Chapter V: Popular Religious Poetry (3)

Few of the _Rappresentazioni_ are so interesting as _S. Uliva_.[451] Uliva is no saint of the Catholic calendar but a daughter of world-old romance. Her legend may be read in the _Gesta Romanorum_, in Philip de Beaumanoir's _Roman de la Mannelline_, in Ser Giovanni's _Pecorone_, in Chaucer's _Man of Law's Tale_, in Grimm's _Handless Maiden_, and in Russian and Servian variations on the same theme. It is in truth the relic of some very ancient myth, used by the poets of all ages for the sake of its lesson of patience in affliction, its pathos of persecuted innocence. The form the tale assumed in Italy is this. Uliva, daughter of the Roman Emperor, Giuliano, is begged in marriage by her own father, who says she has more beautiful hands than any other princess. She cuts her hands off, and Giuliano sends her to Britain to be killed. But her murderers take pity on her, and leave her in a wood alone. There the King of Britain finds her and places her under the protection of his queen. After many misfortunes the Virgin Mary restores her hands, and she is married to the King of Castile. She bears him a son; but by this time she has roused the jealousy and hatred of the queen-mother, who takes the opportunity of the king's absence to poison his mind against her by letters, and shortly after drives her forth with her child. Uliva reaches Rome, and lives there twelve years unknown, till her husband, who has discovered and punished his mother's treason, and has sought his wronged wife sorrowing, at last rejoins her and recognizes in her son his heir. The play ends with a reconciliation scene between the Emperor, the King, and Uliva, the Pope pronouncing benedictions on the whole party. It will be seen from this brief abstract of the legend that the _Rappresentazione_ is a chivalrous _novella_ dramatized. Several old pathetic stories have been woven into one, and the heroine has been dignified with the title of saint because of the pity she inspires. Uliva belongs to the sisterhood of Boccaccio's Griselda, Ariosto's Ginevra, and the Queen in our old ballad of Sir Aldingar. The medieval imagination, after creating types of stateliness like Guinivere, of malice like Morgana, of love like Iseult, turned aside and dwelt upon the tender delicacy of a woman, whose whole strength is her beauty, gentleness, and patience; who suffers all things in the spirit of charity; whom the angels love and whom our Lady cherishes; who wins all hearts of men by her goodliness; and who, like Una, passes unscathed through peril and persecution until at last her joy is perfected by the fruition of her lawful love. It was precisely this element of romance that touched the Italian fancy; and the playwright of _S. Uliva_ has shown considerable skill in his treatment of it. Piteous details are accumulated with remorseless pertinacity upon the head of the unfortunate Uliva, in order to increase the pathos of her situation. There is no mitigation of her hardships except in her own innocence, and in the loving compassion wrung by her beauty from her rude tormentors. This want of relief, together with the brusque passage from one incident to another, betrays a lack of dramatic art. But the poet, whoever he was, succeeded in sustaining the ideal of purity and beauty he conceived. He shows how all Uliva's sufferings as well as her good fortune were due to the passions her beauty inspired, and how it was her purity that held her harmless to the end.

_Stella_ is the same story slightly altered, with a somewhat different cast of characters and an evil-hearted step-mother in the place of the malignant queen.[452] If we compare both fables with Grimm's version of the "Handless Maiden," the superiority of the Northern conception cannot fail to strike us. The Italian _novella_, though written for the people, exhibits the external pomp and grandeur of royalty. All its motives are drawn from the clash of human passions. Yet these are hidden beneath a superincumbent mass of trivialities. The German tale has a background of spiritual mystery--good and evil powers striving for the possession of a blameless soul. When the husband, who has been deceived by feminine malice, takes his long journey without food as a penitent to find his injured wife, how far deeper is the pathos and the poetry of the situation than the Italian apparatus of couriers with letter-bags, chancellors, tournaments, and royal progresses undertaken with a vast parade, can compass! The Northern fancy, stimulated by the simple beauty of the situation, confines itself to the passionate experience of the heart and soul. The Florentine playwright adheres to the material facts of life, and takes a childish pleasure in passing the splendors of kings and princes in review. By this method he vulgarizes the legend he handles. Beneath his touch it ceases to be holy ground. The enchantment of the myth has evanesced.

