Chapter M: ST. CLAIR CLARKE, Ch. Ex. Com. of Am. Col. Soc (2)

“The separation of free colored people from the white race is a measure recommended not only by the mutual and the separate good of both, but by the prospect that Africa, which has so long lain in barbarism, worshipping unknown and forbidden gods, may thus be brought to the light and blessings of Christianity. Those who met to form this Society saw not only that great good would accrue from their design to the colored race, by elevating their character, and restoring them to the possession of rights they never can enjoy here, but that it would be a probable means, in the end, of carrying to Africa all the blessing of our holy religion, and all the benefits of our civilization and freedom. What Christian is there who does not feel a deep interest in sending forth missionaries to convert the dark heathen, and bring them within the pale of Christianity? But what missionaries can be so potent as those it is our purpose to transport to the shores of Africa? Africans themselves by birth, or sharing at least African blood, will not all their feelings, all their best affections, induce them to seek the good of their countrymen? At this moment there are between four and five thousand colonists who have been sent to Africa under the care of this Society; and I will venture to say that they will accomplish as missionaries of the Christian religion more to disseminate its blessings than _all the rest of the missionaries throughout the globe_. Why, gentlemen, what have we heard? In the colony of Liberia there are now twenty-five places of public worship dedicated to the service of Almighty God, and to the glory of the Saviour of men; while thousands of the neighboring heathens are flocking into the colony to obtain a knowledge of the arts, and who may ultimately receive the better knowledge which Christianity alone can bestow.

“These are the great purposes we had in view when a few of us met to form this Society. As soon as a purchase of territory had been effected by the agent we dispatched to Africa for that purpose, the first colonists, about twenty-five years since, left the American shores, and were safely transplanted to the land of their ancestors.

“I know it was then urged, as it has been since, that other places might have been selected with equal advantage. I do not concur in that opinion. Look at the expense alone. It has been stated in your report that the sum of fifty dollars is sufficient to cover the expense of transporting one emigrant to Liberia, and of maintaining him there for six months after his arrival. To what other position in the known world could he be sent at so cheap a rate? Not to the Pacific; not to Oregon; not to Mexico. Then consider the advantages of this position in point of navigation: remember the shortness of the voyage. When these things are duly considered, it must be evident that to no _other spot on the face of the globe could the free colored people be sent with so much propriety as to the coast of Africa_. Besides, in any other place that might be selected, you would deprive yourselves of accomplishing those high moral and religious objects which, in Africa, may be so confidently hoped for.

“But, again, it has been said that the object of carrying all the free colored race from this country to Africa is one which the Government itself, with all its means, could not effect. Now, on that point, let me state a fact by way of reply. If I am not mistaken, the immigration from abroad into the port of New York alone, in the course of the last year, was fully equal to the annual increase of the free colored population of the Union, and yet all that was done voluntarily, and in most cases without any, or with very little aid. The fact rests on the great motive which, to a greater or less extent, governs all human action. Why is it that the Germans and the Irish have thus flocked to our shores in numbers to meet the annual increase of our free colored people not only, but, as I believe, that of the slave population also? They come in obedience to one of the great laws of our nature; they have come under that efficient motive which propels men to all enterprises—the desire to better their condition. A like motive will sway the free blacks when enlightened as to the real facts of the case. If they reach the shores of Africa, whether by their own means, or by the aid and agency of others, their position will be physically, morally, and politically better than by any possibility it ever can be here. It is not our office to attempt impracticabilities; to amalgamate two races which God himself, by a difference of color, besides other inherent distinctions, has declared must be separate, and remain separate, from each other. And if such be of necessity their condition here, to send them to Africa, not by coercion, but with their own free consent, is surely the best practicable mode of doing them good. And here I would say to those in both extremes of opinion and of feeling on the subject of slavery—I would say to all men—why should the free people of color of these United States not have the option of removing to Africa, or remaining where they are, just as they themselves shall choose? That is all we attempt. We wish to describe to him the country, to facilitate his emigration to it, and then leave him to his free choice. And if after this he chooses to go, why interpose any obstacle in his way? In reply, it is said to be an act of cruelty to send him there. The climate is represented as inhospitable; he will be exposed to inevitable sickness, and will probably soon find a grave on that distant shore. To send a colored man out of the United States to a country like that is held up as an act of the greatest inhumanity. But, happily, our records bear the most grateful testimony to the reverse of all this. Let us for a moment compare the mortality of Liberia with that of the colonies planted on our own shores. Within the first seventeen years from the settlement of Jamestown, in Virginia, nine thousand colonists arrived, £150,000 sterling were expended in transporting them from England, yet at the end of that period but about two thousand of them remained alive. All the rest had fallen victims either to the climate, or to the tomahawk of the savage, or had perished from other causes. Then look at Plymouth. History records that in less than six months after the arrival of the Mayflower, full half of all who landed had been destroyed by disease, want, and suffering. Now, compare with these efforts at British colonization the results of our settlement at Liberia. In twenty-five years, since the first emigrants landed from the United States, the _deaths amounted to but twenty per cent. of the entire number_, being far less than died at Plymouth in six months; far less than at Jamestown in seventeen years. The deaths at Jamestown were in seventeen years more than four times as numerous, in proportion, as at Liberia in twenty-five years. There is then nothing in the climate to discourage us, nothing in the alleged dreadful mortality of the colony to frighten us.

