Skip to content

Chapter II: Part 2

Text size

In 1769, the house of burgesses of the colony of Virginia represented to Lord Bottetourt, "That they have the greatest reason to fear the said line," (meaning the boundary line, which the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations have referred to, in the map annexed to their Lordships report) "if confirmed, would constantly open to the Indians, and others _enemies_ to his Majesty, a free and easy ingress to the heart of the country on the Ohio, Holston's river, and the Great Kenhawa; whereby the settlements which may be attempted in these quarters will, in all probability, be utterly destroyed, and _that great extent of country_ [at least 800 miles in length] _from the mouth of the Kenhawa_ to the _mouth of the Cherokee river_ extending Eastward as far as the Laurell Hill, _so lately ceded to his Majesty, to which no tribe of Indians at present set up any pretensions, will be entirely abandoned to the Cherokees_; in consequence of which, claims, _totally destructive_ of the true interest of his Majesty, may at some future time arise, _and acquisitions justly ranked among the most valuable of the late war be altogether lost_."

From the foregoing detail of facts, it is obvious,

1st. That the country _Southward_ of the _Great Kenhawa_, at least as far as the Cherokee river, originally belonged to the Shawanesse.

2d. That the Six Nations, in virtue of their conquest of the Shawanesse, became the lawful proprietors of that country.

3d. That the King, in consequence of the grant from the Six Nations, made to his Majesty at Fort Stanwix in 1768, is _now_ vested with the undoubted right and property thereof. 4th. That the Cherokees _never_ resided, nor hunted in that country, and have _not_ any kind of right to it.

5th. That the House of Burgesses of the colony of Virginia have, upon good grounds, asserted, [such as properly arise from the nature of their stations, and proximity to the Cherokee country], that the Cherokees had not any just pretensions to the territory _Southward_ of the Great Kenhawa.

And lastly, That neither the Six Nations, the Shawanesse nor Delawares, do _now_ reside, or hunt in that country.

From these considerations, it is evident no possible injury can arise to his Majesty's Service,--to the Six Nations and their confederacy,--or to the Cherokees, by permitting us to settle the _whole_ of the lands comprehended within our contract with the Lords Commissioners of the Treasury:--If, however, there has been any treaty held with the Six Nations, _since_ the cession made to his Majesty at Fort Stanwix, whereby the faith of the crown is pledged, both to the Six Nations and the Cherokees, that no settlements should be made beyond the line, marked on their Lordships report; we say, if such agreement has been made by the orders of government with these tribes, (not withstanding, as the Lords Commissioners have acknowledged, "_the Six Nations had ceded the property in the lands to his Majesty_)"--We flatter ourselves, that the objection of their Lordships in the second paragraph of their Report, will be entirely obviated, by a specific clause being inserted in the King's grant to us, _expressly prohibiting us from settling any part of the same_, until such time as we shall have _first_ obtained his Majesty's allowance, and the full consent of the Cherokees, and the Six Nations and their confederates, for that purpose.

III. In regard to the third paragraph of their Lordships Report, that it was the _principle_ of the board of trade, _after_ the treaty of Paris, "to _confine_ the western extent of settlements to such a distance from the sea-coast, as that these settlements should lie within the _reach_ of the trade and commerce of this kingdom," _&c._ we shall not presume to controvert;--but it may be observed, that the settlement of the country _over_ the Allegany mountains, and on the Ohio, was _not_ understood, either _before_ the treaty of Paris, nor intended to be so considered by his Majesty's proclamation of October 1763, "as _without the reach of the trade and commerce of this kingdom_," &c.;--for, in the year 1748, Mr. John Hanbury, and a number of other gentlemen, petitioned the King for a grant of 500,000 acres of land _over_ the Allegany mountains, and on the river Ohio and its branches; and the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations were _then_ pleased to _report_ to the Lords committee of his Majesty's most honourable privy council, "_That the settlement of the country, lying to the westward of the great mountains_, as it was the center of the British dominions, _would be for his Majesty's interest, and the advantage and security of Virginia and the neighbouring colonies_."

And on the 23d of February 1748-9, the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations _again reported_ to the Lords of the committee of the privy council, that they had "fully _set forth the great utility and advantage of extending our settlements beyond the great mountains_ ("which _Report has been approved of by your Lordships_").--And as, by these _new_ proposals, there is _a great probability of having a much larger tract of the said country settled than under the former, we are of opinion, that it will be greatly for his Majesty's service_, and the _welfare and security of Virginia, to comply with the prayer of the petition_."

And on the 16th of March 1748-9, an _instruction_ was sent to the Governor of Virginia to grant 500,000 acres of land _over the Allegany mountains_ to the aforesaid Mr. Hanbury and his partners (who are now _part_ of the company of Mr. Walpole and his associates); and that instruction sets forth, That "_such settlements will be for our interest_, and the _advantage and security of our said colony, as well as the advantage of the neighbouring ones_;--inasmuch as our loving subjects _will be thereby enabled to cultivate a friendship, and carry on a more extensive commerce_ with the nations of Indians inhabiting those parts; _and such examples may likewise induce the neighbouring colonies to turn their thoughts towards designs of the same nature_."--Hence we apprehend, it is evident, that a former board of trade, at which Lord Halifax presided, was of opinion, that settlements _over_ the Allegany mountains were not against the King's interest, _nor_ at such a distance from the sea-coast, as to _be without_ "the _reach_ of the trade and commerce of this kingdom," nor _where_ its authority or jurisdiction could not be exercised.--But the _Report_ under consideration suggests, that two capital objects of the proclamation of 1763 were, _to confine_ future settlements to the "sources of the rivers which fall into the sea from the West and North-West," (or, in other Words, to the _Eastern side of the Allegany mountains_) and to the three new governments of Canada, East Florida, and West Florida;--and to establish this fact, the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations recite a part of that proclamation.