_Rosana_ is simply the story of _Floire et Blanchefleur_, which Boccaccio had already worked into his _Filocopo_.[453] Austero, King of Rome, goes with his wife on pilgrimage to Holy Land. He falls into the hands of the King of Cesaria, and is slain with all his folk, except the queen. She is taken captive to Cesaria, where she gives birth to Rosana on the same day that Ulimeno is born to her master. When Ulimeno grows up, he loves the daughter of his father's slave. His parents seek to cure this passion by sending him to France, and at the same time sell Rosana to some merchants, who convey her to the Sultan's harem. Ulimeno returns to Cesaria in deep distress, and vows that he will never rest till he has regained his love. After a proper number of adventures, he finds Rosana in the seraglio, where notwithstanding the Sultan's admiration of her beauty, she has preserved her virginity. They are married, and Ulimeno is converted, with his realm, to Christianity. The prettiest parts of this play are the scenes in the seraglio, where Rosana refuses comfort from the Sultan's women, and the contrivances devised by Ulimeno to get speech with her. Except that Rosana and her parents are Christian and that the saints protect her, there is nothing to justify the title of _Sacra Rappresentazione_. It is a love-romance, like Shakspere's _Pericles_.

Another _novella_ of less poetic interest is dramatized in _Agnolo Ebreo_.[454] Agnolo, the Jew, has a Christian wife, who persuades him instead of putting out his money at usury to lend it to Christ by giving it away in alms. Having thus cast his bread upon the waters, he recovers it again after not many days by picking up money in the streets and finding a jewel in a fish's belly. He is baptized, because he sees clearly that the God of the Christians can make him rich. Only its tedious solemnity prevents this play from being a farce.

Three _Rappresentazioni_ are written upon incidents of pilgrimage to the shrine of S. James of Compostella--Il Santo Barone, as he is always called. The first of these is entitled _Rappresentazione di un Pellegrino_.[455] It tells the tale of a certain Guglielmo who vowed the journey to Compostella on his sick bed. Upon the road he meets with a fiend in the disguise of S. James, who persuades him to commit suicide. No sooner is he dead, than the devil grasps his soul, as may be seen in Lorenzetti's fresco of the Campo Santo, and makes away with it toward hell. S. James stops him, and a voluble altercation takes place between them, at the end of which the soul, who keeps crying _misericordia_ at intervals, is rescued and restored to its body. Then Guglielmo completes his vow, and returns joyfully to his wife. _I due Pellegrini_ is more complex.[456] Arrigo Coletta leaves his wife and son at Rome; Constantino Constante leaves his wife and three sons at Genoa; and both set forth to Compostella. On the way they meet and make friends; but the Genoese dies before they have got far upon their journey. His Roman friend carries the dead body to Compostella, where S. James restores it to life, and both return in safety to their homes. After sojourning some time in Rome, Arrigo falls sick of leprosy, and has to go forth and wander up and down the earth. Chance brings him to the house of the Genoese who had received such benefits from him upon their pilgrimage. They consult doctors and wise men together, who assure them that no cure can be wrought unless the leper bathe from head to foot in the blood of virgins. This determines Constantino to sacrifice all that he holds dearest in the world. He kills his three sons, and prepares a bath of their blood, which restores his old benefactor to health. But the Saint of Compostella has still his eye upon his servants. A miracle brings the three boys back to life. They are found with golden apples in their hands, and the play ends with a general thanksgiving. The prosy bluntness with which the incidents of this strange story are treated as matter of fact, is scarcely less remarkable than the immorality which substitutes mere thaumaturgy for the finer instincts of humanity. The exaggerated generosity of Constantino might be paralleled from hundreds of _novelle_. This one virtue seems to have had extraordinary fascination for the Italians. _I tre Pellegrini_ is based upon a legend of medieval celebrity, versified by Southey in his "Pilgrimage to Compostella."[457] A father, a mother, and a son of great personal beauty set forth together for the shrine of S. Iago. On the road they put up at an inn, where Falconetta, the host's daughter, falls in love with the boy and tempts him. Thwarted in her will, she vows to ruin him; and for this purpose, puts a silver cup into his traveling bag. In the morning the pilgrims are overtaken by the police, who find the cup and hang the beautiful young man. The parents complete their vow, and on the way back discover their son upon the gallows alive and well. Falconetta is burned, and her parents are hanged--the old host remarking, not without humor, that, though he was innocent of this crime, he had murdered enough people in his day to have deserved his fate. The style of this play merits more praise than can be bestowed on the _Rappresentazioni_ in general. Falconetta is a real theatrical character, and the bustle of the inn on the arrival of the guests is executed with dramatic vigor.