“But it is said we have done very little. All the great enterprises of man have had small beginnings. The founders of Rome, if we may believe the tale of tradition, were suckled by a wolf. Jamestown and Plymouth both languished for years after the period to which I have already referred. Yet now, what land is there on the broad surface of the habitable globe, what sea spreads out its waste of waters, that has not been penetrated and traversed by the enterprise, the skill, and the courage of our New England brethren? And on what battle-field, in what council chamber, can a single spot in our vast country be found where the Virginian character has not displayed itself in its gallantry or its deliberative wisdom? I repeat it; all the greatest enterprises of man have had small beginnings. Our colony is but twenty-five years old; it has received already between four and five thousand colored emigrants, besides hundreds more of recaptured Africans; all of which have been sent there by order of this Government. Immense numbers of the natives are crowding into the colony to obtain the benefits of education, of civilization, and of Christianity. In addition to all these, there are many thousands more in the United States now seeking the advantages of colonization through the means held out by this Society. As far then as we have gone, GOOD IS DONE.

“Is it not better that those four or five thousand emigrants should be there, than that they should have remained here? Is it not better for themselves, is it not better for us? Every year the progress of our colony becomes more and more cheering; and, with every free African sent over to it, those prospects brighten, and so much more of good is done. True, we have done all we desire to do. Glad should we be should every free colored man throughout all the States go there, and become free indeed. But it requires time to accomplish great national affairs. The creation of a nation is not the work of a day or of a century. For two or three centuries the embryo nation of the Israelites remained captives in Egypt. _But when this Government, or the State governments, shall lend the enterprise their powerful_ aid, its progress will not be so slow. And when the colony shall have made further advances, it will be self-sustained and increased by its own commerce and marine. I speak not, of course, of any unconstitutional aid. _Incidental aid, at least, may be given it in strict accordance with the Constitution._ On this subject the legislature of Maryland has set us a noble example. She cherishes her infant colony with the utmost solicitude and care. When other States of the Union shall do the same, the cause of colonization will experience a vast acceleration.