But if the _whole_ of this proclamation is considered, it will be found to contain the nine following heads; viz.[1]

[1] Vide the Proclamation in the Appendix, No. 1.

1st, To declare to his Majesty's subjects, that he had erected four distinct and separate governments in America; viz. Quebec, East Florida, West Florida, and Grenada.

2d, To ascertain the respective boundaries of these four new governments.

3d, To testify the royal sense and approbation of the conduct and bravery, both of the officers and soldiers of the King's army, and of the reduced officers of the navy, who had served in North America, and to reward them, by grants of lands in Quebec, and in East and West Florida, without fee or reward.

4th, To hinder the governors of Quebec, East Florida and West Florida, from granting warrants of survey, or passing patents for lands, _beyond_ the bounds of their respective governments.

5th, To forbid the governors of any other colonies or plantations in America, from granting warrants or passing patents for lands, _beyond_ the heads or sources of any of the rivers, which fall into the Atlantic Ocean from the west or north-west, or upon any lands whatever, "_which, not having been_ CEDED _to or purchased by the King_, are reserved to the said Indians, or any of them."

6th, To reserve, "_for the present_," under the King's sovereignty, protection, and dominion, _for the use of the said Indians_, all the lands _not_ included within the limits of the said three new governments, or within the limits of the Hudson's Bay company; as also, all the lands lying to the westward of the sources of the rivers, which fall into the sea from the west and north-west, and forbidding the King's subjects, from making any purchases of settlements whatever, or taking possession of the lands _so reserved_, without his Majesty's leave and licence first obtained.

7th, To require all persons, who had made settlements on lands, _not_ purchased by the King from the Indians, to remove from such settlements.

8th, To regulate the future purchases of lands from the Indians, within such parts as his Majesty, by that proclamation, permitted settlements to be made.

9th, To declare, that the trade with the Indians should be free and open to all his Majesty's subjects, and to prescribe the manner how it shall be carried on.

And lastly, To require all military officers, and the superintendants of Indian affairs, to seize and apprehend all persons who stood charged with treasons, murders, &c. and who had fled from justice, and taken refuge in the reserved lands of the Indians, to send such persons to the colony, _where_ they stood accused.

From this proclamation, therefore, it is obvious, that the sole design of it, independent of the establishment of the three new governments, ascertaining their respective boundaries, rewarding the officers and soldiers, and regulating the Indian trade, and apprehending felons, was to _convince_ the Indians "of his Majesty's justice and determined resolution to remove all reasonable cause of discontent," by interdicting all settlements on land, not _ceded to or purchased by his Majesty_; and declaring it to be, as we have already mentioned, his royal will and pleasure, "for _the present, to reserve_, under his sovereignty, protection, and dominion, _for the use of the Indians_, all the lands and territories lying to the westward of the sources of the rivers which fall into the sea from the west and north-west."--Can any words express more decisively the royal intention?--Do they not explicitly mention, That the territory is, _at present_, reserved under his Majesty's protection, _for the use of the Indians_?--And as the Indians had _no use_ for those lands, which are bounded _westerly_ by the _south-east side_ of the river Ohio, either for residence or hunting, they were willing to sell them; and accordingly did sell them to the King in November 1768, (the occasion of which sale will be fully explained in our observations on the succeeding paragraphs of the _Report_).--Of course, the proclamation, so far as it regarded the settlement of the lands included within that purchase, has absolutely and undoubtedly ceased.--The late Mr. Grenville, who was, at the time of issuing this proclamation, the minister of this kingdom, always admitted, that the design of it was totally accomplished, _so soon as the country was purchased of the natives_.

IV. In this paragraph, the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations mention two reasons for his Majesty's entering into engagements with the Indians, for fixing a _more precise and determinate boundary line_, than was settled by the proclamation of October 1763, viz.

1st, Partly for want of _precision_ in the one intended to be marked by the proclamation of 1763.

2d, And partly from a consideration of justice in regard to _legal titles to lands_.

We have, we presume, fully proved, in our observations on the third paragraph,--That the design of the proclamation, so far as it related to lands _westward_ of the Allegany mountains, was for no other purpose than to _reserve_ them, under his Majesty's protection, for _the present, for the use of the Indians_; to which we shall only add, That the line established by the proclamation, so far as it concerned the lands in question, could _not_ possibly be fixed and described with more _precision_, than the proclamation itself describes it; for it declares,--That "all the lands and territories lying to the westward of the sources of the rivers, _which fall into the sea from the west and north-west_," should be reserved under his Majesty's protection.

Neither, in our opinion, was his Majesty induced to enter into engagements with the Indians for fixing a more _precise_ and determinate boundary "_partly from a consideration of justice, in regard to legal titles to lands_,"--for there were _none_ such (as we shall prove) comprehended within the tract _now_ under consideration.

But for a full comprehension of ALL the reasons for his Majesty's "entering into engagements with the Indians, for fixing a more precise and determinate boundary line," than was settled by the royal proclamation of Oct. 1763, we shall take the liberty of stating the following facts:--In the year 1764, the King's ministers had it _then_ in contemplation, to obtain an act of parliament for the proper regulation of the Indian commerce; and providing a fund, (by laying a duty on the trade) for the support of superintendants, commissaries, interpreters, &c. at particular forts in the Indian country, _where_ the trade was to be carried on:--And as a part of this system, it was thought proper, in order to avoid future complaints from the Indians, on account of encroachments on their hunting grounds, to purchase a large tract of territory from them, and establish, with their consent, a respectable _boundary line_, beyond which his Majesty's subjects should _not_ be permitted to settle.

