING, AND WEDDING OF
TIBBE, THE REEV'S DAUGHTER THERE.

It does honour to the good sense of this nation, that while all Europe was captivated with the bewitching charms of chivalry and romance, two of our writers in the rudest times could see thro' the false glare that surrounded them, and discover whatever was absurd in them both. Chaucer wrote his _Rhyme of Sir Thopas_ in ridicule of the latter; and in the following poem we have a humorous burlesque of the former. Without pretending to decide, whether the institution of chivalry was upon the whole useful or pernicious in the rude ages, a question that has lately employed many good writers,[100] it evidently encouraged a vindictive spirit, and gave such force to the custom of duelling, that there is little hope of its being abolished. This, together with the fatal consequences which often attended the diversion of the turnament, was sufficient to render it obnoxious to the graver part of mankind. Accordingly the Church early denounced its censures against it, and the State was often prevailed on to attempt its suppression. But fashion and opinion are superior to authority: and the proclamations against tilting were as little regarded in those times, as the laws against duelling are in these. This did not escape the discernment of our poet, who easily perceived that inveterate opinions must be attacked by other weapons, besides proclamations and censures: he accordingly made use of the keen one of ridicule. With this view he has here introduced, with admirable humour, a parcel of clowns, imitating all the solemnities of the tourney. Here we have the regular challenge--the appointed day--the lady for the prize--the formal preparations--the display of armour--the scucheons and devices--the oaths taken on entering the lists--the various accidents of the encounter--the victor leading off the prize--and the magnificent feasting--with all the other solemn fopperies that usually attended the pompous turnament. And how acutely the sharpness of the author's humour must have been felt in those days, we may learn from what we can perceive of its keenness now, when time has so much blunted the edge of his ridicule.

The _Turnament of Tottenham_ was first printed from an ancient MS. in 1631, 4to., by the Rev. William Bedwell, rector of Tottenham, who was one of the translators of the Bible. He tells us, it was written by Gilbert Pilkington, thought to have been some time parson of the same parish, and author of another piece, intitled, _Passio Domini Jesu Christi_. Bedwell, who was eminently skilled in the Oriental and other languages, appears to have been but little conversant with the ancient writers in his own, and he so little entered into the spirit of the poem he was publishing, that he contends for its being a serious narrative of a real event, and thinks it must have been written before the time of Edward III. because turnaments were prohibited in that reign. "I do verily beleeve," says he, "that this turnament was acted before this proclamation of K. Edward. For how durst any to attempt to do that, although in sport, which was so straightly forbidden, both by the civill and ecclesiasticall power? For although they fought not with lances, yet, as our authour sayth, 'It was no childrens game.' And what would have become of him, thinke you, which should have slayne another in this manner of jeasting? Would he not, trow you, have been _hang'd for it in earnest? yea, and have bene buried like a dogge_?" It is, however, well known that turnaments were in use down to the reign of Elizabeth.

In the first editions of this work, Bedwell's copy was reprinted here, with some few conjectural emendations; but as Bedwell seemed to have reduced the orthography at least, if not the phraseology, to the standard of his own time, it was with great pleasure that the Editor was informed of an ancient MS. copy preserved in the Museum (Harl. MSS. 5396), which appeared to have been transcribed in the reign of K. Hen. VI. about 1456. This obliging information the Editor owed to the friendship of Tho. Tyrwhitt, Esq., and he has chiefly followed that more authentic transcript, improved however by some readings from Bedwell's book.

* * * * *

[A writer in the _Gentleman's Magazine_ (July, 1794, p. 613),
calls attention to the fact that this ballad is "a burlesque upon
the feudal custom of marrying an heiress to the knight who should
vanquish all his opponents at a solemn assembly holden for the
purpose."

Bedwell's MS. is now in the Cambridge public library (Ff. 5, 48),
and Mr. Thomas Wright, who has printed it in a miniature volume,
believes it to have been written as early as the reign of Edward II.

Bedwell was chaplain to Sir Henry Wotton in his embassy to Venice,
where he is said to have assisted the celebrated Father Paul in
the composition of his _History of the Council of Trent_. The
following is a copy of the inscription on Bedwell's monument in the
chancel of Tottenham church:--"Here lyes interred in this chancel
Mr. William Bedwell, sometime vicar of this church and one of King
James's translators of the Bible, and for the Easterne tongues as
learned a man as most lived in these moderne times. Aged 70. Dyed
May the 5th, 1632."]