In their _Sacre Rappresentazioni_ the Florentines advanced to the very verge of the true drama. After adapting the Miracle-plays of medieval orthodoxy to their stage, they versified the Legends of the Saints, and went so far as to dramatize novels of a purely secular character. The _Figliuol Prodigo_ and the farce appended to the _Pellegrino_ contain the germs of vernacular comedy. S. Maddalena is a complete character. S. Uliva is delicately sketched and well sustained. The situation at the opening of the _Tre Pellegrini_ is worked out with real artistic skill. Lastly, in the _Esaltazione della Croce_ a regular five-act tragedy was attempted.

From the oratories of the Compagnie and the parlors of the convents this peculiar form of art was extended to the Courts and public theaters. Poliziano composed a _Rappresentazione_ on the classical fable of Orpheus, and Niccolo da Correggio another on the myth of Cephalus and Procris.[458] Other attempts to secularize the religious drama followed, until, in 1521, Francesco Mantovano put the contemporary history of the French General Lautrec upon the boards.

Still the fact remains that the _Sacre Rappresentazioni_ did not lead to the production of a national Italian theater. If we turn to the history of our Elizabethan stage, we shall find that, after the age of the Miracles and Moralities had passed, a new and independent work of art, emanating from the creative genius of Marlowe and Shakspere, put England in the possession of that great rarity, a Drama commensurate with the whole life of the nation at one of its most brilliant epochs. To this accomplishment of the dramatic art the Italians never attained. The causes of their failure will form the subject of a separate inquiry when we come to consider the new direction taken by the playwrights at the Courts of Ferrara and Rome.

As an apology for the space here devoted to the analysis of plays childish in their subject-matter, prosaic in their treatment, and fruitless of results, it may be urged that in the _Sacre Rappresentazioni_ better than elsewhere we can study the limitations of the popular Italian genius at the moment when the junction was effected between humanism and the spirit of the people.

FOOTNOTES:

[358] Muratori, _Rer. Ital. Script._ viii. 712.

[359] A curious letter describing the entrance of the _Battuti_ into Rome in 1399 may be read in Romagnoli's publication _Le Compagnie de' Battuti in Roma_, Bologna, 1862. It refers to a period later by a century than the first outbreak of the enthusiasm.

[360] Some banners--_Gonfaloni_ or _Stendardi_--of the Perugian fraternities, preserved in the Pinacoteca of that town, are interesting for their illustration of these religious companies at a later date. The Gonfalone of S. Bernardino by Bonfigli represents the saint between heaven and earth pleading for his votaries. Their Oratory (Cappella di Giustizia) is seen behind, and in front are the men and women of the order. That of the _Societas Annuntiatae_ with date 1466, shows a like band of lay brethren and sisters. That of the Giustizia by Perugino has a similar group, kneeling and looking up to Madonna, who is adored by S. Francis and S. Bernardino in the heavens. Behind is a landscape with a portion of Perugia near the Church of S. Francis. The Stendardo of the Confraternita di S. Agostino by Pinturicchio exhibits three white-clothed members of the body, kneeling and gazing up to their patron. There is also a fine picture in the Perugian Pinacoteca by Giov. Boccati of Camerino (signed and dated 1447) representing Madonna enthroned in a kind of garden, surrounded by child-like angels with beautiful blonde hair, singing and reading from choir books in a double row of semi-circular choir-stalls. Below, S. Francis and S. Dominic are leading each two white _Disciplinati_ to the throne. These penitents carry their scourges, and holes cut in the backs of their monastic cloaks show the skin red with stripes. One on either side has his face uncovered: the other wears the hood down, with eye-holes pierced in it. This picture belonged to the Confraternity of S. Domenico.

[361] _Cantici di Jacopone da Todi_ (Roma, Salviano, 1558), p. 64. I quote from this edition as the most authentic, and reproduce its orthography.

[362] This Life is prefixed to Salviano's Roman edition of Jacopone's hymns, 1558.

[363] The biographer adds, "Ma fu si horribile e spiacevole a vedere che conturbo tutta quella festa, lasciando ogniuno pieno di amaritudine."

[364] See above, p. 284. The seventeenth-century editor of Jacopone and his followers, Tresatti, has justly styled this repulsive but characteristic utterance, "invettiva terribile contro di se."