In consequence of this system, orders were transmitted to Sir William Johnson, in the year 1764, to call together the Six Nations,--lay this proposition of the _boundary_ before them, and take their opinion upon it.--This, we apprehend, will appear evident from the following speech, made by Sir William to the Six Nations, at a conference which he held with them, at Johnson Hall, May the 2d, 1765.

BRETHREN,

"The last but the most important affair I have at this time to
mention, is with regard to the _settling a boundary between you and
the English_. I sent a message to some of your nations some time
ago, to acquaint you, that I should confer with you at this meeting
upon it. The King, whose generosity and forgiveness you have
already experienced, _being very desirous to put a final end to
disputes between his people and_ YOU CONCERNING LANDS, and to do
you strict justice, has fallen upon the plan of a boundary between
our provinces and the Indians (which no white man shall dare to
invade) as the best and surest method of ending such like disputes,
and _securing your property_ to you, beyond a possibility of
disturbance. This will, I hope, appear to you so reasonable, so
just on the part of the King, and so advantageous to you and your
posterity, that I can have no doubt of your chearfully joining with
me in settling such a division-line, as will be best for the
advantage of both white men and Indians, _and as shall best agree
with the extent and increase of each province_, and the governors,
whom I shall consult upon that occasion, so soon as I am fully
empowered; but in the mean time I am desirous to know in what
manner you would choose to extend it, and what you will heartily
agree to, and abide by, in general terms. At the same time I am to
acquaint you, that whenever the whole is settled, and that it shall
appear you have _so far consulted the increasing state of our
people, as to make any convenient cessions of ground_ where it is
most wanted, that then you will receive a considerable present in
return for your friendship."

To this speech the Sachems and Warriors of the Six Nations, after conferring some time among themselves, gave an answer to Sir William Johnson, and agreed to the proposition of the boundary line;--which answer, and the other transactions of this conference, Sir William transmitted to the office of the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations.--

From a change of the administration, which formed the above system of obtaining an act of parliament for regulating the Indian trade, and establishing the _boundary line_, or from some other public cause, unknown to us,--no measures were adopted, until the latter end of the year 1767, for _completing_ the negotiation about this boundary line.--But in the mean time, viz. between the years 1765 and 1768,--the King's subjects removed in _great_ numbers from Virginia, Maryland, and Pennsylvania, and settled _over_ the mountains,--upon which account, the Six Nations became so irritated, that in the year 1766 they killed several persons, and denounced a general war against the middle colonies; and to appease them, and to avoid such a public calamity, a detachment of the 42d regiment of root was _that year_ sent from the garrison of Fort Pitt, to remove such settlers as were seated at _Red Stone Creek_, &c.--but the endeavours and threats of that detachment proved ineffectual, and they returned to the garrison, without being able to execute their orders.--The complaints of the Six Nations however continuing and _increasing_, on account of the settling of their lands _over_ the mountains, General Gage wrote to the Governor of Pennsylvania on the 7th of December 1767, and after mentioning these complaints, he observed, "_You are a witness how little attention has been paid to the several proclamations that have been published; and that even the removing those people from the lands in question_, which _was attempted this summer by the garrison at Fort Pitt_, has _been only a temporary expedient_. We learn they are _returned again_ to the same _encroachments_ on Red Stone Creek and Cheat River in _greater numbers than ever_."[2]

[2] Vide p. 47.

On the 5th of January 1768, the governor of Pennsylvania sent a message to the general assembly of the province with the foregoing letter from General Gage,--and on the 13th the assembly in the conclusion of a message to the governor on the subject of Indian complaints, observed, "To obviate which cause of their discontent, and effectually to establish between them and his Majesty's subjects a durable peace, we are of opinion, that a speedy _confirmation_ of the _boundary_, and a just satisfaction made to them for their lands on this side of it, are absolutely necessary. By this means all their present complaints of encroachments will be removed, and the people on our frontiers will have a sufficient country _to settle or hunt in, without interfering with them_."

On the 19th of January 1768, Mr. Galloway, the speaker of the assembly in Pennsylvania, and the committee of correspondence, wrote on the subject of the Indians disquietude, by order of the house, to their agents Richard Jackson and Benjamin Franklin, Esquires, in London, and therein they said, "That the delay of the confirmation of the _boundary_, the natives have warmly complained of, _and that although they have received no consideration_ for the _lands agreed to be ceded to the crown on our_ side of the boundary, _yet that its subjects are daily settling and occupying those very lands_."

In April 1768, the legislature of Pennsylvania finding that the expectations of an Indian war were hourly increasing, _occasioned by the settlement of the lands over the mountains_, not sold by the natives; and flattering themselves, that orders would soon arrive from England for the perfection of the boundary line, they voted the sum of one thousand pounds, to be given as a present, in blankets, strouds, &c. to the Indians upon the Ohio, with a view of moderating their resentment, until these orders should arrive:--and the governor of Pennsylvania being informed, that a treaty was soon to be held at Fort Pitt by George Croghan, Esq; deputy agent of Indian affairs, by order of General Gage and Sir William Johnson, he sent his secretary and another gentleman, as commissioners from the Province, to deliver the above present to the Indians at Fort Pitt.