* * * * *

Of all thes kene conquerours to carpe[101] it were kynde;
Of fele feyytyng[102] folk ferly[103] we fynde;
The Turnament of Totenham have we in mynde;
It were harme sych hardynes were holden byhynde,
In story as we rede 5
Of Hawkyn, of Herry,
Of Tomkyn, of Terry,
Of them that were dughty[104]
And stalworth[105] in dede.

It befel in Totenham on a dere[106] day, 10
Ther was mad a shurtyng[107] be the hy-way:
Theder com al the men of the contray,
Of Hyssylton,[108] of Hy-gate, and of Hakenay,
And all the swete swynkers.[109]
Ther hopped Hawkyn, 15
Ther daunsed Dawkyn,
Ther trumped Tomkyn,
And all were trewe drynkers.

Tyl the day was gon and evyn-song past,
That thay schuld reckyn ther scot and ther counts cast;[110] 20
Perkyn the potter into the press past,
And sayd Randol the refe,[111] a doyter[112] thou hast,
Tyb the dere:
Therfor faine wyt wold I,[113]
Whych of all thys bachelery 25
Were best worthye
To wed hur to hys fere.[114]

Upstyrt thos gadelyngys[115] wyth ther lang staves,
And sayd, Randol the refe, lo! thys lad raves;
Boldely amang us thy doyter he craves; 30
We er rycher men then he, and mor gode haves
Of cattell and corn;
Then sayd Perkyn, To Tybbe I have hyyt[116]
That I schal be alway redy in my ryyt,
If that it schuld be thys day sevenyyt, 35
Or elles yet to morn.[117]

Then sayd Randolfe the refe, Ever be he waryd,[118]
That about thys carpyng lenger wold be taryd:
I wold not my doyter, that scho[119] were miscaryd,
But at hur most worschip I wold scho were maryd, 40
Therfor a Turnament schal begynne
Thys day sevenyyt,--
Wyth a flayl for to fyyt:
And 'he,' that is most of myght
Schal brouke hur wyth wynne.[120] 45

Whoso berys[121] hym best in the turnament,
Hym schal be granted the gre[122] be the comon assent,
For to wynne my doyter wyth 'dughtynesse' of dent,[123][124]
And 'coppell' my brode-henne 'that' was broyt out of Kent:[125]
And my dunnyd kowe 50
For no spens[126] wyl I spare,
For no cattell wyl I care,
He schal have my gray mare,
And my spottyd sowe.

Ther was many 'a' bold lad ther bodyes to bede:[127] 55
Than thay toke thayr leve, and homward they yede;[128]
And all the weke afterward graythed ther wede,[129][130]
Tyll it come to the day, that thay suld do ther dede.
They armed ham[131] in matts;
Thay set on ther nollys,[132] 60
For to kepe ther pollys,[133]
Gode blake bollys,[134]
For batryng of bats.[135]

Thay sowed tham in schepeskynnes, for thay schuld not brest:[136]
Ilk-on[137] toke a blak hat, insted of a crest: 65
'A basket or a panyer before on ther brest,'[138]
And a flayle in ther hande; for to fyght prest,[139]
Furth gon thay fare:[140]
Ther was kyd[141] mekyl fors,[142]
Who schuld best fend hys cors:[143] 70
He that had no gode hors,
He gat hym a mare.[144]

Sych another gadryng[145] have I not sene oft,
When all the gret company com rydand to the croft:[146]
Tyb on a gray mare was set up on loft 75
On a sek ful of fedyrs,[147] for scho schuld syt soft,[148]
And led 'till the gap.'[149]
For cryeng of the men
Forther wold not Tyb then,
Tyl scho had hur brode hen 80
Set in hur Lap.