[365] _Op. cit._ p. 109.

[366] _Ibid._ p. 77.

[367] _Ibid._ p. 122. See Appendix.

[368] _Ibid._ p. 45.

[369] It is printed in Salviano's, and reproduced in Tresatti's edition. I have followed the reading offered by D'Ancona, _Origini del Teatro_, vol. i. p. 142. See Translation in Appendix.

[370] The word _Corrotto_, used by Mary, means lamentation for the dead. It corresponds to the Greek _Threnos_, Corsican _Vocero_, Gaelic _Coronach_.

[371] _Le Poesie spirituali del Beato Jacopone da Todi._ In Venetia, appresso Niccolo Miserrimi, MDCXVII. The book is a thick 4to, consisting of 1,055 pages, closely printed. It contains a voluminous running commentary. The editor, Tresatti, a Minorite Friar, says he had extracted 211 _Cantici_ of Jacopone from MSS. belonging to his Order, whereas the Roman and Florentine editions, taken together, contained 102 in all. He divides them into seven sections: (1) Satires, (2) Moral Songs, (3) Odes, (4) Penitential Hymns, (5) The Theory of Divine Love, (6) Spiritual Love Poems, (7) Spiritual Secrets. This division corresponds to seven stages in the soul's progress toward perfection. The arrangement is excellent, though the sections in some places interpenetrate. For variety of subjects, the collection is a kind of lyrical encyclopaedia, touching all needs and states of the devout soul. It might supply material for meditation through a lifetime to a heart in harmony with its ascetic and erotically enthusiastic tone.

[372] _Op. cit._ p. 149.

[373] _Ibid._ p. 244.

[374] _Ibid._ p. 253.

[375] _Op. cit._ p. 266. See Translation in Appendix.

[376] _Op. cit._ p. 306.

[377] _Ibid._ p. 343.

[378] _Op. cit._ pp. 416, 420.

[379] _Ibid._ p. 433.

[380] _Op. cit._ p. 703.

[381] _Ibid._ p. 741.

[382] _Ibid._ p. 715.

[383] _Opere di Girolamo Benivieni_ (Venegia, G. de Gregori, 1524), p. 151.

[384] _Op. cit._ p. 143. I have only translated the opening stanzas of this hymn.

[385] Published at Florence by Molini and Cecchi, 1863. Compare the two collections printed by Prof. G. Ferraro from Ferrarese MSS. _Poesie popolari religiose del secolo xiv._ Bologna, Romagnoli, 1877.

[386] _Laude, etc._ p. 105.

[387] _Op. cit._ p. 16. See _Canzone a Ballo_, etc. (Firenze, 1568), p. 30, on this song.

[388] _Op. cit._ pp. 96, 227, 50.

[389] See _op. cit._ pp. 227, 234, and _passim_.

[390] Carducci, _Dello Svolgimento della Letteratura Nazionale_, p. 90.

[391] See Muratori, _Rer. Ital. Script._ xxiv. 1205, and _ibid._ 1209, Friulian Chronicle.

[392] See the frontispiece to _Laude di Feo Belcari e di altri_.

[393] D'Ancona, _Or. del T._ _op. cit._ vol. i. p. 109.

[394] The phases of this progress from _ottonari_ to _ottava rima_ have been carefully traced by D'Ancona (_op. cit._ vol. i. pp. 151-165). _Ottonari_ are lines of eight syllables with a loose trochaic rhythm, in which great licenses of extra syllables are allowed. The stanza rhymes _a b a b c c_. The _sesta rima_ of the transition has the same rhyming structure. The _Corrotto_ by Jacopone da Todi, analyzed above, shows a similar system of rhymes to that of some Latin hymns: _a a a b c c c b_, the _b_ rhyme in _ato_ being carried through the whole poem.

[395] See above, pp. 292-294, and Appendix.

[396] D'Ancona, _op. cit._ p. 108. At p. 282 he gives some curious details relating to the Coliseum Passion in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. In 1539 it was suppressed by Paul III., because the Romans, infuriated by the drama of the Crucifixion, were wont to adjourn from the Flavian amphitheater to the Ghetto, and begin a murderous crusade against the Jews!

[397] In the directions for a "Devotione de Veneredi sancto," analyzed by D'Ancona (_op. cit._ pp. 176-182), we read: "_predica, e como fa signo_ che Cristo sia posto in croce, li Judei li chiavano una mano e poi l'altra" ... "a quello loco quando Pilato comanda che Cristo sia posto a la colona, _lo Predicatore tase_."