On the 2d of May 1768, the Six Nations made the following speech at that conference:

"BROTHER,

"It is not without grief that we see our country _settled by you_,
without our knowledge or consent; and it is a long time since we
complained to you of this grievance, which we find has not yet been
redressed; but _settlements_ are still _extending further into our
country_: some of them are made directly on our war-path, leading
to our enemies' country, and we do not like it. Brother, you have
_laws among you_ to govern your people by; and it will be the
strongest proof of the sincerity of your friendship, to let us see
that you remove the people from our lands; as we look upon it,
_they will have time enough to settle them, when you have purchased
them, and the country becomes yours_."

The Pennsylvania commissioners, in answer to this speech, informed the Six Nations, that the governor of that province had sent four gentlemen with his proclamation and the act of assembly (making it _felony of death_ without benefit of clergy, to continue on Indian lands) to such settlers _over_ the mountains as were seated, within the limits of Pennsylvania, requiring them to vacate their settlements, but all to no avail:--That the governor of Virginia had likewise, to as little purpose, issued his proclamations and orders, and that General Gage had twice _ineffectually_ sent parties of soldiers to remove the settlers from Red Stone Creek and Monongehela.

As soon as Mr. Jackson and Dr. Franklin received the foregoing instructions from the general assembly of Pennsylvania, they waited upon the American minister, and urged the expediency and necessity of the boundary line being speedily concluded; and in consequence thereof, additional orders were immediately transmitted to Sir William Johnson for that purpose.

It is plain therefore, that the proclamation of October 1763 was _not_ designed, as the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations have suggested, to signify the policy of this kingdom, _against_ settlements _over_ the Allegany mountains, _after_ the King had actually purchased the territory; and that the _true_ reasons for purchasing the lands comprized within that boundary, were to avoid an Indian rupture, and give an opportunity to the King's subjects, quietly and lawfully to settle thereon.

V. Whether the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations are well founded in their declarations, That the lands under consideration "_are out of all advantageous intercourse with this kingdom_," shall be fully considered in our observations on the sixth paragraph;--and as to "the various propositions for erecting new colonies in the _interior parts_, which their Lordships say, have been, in consequence of the extension of the boundary line, submitted to the consideration of government, particularly in _that part of the country_, wherein are situated the lands now prayed for, and the danger of complying with such proposals have been so obvious, as to _defeat_ every attempt for carrying them into execution,"--we shall only observe on this paragraph, that as we do not know what these propositions were, or upon what principle the proposers have been _defeated_, it is impossible for us to judge, whether they are any ways applicable to our case.--Consistent however with our knowledge, no more than one proposition, for the settlement of a _part_ of the lands in question, has been presented to government, and that was from Dr. Lee, 32 other Americans, and two Londoners, in the year 1768, praying that his Majesty would _grant_ to them, without _any purchase-money_, 2,500,000 acres of land _in one or more surveys_, to be located between the 38th and 42d degrees of latitude, _over the Allegany mountains_, and on condition of their possessing these lands 12 _years_ WITHOUT _the payment of any quit-rent_, (the same _not_ to begin until the whole 2,500,000 acres were surveyed) and that they should be obliged to settle only 200 _families in_ 12 _years_.--Surely, the Lords Commissioners did not mean this proposition as one that was similar, and would _apply_ to the case now _reported_ upon;--and especially as Dr. Lee and his associates did not propose, as we do, either to purchase the lands, or pay the quit-rents to his Majesty, _neat and clear of all deductions_, or be at the _whole_ expence of establishing and maintaining the civil government of the country.

VI. In the sixth paragraph the Lords Commissioners observe, That "_every argument on the subject_, respecting the settlement of the lands in that part of the country now prayed for, _is collected together with great force and precision in a representation made to his Majesty_ by the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations, in March 1768."

That it may be clearly understood, what was the occasion of this _representation_, we shall take the liberty of mentioning, that on the first of October 1767, and during the time that the Earl of Shelburne was Secretary of State for the southern department, an idea was entertained of forming, "_at the expence of the crown_," three _new governments_ in North America, _viz._ one at _Detroit_ [on the waters between Lake Huron and Lake Erie]; one in the _Illinois Country_, and one on the _lower_ part of the River Ohio; and in consequence such idea, a _reference_ was made by his lordship to the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations, for their opinion upon these proposed _new_ governments.

Having plainly explained the cause of the _representation_, which is so very strongly and earnestly insisted upon by the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations, as containing "_every argument on the subject_ of the lands which is at present before your lordships;" we shall now give our reasons for apprehending, _that it_ is so far from applying against our case, that it actually declares a permission would be given to settle the very lands in question.

Three principal reasons are assigned in the _representation_, "as conducive to the great object of colonizing upon the continent of North America, _viz._"

1st. "Promoting the advantageous fishery carried on upon the _northern coast_."

2dly. "Encouraging the growth and culture of naval stores, and of _raw materials_, to be transported hither, in exchange for perfect manufactures and other merchandize."

3dly. "Securing a supply of lumber, provisions, and other necessaries, for the support of our establishments in the American islands."

On the first of these reasons, we apprehend, it is not necessary for us to make many observations; as the provinces of New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia, and the colonies _southward_ of them, have _not_, and from the nature of their situation and commerce will _not_, promote the _fishery_, more, it is conceived, than the proposed Ohio colony.--These provinces are, however, beneficial to this kingdom, in the culture and exportation of different articles;--as it is humbly presumed the Ohio colony _will_ likewise be, if the production of _staple commodities_ is allowed to be within that description.

On the 2d and 3d general reasons of the _Representation_ we shall observe, that no part of his Majesty's dominions in North America, will require less _encouragement_ "for the growth and culture of naval stores and raw materials; and for the supplying the islands with lumber, provisions," &c. than the solicited colony on the Ohio;--and for the following reasons:

First, The lands in question are excellent, the climate temperate, the native grapes, silk-worms, and mulberry trees, are every where; hemp grows spontaneously in the valleys and low lands; iron-ore is plenty in the hills; and no soil is better adapted for the culture of tobacco, flax, and cotton, than that of the Ohio.