A gay gyrdyl Tyb had on, borowed for the nonys,[150]
And a garland on hur hed ful of rounde bonys,[151][152]
And a broche on hur brest ful of 'sapphyre' stonys,[153]
Wyth the holy-rode tokenyng,[154] was wrotyn[155] for the
nonys;[156] 85
For no 'spendings' thay had spared.[157]
When joly Gyb saw hur thare,
He gyrd so hys gray mare,
'That scho lete a fowkin'[158] fare[159]
At the rereward. 90

I wow to God, quoth Herry, I schal not lefe behynde,
May I mete wyth Bernard on Bayard the blynde,
Ich man kepe hym out of my wynde,
For whatsoever that he be, before me I fynde,
I wot I schall hym greve. 95
Wele sayd, quoth Hawkyn.
And I wow, quoth Dawkyn,
May I mete wyth Tomkyn,
Hys flayle I schal hym reve.[160]

I make a vow, quoth Hud, Tyb, son schal thou se, 100
Whych of all thys bachelery 'granted' is the gre:[161]
I schal scomfet[162] thaym all, for the love of the;
In what place so I come thay schal have dout[163] of me,
Myn armes ar so clere:
I bere a reddyl,[164] and a rake, 105
Poudred wyth a brenand drake,[165]
And three cantells[166] of a cake
In ycha[167] cornere.

I vow to God, quoth Hawkyn, yf 'I' have the gowt,[168][169]
Al that I fynde in the felde 'thrustand' here aboute,[170] 110
Have I twyes or thryes redyn thurgh the route,
In ycha stede ther thay[171] me se, of me thay schal have doute,
When I begyn to play.
I make avowe that I ne schall,
But yf Tybbe wyl me call,[172] 115
Or I be thryes don fall,[173]
Ryyt onys[174] com away.

Then sayd Terry, and swore be hys crede;
Saw thou never yong boy forther hys body bede,[175]
For when thay fyyt fastest and most ar in drede, 120
I schall take Tyb by the hand, and hur away lede:
I am armed at the full;
In myn armys I bere wele
A doy trogh[176] and a pele,[177]
A sadyll wythout a panell, 125
Wyth a fles of woll.[178]

I make a vow, quoth Dudman, and swor be the stra,
Whyls me ys left my 'mare,' thou gets hurr not swa;[179][180]
For scho ys wele schapen, and liyt as the rae,[181]
Ther is no capul[182] in thys myle befor hur schal ga;[183] 130
Sche wul ne noyt begyle:
Sche wyl me bere, I dar say,
On a lang somerys day,
Fro Hyssylton to Hakenay,
Noyt other half myle. 135

I make a vow, quoth Perkyn, thow speks of cold rost,
I schal wyrch 'wyselyer'[184] withouten any bost:[185]
Five of the best capulys, that ar in thys ost,
I wot I schal thaym wynne, and bryng thaym to my cost,
And here I grant thaym Tybbe. 140
Wele boyes here ys he,
That wyl fyyt, and not fle,
For I am in my jolyte,
Wyth so forth, Gybbe.

When thay had ther vowes made, furth can thay hie, 145
Wyth flayles, and hornes, and trumpes mad of tre:[186]
Ther were all the bachelerys of that contre;
Thay were dyyt[187] in aray, as thaymselfes wold be:
Thayr baners were ful bryyt
Of an old rotten fell;[188] 150
The cheveron of a plow-mell;[189][190]
And the schadow of a bell,
Poudred wyth the mone lyyt.[191]

I wot yt 'was' no chylder[192] game, whan thay togedyr met,[193]
When icha freke[194] in the feld on hys feloy[195] bet, 155
And layd on styfly, for nothyng wold thay let,
And foght ferly[196] fast, tyll ther horses swet,
And few wordys spoken.
Ther were flayles al to slatred,[197]
Ther were scheldys al to flatred, 160
Bollys and dysches al to schatred,
And many hedys brokyn

There was clynkyng of cart-sadellys, & clatteryng of cannes;[198]
Of fele frekys[199] in the feld brokyn were their fannes;
Of sum were the hedys brokyn, of sum the braynpannes,[200] 165
And yll were thay besene,[201] or thay went thanns,
Wyth swyppyng of swepyls:[202]
Thay were so wery for-foght,[203]
Thay myyt not fyyt mare oloft,[204]
But creped about in the 'croft,'[205] 170
As thay were croked crepyls.