“During, now, a period of twenty-five years, without power, without revenue, without aid, save the voluntary contributions of the charitable and humane, has this Society continued its labors. During that period it has carried on a defensive war. It has made treaties. It has purchased territory, and that to a large extent; owning, now, some three hundred and twenty miles along the western coast of Africa, throughout the whole of which extent (with one dark exception) the slave trade has been suppressed. And in this connexion I may be permitted to remark, that if the Governments of Europe and of the United States, who have united their efforts for the suppression of the slave trade, would consent to lend _but a small portion of the navies they now, at so great a cost, maintain off the African coast in furtherance of that design, to the great object of colonization_, they would prove much more successful than they have hitherto found themselves in putting an end to that detested traffic. I believe that no other means will ever prove so operative and effectual to that end as the covering the entire coast of that quarter of the globe with colonies of free colored men. Then would all be united, by sympathy for their outraged countrymen, in heartily advancing a design which commends itself to every feeling of the black man’s heart.

“And now, in conclusion, I should fail of expressing the feelings which are rising in my bosom, did I not congratulate you, gentlemen of the Society, on the eminent success which has already crowned your benevolent labors. A new republic has sprung into existence under your auspices. Yes; a free, representative, constitutional republic, formed on the model of our own beloved institutions. A republic, founded by black men, reared by black men, put into operation by the blacks, and which holds out to our hope the brightest prospects. Whether we look at what has already been done, or lift our eyes to the future and cast them down the long vista of coming time—when we may anticipate, as we are warranted to do, the dissemination over a large part, if not the whole, of Africa, of our own free government, our love of liberty, our knowledge of Christianity, our arts, and civilization, and domestic happiness—when we behold those blessings realized on that continent, which I trust in God we are long, long destined to enjoy on this, and think how the hearts of posterity will be gladdened by such a spectacle—how ought our own to exult in hope and to swell with gratitude?

“Go on, then, gentlemen; go on in your noble cause. For myself, I shall soon leave you and this stage of human action forever. I may never occupy this chair again; but I trust that the spirit which originated and which has sustained this Society will long survive me, and that you may long continue, now that our African republic is at length born, to discharge the offices of guardianship, and aid, and co-operation, and ever give to the interests of African freedom, civilization and social happiness, your best energies and most fervent prayers. From this auspicious hour, even to the end of time, or until the great object of the amicable separation of the two races shall have been fully effected, may others spring up to take your places, and to tread in your steps. And, finally, invoking on this great and good cause the blessing of that God without whom nothing is strong, nothing is holy, and whose smiles, I believe, have hitherto been extended to it, I bid you a cordial farewell.”

_Resolutions delivered and proposed by Hon. R. W. Thompson, Hon. R. J. Walker, Hon. Joseph R. Ingersoll, Hon. R. M. McLane, Hugh Maxwell, esq., and others._

At the 32d annual meeting of the American Colonization Society, held at Washington, January 16, 1849, the Hon. R. W. Thompson, of Indiana, offered the following resolution, which was adopted:

“_Resolved_, That the history of the past year, as developed
in the report which has just been read, has strengthened our
confidence in the great principles of the Colonization Society,
and that in their purity and strength we see satisfactory
evidence of their ultimate triumph.”

The Hon. ROBERT J. WALKER, Secretary of the Treasury, with some appropriate remarks, introduced the following resolution:

“_Resolved_, That in founding a new republican empire on
the shores of Africa, introducing there civilization and
Christianity; in banishing the slave trade from a large portion
of its western coast, and accelerating its expulsion from that
whole continent; in opening commerce and intercourse with
the savage tribes of the interior, soon to be followed by a
rapid advancement in their condition; in laying the foundation
of a system destined to facilitate the ultimate separation
of the two races of Ham and Japhet in this Confederacy, by
universal consent, for the advantage of both, and the gradual
and peaceful restoration of the former to the land of their
forefathers, regenerated by the light of Christianity, and
trained in the principles of our free institutions: and
especially in fixing a basis upon which the friends of religion
and humanity, of freedom, of the Constitution, and of the
Union, can every where, in every State, north and south, east
and west, unite their efforts for the advancement of the
happiness of both races, and at the same time accomplish the
glorious purpose of preserving the harmony and perpetuating
the union of the States; the American Colonization Society,
embracing the whole country and all its parts, has established
a claim upon the efficient aid and zealous co-operation of
every lover of his country and of mankind.”