Second, The country is well watered by several navigable rivers, communicating with each other; and by which, and a short land-carriage of _only 40 miles_, the produce of the lands of the Ohio can, even _now_, be sent _cheaper_ to the sea-port town of Alexandria, on the river Potomack (where General Braddoc's transports landed his troops) than any kind of merchandise is at this time sent _from Northampton to London_.

Third, The river Ohio is, at _all_ seasons of the year, navigable for large boats, like the West Country barges, rowed only by four or five men; and from the month of January to the month of April, large ships may be built on the Ohio, and sent laden with _hemp_, _iron_, _flax_, _silk_, &c. to this kingdom.

Fourth, Flour, corn, beef, ship-plank, and other necessaries, can be sent down the stream of Ohio to West Florida, and from thence to the islands, much cheaper, and in better order, than from New York or Philadelphia. Fifth, Hemp, tobacco, iron, and such bulky articles, can also be sent _down_ the _stream_ of the Ohio to the sea, at least 50 per centum cheaper than these articles were ever carried by a land carriage, of only 60 miles, in Pennsylvania;--where _waggonage_ is cheaper than in any other part of North America.

Sixth, The expence of transporting British manufactories from the sea to the Ohio colony, will _not_ be so much, as is now paid and must ever be paid, to a great part of the counties of _Pennsylvania_, _Virginia_, and _Maryland_.

From this state of facts, we apprehend, it is clear, that the lands in question are altogether capable, and will advantageously admit, from their fertility, situation, and the small expence attending the exporting the produce of them to this kingdom,--"of _conducing_ to the great object of colonizing upon the continent of North America:"--But that we may more particularly elucidate this important point, we shall take the freedom of observing,--That it is _not_ disputed, but even acknowledged, by the very _Report_ now under consideration,--that the climate and soil of the Ohio are as favourable, as we have described them;--and as to the native silk worms,--it is a truth, that _above_ 10,000 weight of cocoons was, in August 1771, sold at the public filature in Philadelphia;--and that the silk produced from the _native_ worm is of a good quality, and has been much approved of in this city.--As to _hemp_, we are ready to make it appear, that it grows, as we have represented, spontaneously, and of a good texture on the Ohio,--When, therefore, the _increasing_ dependance of this kingdom upon _Russia_, for this very article, is considered, and that none has been exported from the _sea coast American colonies_, as their soil will not easily produce it,--this dependance must surely be admitted as a subject of great national consequence, and worthy of the serious attention of government. Nature has pointed out to us, _where_ any quantity of hemp can be soon and easily raised, and by that means, not only a large amount of specie may be retained _yearly_ in this kingdom, but our own subjects can be employed most advantageously, and paid in the _manufactures_ of this kingdom. The state of the Russian trade is briefly thus:

From the year 1722 to 1731,--250 ships were, on a
medium, sent each year to St. Petersburgh, Narva, Riga,
and Archangel, for _hemp_, 250 Ships.

And from the year 1762 to 1771,--500 ships were
also sent for that purpose, 500
----------
_Increase_ in ten years, 250 Ships.

Here then, it is obvious that in the last _ten_ years there was, on a medium, an increase of 250 ships in the Russian trade. Can it be consistent with the wisdom and policy of the greatest naval and commercial nation in the world, to depend wholly on _foreigners_ for the supply of an article, in which is included the very existence of her navy and commerce? Surely not; and especially when God has blessed us with a country yielding _naturally_ the very commodity, which draws our money from us, and renders us _dependent_ on Russia for it[3].--

[3] "It is in settlements on the Mississippi and Ohio that we
must look for _hemp_ and _flax_, which may in those fertile
tracts be cultivated in such abundance, as to enable us to
_undersell_ all the world, as well as supply our own consumption.
It is on those _high_, _dry_, and _healthy_ lands, that vineyards
would be cultivated to the best advantage, as many of those hills
contain quarries of stone, and not in the _low, unhealthy sea
coasts_ of our present colonies. Of such infinite consequence to
Britain is the _production of staples_ in her colonies, that were
all the people of the _Northern_ settlements, and all of the
_tobacco_ ones (except those actually employed in raising
tobacco) now spread over those parts of our territories to the
Southward and _Westward_, and consequently employed in the same
manner as the few are who do reside therein, Britain, in such a
case, would _export_ to the amount of above _nine millions more_
in manufactures, &c. than she does at present, without reckoning
the infinite _increase in public revenue, freight, and seamen_,
which would accrue. To enlarge upon all the advantages of such a
change, would be _impertinence_ itself."

_Political Essays concerning the British Empire._

As we have only hitherto _generally_ stated the _small_ expence of carriage between the waters of Potomack and those of the Ohio, we shall now endeavour to shew how very ill founded the Lords for Trade and Plantations are, in the fifth paragraph of their _report_, viz. That the lands in question "_are out of all advantageous intercourse with this kingdom_." In order however, that a proper opinion may be formed on this important article, we shall take the liberty of stating the particular expence of carriage, _even during_ the last _French war_ (when there was no _back_ carriage from the Ohio to Alexandria) as it will be found, it was even _then_ only about a _halfpenny per_ pound, as will appear from the following account, the truth of which we shall fully ascertain, _viz._

From Alexandria to Fort _l._ _s._ _d._
Cumberland, by water. 0 1 7 _per cwt._

From Fort Cumberland to Redstone Creek, at 14
dollars _per_ waggon load; each waggon carrying
15 cwt. 0 4 2
-------------------------
0 5 9

Note, The distance was _then_ 70 miles, but by a _new_ waggon road, _lately_ made, it is _now_ but forty miles--a saving of course, of above one half the 5_s._ 9_d._ is _at present_ experienced.