Perkyn was so wery, that he began to loute;[206]
Help, Hud, I am ded in thys ylk rowte:
An hors for forty pens, a gode and a stoute!
That I may lyytly come of my noye[207] oute, 175
For no cost wyl I spare.
He styrt up as a snayle,
And hent[208] a capul be the tayle,
And 'reft' Dawkin hys flayle,[209]
And wan there a mare. 180

Perkyn wan five, and Hud wan twa:
Glad and blythe thay ware, that they had done sa;
Thay wold have tham to Tyb, and present hur with tha:[210]
The Capulls were so wery, that thay myyt not ga,
But styl gon thay stond.[211] 185
Alas! quoth Hudde, my joye I lese;[212]
Mee had lever then a ston of chese,
That dere Tyb had al these,
And wyst it were my sond.[213][214]

Perkyn turnyd hym about in that ych thrang,[215] 190
Among thos wery boyes he wrest and he wrang;
He threw tham doun to the erth, and thrast tham amang,
When he saw Tyrry away wyth Tyb fang,[216]
And after hym ran;
Off his horse he hym drogh,[217] 195
And gaf hym of hys flayl inogh:
We te he! quoth Tyb, and lugh,
Ye er a dughty man.

'Thus' thay tugged, and rugged, tyl yt was nere nyyt:[218]
All the wyves of Tottenham came to se that syyt 200
Wyth wyspes, and kexis,[219] and ryschys[220] there lyyt,
To fetch hom ther husbandes, that were tham trouth plyyt;
And sum bróyt gret harwos,[221]
Ther husbandes hom to fetch,[222]
Sum on dores, and sum on hech,[223] 205
Sum on hyrdyllys, and som on crech.[224]
And sum on whele-barows.

Thay gaderyd Perkyn about, 'on' everych syde,[225]
And grant hym ther 'the gre,' the more was hys pryde:[226]
Tyb and he, wyth gret 'mirth,' homward con thay ryde,[227] 210
And were al nyyt togedyr, tyl the morn tyde;
And thay 'to church went:'[228]
So wele hys nedys he has sped,
That dere Tyb he 'hath' wed;[229]
The prayse-folk,[230] that hur led,[231] 215
Were of the Turnament.

To that ylk fest com many for the nones;
Some come hyphalte,[232] and some trippand 'thither' on the
stonys;[233]
Sum a staf in hys hand, and sum two at onys;
Of sum where the hedes broken, of some the schulder bonys: 220
With sorrow come thay thedyr.
Wo was Hawkyn, wo was Herry,
Wo was Tomkyn, wo was Terry.
And so was all the bachelary,
When thay met togedyr. 225

[234]At that fest thay wer servyd with a ryche aray,
Every fyve & fyve had a cokenay;[235]
And so thay sat in jolyte al the lung day;
And at the last thay went to bed with ful gret deray:[236]
Mekyl myrth was them among; 230
In every corner of the hous
Was melody delycyous
For to here precyus
Of six menys song.[237]

FOOTNOTES:

[100] See (Mr. Hurd's) _Letters on Chivalry_, 8vo. 1762, _Memoires de la Chevalerie, par M. de la Curne de Sainte-Palaye_, 1759, 2 tom. 12mo. &c.

[101] [talk.]

[102] [fierce fighting.]

[103] [wonder.]

[104] [doughty.]

[105] [stout.]

[106] [dire or sad.]

[107] [sport.]

[108] [Islington.]

[109] [labourers.]

[110] Ver. 20. It is not very clear in the MS. whether it should be _conts_, or _conters_.

[111] [bailiff.]

[112] [daughter.]

[113] [know would I.]

[114] [to wed her for his mate.]

[115] [idle fellows.]

[116] [promised.]

[117] [it be to-morrow.]

[118] [accursed.]

[119] [she.]

[120] [shall have possession of her with joy.]

[121] [beareth.]

[122] [prize.]

[123] [blow.]

[124] Ver. 48. Dozty, MS.

[125] V. 49. coppeld. We still use the phrase "a copple-crowned hen."

[126] [expense.]

[127] [bid or offer.]

[128] [went.]

[129] [made ready their clothing.]

[130] V. 57. gayed, _PC._

[131] [them.]

[132] [heads.]

[133] [polls.]

[134] [bowls.]

[135] [cudgels.]

[136] [burst.]

[137] [each one.]

[138] V. 66 is wanting in MS. and supplied from _PC._

[139] [ready.]

[140] [they began to go forth.]

[141] [shown.]

[142] [much strength.]

[143] [best defend his body.]

[144] V. 72. He borrowed him, _PC._

[145] [gathering.]

[146] [riding to the inclosure.]

[147] [sackfull of feathers.]