[398] Ducange explains _thalamum_ by _tabulatum_.

[399] See Appendix to vol. ii. of D'Ancona's _Origini del Teatro_.

[400] In the prologues of the later comedies of learning (_commedia erudita_) allusions to the rude style of Fiesolan shows are pretty frequent. The playwrights speak of them as our Elizabethan dramatists spoke of Bartholomew Fair. The whole method of a Fiesolan _Sacra Rappresentazione_ is well explained in the induction to the play of _Abraam e Sara_ (Siena, 1581). A father and his son set out from Florence, at the boy's request:

Et vo che noi andiamo
a Fiesolani poggi,
Ch'io mi ricordo c'hoggi
una festa non piu vista
Mai piu el Vangelista
vi fa e rappresenta.

On the road they wonder, will the booth be too full for them to find places, will they get hot by walking fast up hill, will their clothes be decent? They meet the Festajuolo at the booth-door, distracted because:

manca una voce
Et e ito un veloce
a Firenze per lui.

_Voce_ was the technical name for the actor.

[401] See D'Ancona, _op. cit._ pp. 245-267. Compare the section on "Geselligkeit und die Feste" in Burckhardt's _Cultur der Renaissance in Italien_.

[402] Graziani, _Arch. Stor._ xvi. 344.

[403] Allegretti, Muratori, xxxiii. 767.

[404] Corio, quoted by me, _Age of the Despots_, p. 390.

[405] See D'Ancona, _op. cit._ p. 245, and compare the account of a similar show in Galvano Flamma's _Chronicle of Milan._

[406] _Pii Secundi Commentarii_ (Romae, 1584), viii. 365.

[407] Niccolo della Tuccia, _Cron. di Viterbo_ (Firenze, Vieusseux, 1872) p. 84.

[408] Look above in chapter i. pp. 50-53, for passages from Goro Dati's Chronicle and other sources, touching on the summer festivals of Florence.

[409] This passage from Palmieri's MS. will be found, together with full information on the subject of S. John's Day, in Cambiagi, _Memorie istoriche riguardanti le feste, etc._ (Firenze, Stamp. Gran-ducale, 1766), p. 65.

[410] D'Ancona, _op. cit._ p. 205. This use of the term Miracle seems to indicate that the Florentines applied to them the generic term for Northern Sacred Plays.

[411] Lemonnier's edition, vol. v.

[412] _Sacre Rappresentazioni_, Florence, Lemonnier, 3 vols. 1872.

[413] It may be not uninteresting to compare this _terza rima_ with a passage written fifty years later by Michelangelo Buonarroti on his father's death, grander in style but less simply Christian:

Tu se' del morir morto e fatto divo,
Ne tem'or piu cangiar vita ne voglia;
Che quasi senza invidia non lo scrivo.
Fortuna e 'l tempo dentro a vostra soglia
Non tenta trapassar, per cui s'adduce
Fra no' dubbia letizia e cierta doglia.
Nube non e che scuri vostra luce,
L'ore distinte a voi non fanno forza,
Caso o necessita non vi conduce.
Vostro splendor per notte non s'ammorza,
Ne crescie ma' per giorno, benche chiaro,
Sie quand'el sol fra no' il caldo rinforza.

In the Appendix will be found translations.

[414] Cecchi's _Elevation of the Cross_ aims at the dignity of a five-act tragedy; but it was not represented until 1589. _Santa Uliva_ illustrates the interludes; and a very interesting example is supplied by the _Miracolo di S. Maria Maddalena_, where two boys prologize in dialogue, comment at intervals upon the action, and conclude the exhibition with a Laud.

[415] "L'Angelo annunzia la festa," is the common stage-direction at the beginning; and at the end "L'Angelo da licenza."

[416] "Constantino Imperatore," _Sacre Rappr._ ii. 187. "Un Giovine con la citara annunzia."

[417] _Op. cit._ vol. i. pp. 357-359.

[418] _Sacre Rappr._ i. 391. Cp. the _Abraam_ quoted in a note above, p. 313.

[419] Compare, for example, Vespasiano's _naive_ astonishment at the virginity of the Cardinal di Portogallo with the protestations of chastity in the _Tre Pellegrini_ (_Sacre Rappr._ iii. 467).