If it is considered that this rate of carriage was _in time of war_, and _when_ there were no inhabitants on the Ohio, we cannot doubt but every intelligent mind will be satisfied, that it is now much _less_ than is daily paid in London for the carriage of _coarse woollens_, _cutlery_, _iron ware_, &c. from several counties in England.

The following is the cost of carriage from Birmingham, &c. _viz._

From Birmingham to London, is 4_s. per_ cwt.
From Walsall in Staffordshire 5_s._
From Sheffield 8_s._
From Warrington 7_s._

If the lands which are at present under consideration are, as the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations _say, "out of all advantageous intercourse with this kingdom_," we are at a loss to conceive by what standard that Board calculates the rate of "advantageous intercourse."--If the King's subjects, settled over the Allegany mountains, and on the Ohio, within the _new_-erected county of Bedford, in the province of Pennsylvania, are altogether cloathed with British manufacture, as is the case, is that country "out of all advantageous intercourse with this kingdom?"--If merchants in London are _now_ actually shipping British manufactures for the use _of the very settlers_ on the lands in question, does that exportation come within the Lords Commissioners description of what is "out of all advantageous intercourse with this kingdom?" In short, the Lords Commissioners admit, upon their own principles, that it is a political and advantageous intercourse with this kingdom, _when_ the settlements and settlers are confined to the _Eastern_ side of the Allegany mountains. Shall then the expence of carriage, even of the very coarsest and heaviest cloths, or other articles, from the _mountains_ to the Ohio, only about 70 miles, and which will not, at most, _encrease_ the price of carriage _above a halfpenny a yard_, convert the trade and connexion with the settlers on the Ohio, into a predicament "that shall be, as the Lords Commissioners have said, _out_ of all advantageous intercourse with this kingdom?"--On the whole, "if the poor Indians in the remote parts of North America are _now_ able to pay for the linens, woollens, and iron ware, they are furnished with by English traders, though Indians have nothing but what they get by hunting, and the goods are loaded with all the impositions fraud and knavery can contrive, to _inhance_ their value; will not industrious English farmers," employed in the culture of hemp, flax, silk, &c. "be able to pay for what shall be brought to them in the fair way of commerce;" and especially when it is remembered, that there is _no_ other _allowable_ market for the sale of these articles than in this kingdom?--And if "the growths of _the_ country find their way out of it, will not the manufactures of this kingdom, _where_ the hemp, &c. must be sent to, find their way into it?"

Whether Nova Scotia, and East and West Florida have yielded advantages and returns equal to the enormous sums expended in founding and supporting them, or even advantages, such as the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations, in their _representation_ of 1768, seemed to expect, it is not our business to investigate:--it is, we presume, sufficient for us to mention, that those "many principal persons in Pennsylvania," as is observed in the _representation_, "whose names and association lie before your Majesty in Council, for the purpose of making settlements in Nova Scotia," have, several years since, been convinced of the impracticability of exciting settlers to move from the _middle colonies_, and settle in that province; and even of those who were prevailed on to go to Nova Scotia, the greater part of them returned with great complaints against the severity and length of the Winters.

As to East and West Florida, it is, we are persuaded, morally impossible to _force_ the people of the _middle_ provinces, between 37 and 40 degrees North latitude (where there is plenty of vacant land in their own temperate climate) to remove to the scorching, unwholesome heats of these provinces[4]. The inhabitants of Montpelier might as soon and as easily be persuaded to remove to the Northern parts of Russia, or to Senegal.--In short, it is contending with Nature, and the experience of all ages, to attempt to compel a people, _born_ and _living in a temperate climate_, and in the neighbourhood of a rich, healthful, and uncultivated country, to travel several hundred miles to a _sea port_ in order to make a _voyage to sea_; and settle either in extreme hot or cold latitudes. If the county of York was vacant and uncultivated, and the more _Southern_ inhabitants of this island were in want of land, would they suffer themselves to be driven to the _North of Scotland_?--Would they not, in spite of all opposition, _first_ possess themselves of that fertile country?--Thus much we have thought necessary to remark, in respect to the general principles laid down in the _representation_ of 1768; and we hope we have shewn, that the arguments _therein_ made use of, do _not_ in any degree militate against the subject in question; but that they were intended, and do solely apply to "new colonies proposed to be established," as the _representation_ says, "_at an expence to this kingdom_," at the distance of "above 1500 miles from the sea, which from their inability to find returns, _wherewith_ to pay for the manufactures of Great Britain, will be probably led to manufacture for themselves, _as they would_," continues the _representation_, "be separated from the _old_ colonies by immense tracts of unpeopled desart."--

[4] "We think of nothing but extending our settlements still
further on these _pestiferous sea coasts_, even to the sunken
lagunes of _East Florida_, and the barren sands of _Mobile_ and
_Pensacola_. The only use of _new settlements in North America_,
is for the people in the _Northern_ and other colonies, who want
lands _to make staple commodities_ for _Britain_, to _remove to
them: but none will ever go to Florida, or thrive in it, more
than_ they have done in _Carolina_ and _Georgia_. The climate of
_Florida_ is _more_ intemperate, the lands _more_ barren, and the
situation _much worse_ in every respect."

_State of Great Britain and America, by Dr._ Mitchel.