[148] Ver. 76. The MS. had once _sedys_, _i.e._ seeds, which appears to have been altered to _fedyrs_, or feathers. Bedwell's copy has _Senvy_, _i.e._ Mustard-seed.

[149] V. 77. and led hur to cap, MS.

[150] [nonce or occasion.]

[151] [Chaucer uses the expression "rowel boon" in his _Tale of Sir Thopas_, which is explained as _round bone_.]

[152] V. 83. Bedwell's _PC._ has "Ruel-Bones."

[153] V. 84. safer stones, MS.

[154] [token.]

[155] [wrought.]

[156] V. 85. _wrotyn_, _i.e._ wrought. _PC._ reads, written.

[157] V. 86. No catel (perhaps chatel) they had spared, MS.

[158] [crepitus ventris.]

[159] V. 89. Then ... faucon, MS.

[160] [deprive.]

[161] Ver. 101. grant, MS.

[162] [discomfit.]

[163] [fear.]

[164] [riddle or sieve.]

[165] [sprinkled over with firebrands.]

[166] [pieces.]

[167] [each.]

[168] [though I have the gout.]

[169] V. 109. yf he have, MS.

[170] V. 110. the MS. literally has _th^r. sand_, here.

[171] [in each place where they.]

[172] [unless Tib will call me.]

[173] [ere I be thrice made to]

[174] [even once.]

[175] [engage.]

[176] [dough trough.]

[177] [a baker's long-handled shovel.]

[178] [fleece of wool.]

[179] [so.]

[180] V. 128. merth, MS.

[181] [roe.]

[182] [horse.]

[183] [go.]

[184] [work more wisely.]

[185] Ver. 137. fwyselier, MS.

[186] V. 146. flailes and harnisse, _PC._

[187] [dressed.]

[188] [hide.]

[189] [a small wooden hammer occasionally fixed to the plough.]

[190] Ver. 151. The chiefe, _PC._

[191] [moonlight.]

[192] [child's.]

[193] V. 154. yt ys, MS.

[194] [man.]

[195] [fellow.]

[196] [wonderfully.]

[197] [splintered.]

[198] V. 163. The boyes were, MS.

[199] [many men.]

[200] [skulls.]

[201] [dressed.]

[202] [striking fast of the staffs of the flails.]

[203] [over-fought.]

[204] [on horseback.]

[205] V. 170. creped then about in the croft, MS.

[206] [stoop.]

[207] [hurt.]

[208] [laid hold of.]

[209] Ver. 179. razt, MS.

[210] [them.]

[211] V. 185. stand, MS.

[212] [lose.]

[213] [knew it were my sending.]

[214] V. 189. sand, MS.

[215] V. 190. the _PC._ reads, ilk throng.

[216] [make off.]

[217] [drew.]

[218] Ver. 199. Thys, MS.

[219] [elder sticks used for candles.]

[220] [rushes.]

[221] [harrows.]

[222] V. 204. hom for to fetch, MS.

[223] [half door of a cottage.]

[224] [crutch.]

[225] V. 208. about everych side, MS.

[226] V. 209. the gre, is wanting in MS.

[227] V. 210. mothe, MS.

[228] V. 212. and thay ifere assent, MS.

[229] V. 214. had wed, MS.

[230] [singing men and women.]

[231] V. 215. The cheefemen, _PC._

[232] [lame in the hip.]

[233] V. 218. trippand on, MS.

[234] In the former impressions this concluding stanza was only given from Bedwell's printed edition, but it is here copied from the old MS. wherein it has been since found separated from the rest of the poem, by several pages of a money account, and other heterogeneous matter.

[235] [a lean chicken.]

[236] [a confusion.]

[237] Six-men's song, _i.e._ a song for six voices. So Shakespeare uses three-man song-men, in his _Winter's Tale_, act iii. sc. 3, to denote men that could sing catches composed for three voices. Of this sort are Weelkes's madrigals mentioned below, book ii. song 9. So again Shakespeare has three-men beetle; _i.e._ a beetle or rammer worked by three men, _2 Hen. IV._ act i. sc. 3.

* * * * *

_Deo gratias Anglia redde pro victoria_
Owr Kynge went forth to Normandy with grace and
myzt of Chyvalry, the God for hym wrouzt marvelusly
Wherefore Englonde may call and cry, _Deo gratias_.

CHORUS

Deo Gratias. Anglia redde pro Victoria.]

V.

FOR THE VICTORY AT AGINCOURT.