[420] _Sacre Rappr._ iii. p. 235 and p. 1.

[421] _Sacre Rappr._ p. 121. _Shakespeare Soc. Publ._ vol. xvii.

[422] For the technical terms _Nuvola_ and _Paradiso_ see above, pp. 318, 319.

[423] It is probable that the painting of the period yields a fair notion of the scenic effects attempted in these shows. Or, what is perhaps a better analogue, we can illustrate the pages of the libretti by remembering the terra-cotta groups of the Sacro Monte at Varallo. Designed by excellent artists and painted in accordance with the traditions of the Milanese school, it is not impossible that these life-size representations of Christ's birth and Passion reproduce the Sacred Drama with fidelity.

[424] _Sacre Rappr._ iii. 270.

[425] _Sacre Rappr._ i. 193. See Shakespeare Society's Publications, i. 119.

[426] _Sacre Rappr._ i. 255.

[427] _Sacre Rappr._ i. 357.

[428] All the novelists might be cited to illustrate this point.

[429] At the end of the _Rappresentazione di un Pellegrino_ (_Sacre Rappr._ iii. 430) a little farce is printed, bearing no relation to the play. It is a dialogue between a good and bad apprentice, who discuss the question of gambling. Here and in the _Figliuol Prodigo_ and the induction to the _Miracolo di S. Maddalena_ we have the elements of comedy, which, however, unfortunately came to nothing. These scenes remind us of Heywood's tavern pictures, Marston's "Eastward Ho!" and other precious pieces of English Elizabethan farce.

[430] _Sacre Rappr._ i. 304.

[431] _Ibid._ p. 319.

[432] _Sacre Rappr._ i. 229.

[433] This play ends with a pretty moralization of the episode that forms its motive, addressed by Mary to the people (_ib._ p. 240).

Figliuo' diletti, che cercate in terra
Trovar il figliuol mio, pietoso Iddio,
Non vi fermate in questa rozza terra,
Che Jesu non ista nel mondo rio.
Chi vel crede trovar, fortement' erra,
E come stolto morra nel disio.
Al tempio, chi lo vuol, venghi oggi drento,
Che 'l viver vostro e come foglia al vento.

[434] _Sacre Rappr._ i. 342.

[435] _Ibid._ iii. 439.

[436] For these incidents we may think of Signorelli's huge angels and swarming devils at Orvieto. What follows suggests the Lorenzetti fresco at Pisa, and the Orcagna of the Strozzi Chapel. Fra Angelico and Fra Bartolommeo also supply pictorial parallels.

[437] Poetry forced Castellani to decide where Solomon should go; Lorenzetti left it vague.

[438] _Sacre Rappr._ ii. 33.

[439] _Sacre Rappr._ iii. 140.

[440] _Ibid._ ii. 124.

[441] _Ibid._ ii. 235.

[442] _Ibid._ ii. 269.

[443] _Ibid._ ii. 323.

[444] _Ibid._ ii. 71.

[445] _La Mort d'Arthur_ (Wright's edition), vol. iii. p. 331.

[446] Polidori's edition, vol. i. p. 542.

[447] The greater maturity of the plastic than of the poetic arts in the fifteenth century is apparent when we contrast the _Rappresentazioni_ with Masaccio's, Ghirlandajo's, Mantegna's, or Carpaccio's paintings. Art, as I have frequently had to observe, emancipated the human faculties, and humanized the figments of the middle age by investing them with corporeal shape and forms of aesthetic beauty. The deliverance of the Italian genius was thus effected in painting earlier than in poetry, and in those very spheres of religious art where the poets were helpless to attain true freedom. Italian poetry first became free when it turned round and regarded the myths with an amused smile. I do not say that this was absolutely necessary, that an heroic Christian poetry might not have been produced in the fifteenth century by another race. But for the Italians it was necessary.

[448] _Sacre Rappr._ ii. 447.

[449] _Sacre Rappr._ iii. 177.

[450] _Ibid._ ii. 163.

[451] _Sacre Rappr._ iii. 235. Also edited separately with an introduction by D'Ancona.

[452] _Sacre Rappr._ iii. 319.

[453] _Sacre Rappr._ iii. 362.

[454] _Ibid._ iii. 485.

[455] _Sacre Rappr._ iii. 416.

[456] _Ibid._ iii. 439.

[457] _Sacre Rappr._ iii. 466.

[458] The date of the former is probably 1472, of the latter 1486.