It now only remains for us to enquire, whether it was the intention of the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations in 1768, that the territory, which would be included within the _boundary line_, then negociating with the Indians (and which was the _one_ that was _that year_ perfected) should continue a useless wilderness, or be settled and occupied by his Majesty's subjects.--The very _representation_ itself, which the present Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations say, contains "_every argument on the subject_," furnishes us an ample and satisfactory solution to this important question.--The Lord Commissioners in 1768, after pronouncing their opinion _against_ the _proposed three new governments_, as above stated, declare, "They ought to be carefully guarded against, by encouraging the settlement of that extensive tract of sea coast hitherto unoccupied; which, say their Lordships, _together with the liberty, that the inhabitants_ OF THE _middle colonies_ WILL HAVE (in consequence of the proposed _boundary line_ with the Indians) _of gradually extending themselves backwards_, will _more effectually_ and _beneficially answer_ the object of _encouraging population_ and _consumption_, than the erection of new governments; such gradual extension might, through the medium of a continual population, upon even the same extent of territory, _preserve_ a communication of mutual commercial benefits between its extremest parts and Great Britain, _impossible to exist in colonies separated by immense tracts of unpeopled desart_."--Can any opinion be more clear and conclusive, in _favour_ of the proposition which we have humbly submitted to his Majesty?--for their Lordships positively say, that the inhabitants of the middle colonies _will have liberty of gradually extending themselves backwards_;--but is it not very extraordinary, that after near _two years_ deliberation, the present Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations should make a _report_ to the Lords of the Committee of the Privy Council, and therein expressly refer to that opinion of 1768, in which, they say, "_every argument on the subject is collected together with great force and precision_," and yet that, almost in the same breath, their Lordships "should contravene that very opinion, and advise his Majesty _to check the progress of their settlements_?"--And that "settlements in _that distant part_ of the country ought to be _discouraged_ as much as possible, and another proclamation should be issued declaratory of his Majesty's resolution, _not_ to allow, _for the present_, any new settlement beyond the line;"--to wit, beyond the Allegany mountains?--How strange and contradictory is this conduct?--But we forbear any strictures upon it;--and shall conclude our remarks on this head, by stating the opinion, at different times, of the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations, on this subject.

In 1748, their Lordships expressed the strongest desire to promote settlements _over_ the mountains and on the Ohio.--

In 1768--The then Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations declared, (in consequence of the boundary line at that time negociating)--That the inhabitants of the _middle colonies_ would _have liberty of gradually extending themselves backwards_.

In 1770--The Earl of Hillsborough actually _recommended_ the purchase of a tract of land _over_ the mountains, sufficient for a new colony, and then went down to the Lords Commissioners of the Treasury, to know, whether their Lordships would treat with Mr. Walpole and his associates, for such purchase.

In 1772--The Earl of Hillsborough, and the other Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations, made a _report_ on the petition of Mr. Walpole and his associates, and referred to the _representation_ of the Board of Trade in 1768, "as containing _every argument_ on the _subject, collected together with force and precision_;"--which _representation_ declared, as we have shewn, "_That the inhabitants of the middle colonies_ WILL _have liberty to extend backwards_," on the identical lands in question; and yet, notwithstanding such _reference_, so strongly made from the present Board of Trade to the opinion of that Board,--the Earl of Hillsborough, and the other Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations, have _now_, in direct terms, _reported against_ the absolute engagement and opinion of the Board in 1768.

It may be asked, What was intended by the expressions in the _representation_ of 1768, of _gradually extending themselves backwards_? It is answered, They were only in contradistinction to the proposal of erecting at that time _three new governments at Detroit_, &c. and thereby exciting, as the _representation_ says, the stream of population to _various_ distant places.--In short, it was, we think, beyond all doubt, the "_precise_" opinion of the Lords Commissioners in 1768, That the territory, within the boundary line, then negociating, and since completed, would be sufficient at that time--to answer the object of population and consumption; and that, until that territory was fully occupied,--it was not necessary to erect the proposed _three new governments_ "_at an expence to this kingdom_," in places, as their Lordships observed, "separated by immense tracts of unpeopled desart."--

To conclude our observations on the 6th paragraph, we would just remark,--That we presume we have demonstrated, that the inhabitants of the Middle Colonies _cannot_ be compelled to _exchange_ the soil and climate of these colonies, either for the severe colds of Nova Scotia and Canada, or the unwholesome heats of East and West Florida. Let us next enquire, what would be the effect of _confining_ these inhabitants (if it was practicable) within narrow bounds, and thereby preventing them from exercising their natural inclination of cultivating lands?--and whether such restriction would not force them into _manufactures_, to rival the Mother Country?--To these questions, the Lords Commissioners have, with much candour, replied in their representation of 1768,--We "admit," said their Lordships, "as an undeniable principle of _true policy_, that, with a view to _prevent manufactures_, it is necessary and proper _to open_ an extent of territory for colonization, _proportioned_ to an _increase_ of people, as a large number of inhabitants cooped up in narrow limits, without a sufficiency of land _for produce_, would be compelled to _convert_ their attention and industry to _manufactures_."--But their Lordships at the same time observed,--"That the _encouragement_ given to the settlement of the Colonies upon the sea coast, and the effect which such encouragement has had, has already _effectually_ provided for this object."--In what parts of North America this _encouragement_ has thus _provided_ for _population_, their Lordships have not mentioned. If the establishment of the governments of Quebeck, Nova Scotia, and the Island of St. John's, or East and West Florida, was intended by their Lordships as that effectual provision,--we shall presume to deny the proposition, by asserting, as an undoubted truth,--that although there is at least a _million_ of subjects in the Middle Colonies, none have emigrated from thence, and settled in these _new_ provinces;--and for that reason, and from the very nature of colonization itself, we affirm that none _will ever_ be induced _to exchange_ the healthy, temperate climate of Virginia, Maryland, and Pennsylvania, for the extreme colds or heats of Canada and Nova Scotia, or East and West Florida:--In short, it is not in the power of Government to give any encouragement, that can compensate for a desertion of friends and neighbours,--dissolution of family connexions, and abandoning a soil and climate infinitely superior to those of Canada, Nova Scotia, or the Floridas.--Will not therefore the inhabitants of the middle provinces, whose population is great beyond example[5], and who have already made some advances in manufactures, "by confining them to their present narrow limits," be necessarily compelled to convert their whole attention to that object? How then shall this, in the nature of things, be prevented, except, as the Lords Commissioners have justly remarked, "by opening an extent of territory proportioned _to their increase_?"--But _where_ shall a territory be found proper for "the _colonization_ of the inhabitants of the Middle Colonies?" We answer,--in the very country, which the Lords Commissioners have aid that the inhabitants of these colonies would have liberty to settle in;--a country which his Majesty has purchased from the Six Nations;--one, _where_ several thousands of his subjects are already settled;--and one, _where_ the Lords Commissioners have acknowledged, "a gradual extension might through the medium of a continued population, upon even the same extent of territory, _preserve a communication_ of mutual commercial benefits _between_ its _extremest parts_ and Great Britain."[6]