That our plain and martial ancestors could wield their swords much better than their pens, will appear from the following homely rhymes, which were drawn up by some poet laureat of those days to celebrate the immortal victory gained at Agincourt, Oct. 25, 1415. This song or hymn is given meerly as a curiosity, and is printed from a MS. copy in the Pepys collection, vol. i. folio. It is there accompanied with the musical notes, which are copied on the opposite page.

* * * * *

[When the news of this great victory arrived in England, the people
"were literally mad with joy and triumph," and although Henry V.
on his entrance into London after the battle, commanded that no
"ditties should be made and sung by minstrels or others" in praise
of Agincourt, "for that he would whollie have the praise and
thankes altogether given to God," several songs have come down to
us on this soul-inspiring theme. Besides the present ballad there
are,

1. _Agincourte Battell_, beginning--

"A councell brave our King did hold,"

in the Percy Folio MS. (see Hales and Furnivall's edition, vol. ii.
p. 166).

2. _Agincourt, or the English Bowman's Glory_, a spirited ballad
quoted in Heywood's _King Edward IV._, the first stanza of which is
as follows--

"Agincourt, Agincourt!
Know ye not Agincourt?
Where English slue and hurt
All their French foemen?
With our pikes and bills brown,
How the French were beat downe,
Shot by our bowman."

3. _King Henry V., his Conquest of France_, commencing--

"As our King lay musing on his bed."

4. _The Cambro-Briton's Ballad of Agincourt_, by Michael Drayton.

Besides these ballads there is a poem attributed to Lydgate, and
Drayton's _Battaile of Agincourt_. For further information on
the subject the reader should see Sir Nicholas Harris Nicolas's
_History_ of the Battle, and Hales and Furnivall's edition of the
Percy Folio MS. (vol. ii. pp. 158, 595).

Dr. Rimbault describes the music attached to the present ballad
"as the first English regular composition of which we have any
remains."]

* * * * *

_Deo gratias Anglia redde pro victoria!_

Owre kynge went forth to Normandy,
With grace and myyt of chivalry;
The God for hym wrouyt marvelously,
Wherefore Englonde may calle, and cry 5
_Deo gratias_:
_Deo gratias Anglia redde pro victoria_.

He sette a sege, the sothe for to say,
To Harflue[238] toune with ryal aray;
That toune he wan, and made a fray, 10
That Fraunce shall rywe tyl domes day.
_Deo gratias, &c._

Then went owre kynge, with alle his oste,
Thorowe Fraunce for all the Frenshe boste;
He spared 'for' drede of leste, ne most, 15
Tyl he come to Agincourt coste.[239]
_Deo gratias, &c._

Than for sothe that knyyt comely
In Agincourt feld he fauyt manly,
Thorow grace of God most myyty 20
He had bothe the felde, and the victory.
_Deo gratias, &c._

Ther dukys, and erlys, lorde and barone,
Were take, and slayne, and that wel sone,
And some were ledde in to Lundone 25
With joye, and merthe, and grete renone.
_Deo gratias, &c._

Now gracious God he save owre kynge,
His peple, and all his wel wyllynge,
Gef him gode lyfe, and gode endynge, 30
That we with merth mowe savely synge
_Deo gratias_:
_Deo gratias Anglia redde pro victoria_.

FOOTNOTES:

[238] [Harfleur.]

[239] [region.]

VI.

THE NOT-BROWNE MAYD.

The sentimental beauties of this ancient ballad have always recommended it to readers of taste, notwithstanding the rust of antiquity which obscures the style and expression. Indeed if it had no other merit than the having afforded the groundwork to Prior's _Henry and Emma_, this ought to preserve it from oblivion. That we are able to give it in so correct a manner, is owing to the great care and exactness of the accurate editor of the _Prolusions_, 8vo. 1760; who has formed the text from two copies found in two different editions of Arnolde's _Chronicle_, a book supposed to be first printed about 1521. From the copy in the _Prolusions_ the following is printed, with a few additional improvements gathered from another edition of Arnolde's book[240] preserved in the public library at Cambridge. All the various readings of this copy will be found here, either received into the text, or noted in the margin. The references to the _Prolusions_ will shew where they occur. In our ancient folio MS.[241] described in the preface, is a very corrupt and defective copy of this ballad, which yet afforded a great improvement in one passage. See v. 310.