[5] "Besides _staple_ commodities, there is another more material
point to be considered in the colonies, which is their great and
daily _increase_; and for which, unless we make provision in
time, they can never subsist by a _dependance on Britain_. There
are at present (in the year 1770) nigh _three_ millions of people
in them, who may, in twenty or thirty years, _increase_ to _six_
millions, as many as there are in England."

_Wynne's History of the British Empire in America, vol. ii. page
398._

[6] Thus the use the nation has for new settlements and
acquisitions in North America is for the great increase of the
people who are already there, and to enable them to subsist _by a
dependance upon her_; which they can never do, _unless they
extend their settlements_.

_Wynne's History, vol. ii. p. 399._

"Unprejudiced men well know, that all the penal and prohibitory
laws that ever were thought of, will not be sufficient to
_prevent manufactures_ in a country whose inhabitants surpass the
number that can subsist by the by the husbandry of it; and this
will be the case _soon_, if our people remain confined within the
mountains," _&c._

_The Interest of Great Britain considered with regard to the
Colonies, page 17. Published in 1767._

VII. This paragraph is introduced, by referring to the extract of a letter from the Commander in chief of his Majesty's forces in North America, laid by the Earl of Hillsborough before the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations;--but as their Lordships have _not_ mentioned either the general's name, or the time _when_ the letter was written, or what occasioned his delivering his opinion upon the subject of _colonization in general_, in the "_remote countries_"--we can only conjecture, that General Gage was the writer of the letter, and that it was wrote about the year 1768,--_when_, the plan of the _three new governments_ was under the consideration of the then Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations, and _before_ the lands on the Ohio were bought from, and the boundary line established with the Six Nations.--Indeed, we think it clear, That the General had _no_ other lands, at that time, under his consideration, than what he calls "_remote countries_," such as the _Detroit_, _Illinois_, and the _lower_ parts of the Ohio;--for he speaks of "_foreign countries_," from which it "would be _too far_ to transport some kind of naval stores," and for the same reason could _not_, he says, supply the sugar islands "_with_ lumber and provisions." He mentions also, planting colonies at _so vast a distance_, that the _very long transportation_ [of silk, wine, &c.] must probably make them too dear for any market," and _where_ "the inhabitants could _not_ have _any commodities_ to barter for manufactures, except _skins and furs_." And what, in our opinion, fully evinces that the general was giving his sentiments upon settlements at _Detroit_, &c. and _not_ on the territory in question, is, that he says "it will be a question likewise, whether colonization of this kind, _could be effected without an Indian war, and fighting for every inch of the ground_." Why the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations should encumber their _report_ with the opinion of General Gage, on what he calls the settlement of a "_foreign country_" that could not be effected without "_fighting for every inch of ground_," and how their Lordships could apply that case, to the settlement of a territory, purchased by his Majesty near four years ago, and _now_ inhabited by several thousand British subjects, whom the Indians themselves, living on the Northern side of the Ohio [as shall be fully shewn in the course of these observations] have earnestly requested may be immediately governed, we confess we are wholly at a loss to comprehend.

VIII. The eighth paragraph highly extols, not only the _accuracy and precision_ of the foregoing representation of the Lords of Trade in 1768, [which, as has been before observed, expressed, that the inhabitants of the middle colonies _would have liberty to settle over_ the mountains, and on the Ohio], but also the above mentioned letter from the commander in chief in America; and at the same time introduces the sentiments of Mr. Wright, Governor of Georgia, "on the subject of large grants in the interior parts of America."

When this letter was written, what was the occasion of the Governor's writing it,--whether he was _then_, from his own knowledge, acquainted with the situation of the country _over_ the mountains,--with the disposition of the inhabitants of the middle colonies,--with the capability of the Ohio country, from its soil, climate, or communication with the river Powtomack, &c. to supply this kingdom with _silk_, _flax_, _hemp_, &c.--and whether the principal part of Mr. Wright's estate is on the _sea-coast_ in _Georgia_,--are facts which we wish had been stated, that it might be known whether Governor Wright's "knowledge and experience in the affairs of colonies ought, as the Lords of Trade mention, to give great weight to his opinion" on the present occasion.

The doctrine insisted on by Governor Wright appears to us reducible to the following propositions:

Comments

Log in to leave a comment.