The Hon. J. R. INGERSOLL, of Pennsylvania, seconded the resolution, and addressed the meeting thereupon, after which it was adopted.

The Hon. ROBERT M. MCLANE, of Maryland, offered the following preamble and resolutions, which were adopted:

“Whereas the institution of domestic slavery in the United
States exists as the creature of local municipal law, so
recognised and respected in the Federal Constitution: Therefore—

“_Resolved_, That in all action affecting this institution
in its social or political aspect, the American citizen and
statesman who reveres the Federal Union, has imposed upon him
the most solemn obligations to respect in spirit and letter
the authority of such local and municipal sovereignties, and
to resist all aggressive influences which tend to disturb the
peace and tranquility of the States, that may have created or
sanctioned this institution.

“_Resolved, further_, That the efforts of the American
Colonization Society to facilitate the ultimate emancipation
and restoration of the black race to social and national
independence are highly honorable and judicious, and consistent
with a strict respect for the rights and privileges of the
citizens of the several States wherein the institution of
slavery is sanctioned by municipal law.”

HUGH MAXWELL, esq., of New York, was called upon, and having made an address, offered the following resolution, which was adopted:

“_Resolved_, That the influence which the scheme of African
colonization exerts to suppress the slave trade, to spread
the English language and the principles of republican
government, and to open new markets for American products, and
extend American commerce, should commend it to the favorable
consideration of the respective State Legislatures and of the
General Government.”

_Opinion of the Hon. Daniel Webster on colonization at the expense of the General Government._

The Hon. DANIEL WEBSTER, in his great speech in the United States Senate, 7th of March, 1850, spoke as follows:

“I have one other remark to make. In my observations upon slavery as it has existed in the country, and as it now exists, I have expressed no opinion of the mode of its extinguishment or melioration. I will say, however, though I have nothing to propose on that subject, because I do not deem myself so competent as other gentlemen to consider it, that if any gentleman from the South shall propose a _scheme of colonization to be carried on by this Government_ upon a large scale, for the transportation of free colored people to any colony or any place in the world, I should be quite disposed to incur _almost any degree of expense_ to accomplish that object. Nay, sir, following an example set here more than twenty years ago by a great man, then a Senator from New York, I would return to Virginia, and through her for the benefit of the whole South, the money received from lands and territories ceded by her to this Government, for any such purpose as to relieve, in whole or in part, or in any way to diminish or deal beneficially with, the free colored population of the Southern States. I have said that I honor Virginia for her cession of this territory. There have been received into the Treasury of the United States eighty millions of dollars, the proceeds of the sales of the public lands ceded by her. If the residue should be sold at the same rate, the whole aggregate will exceed two hundred millions of dollars. If Virginia and the South see fit to adopt any proposition to relieve themselves from the free people of color among them, they have my free consent that the Government shall pay them any sum of money out of its proceeds, which may be adequate to the purpose.”

_Extracts from a letter from Commodore STOCKTON to Hon. Daniel Webster, dated March 25th, 1850._

“Yonder is Africa, with her one hundred and fifty millions of miserable, degraded, ignorant, lawless, superstitious idolaters. Whoever has stood upon her sands, has stood upon a continent that has geographical and physical peculiarities which belong to no other of the great divisions of the globe. The latter appear, upon the face of them, to have been adapted to draw out the energies of the natives in their inequalities of temperature, soil, and surface, inviting the ingenuity and enterprise of man to overcome them, and in the varieties of their products tempting the interchanges of commerce; thus affording ample encouragement to the progress of civil and social improvement. But Africa is still, as of old, a land of silence and of mystery. Like the interminable dreariness of her own deserts, her moral wastes of mind lie waiting for the approach of influences from abroad. No savage people have ever advanced to a civilized state without intercommunication with others. All the continents of the world have, in their turn, been occupied and civilized by means of colonies; but in no one of them did it appear so inevitably necessary, from a previous examination of circumstances, as in that of Africa. It is plain to the very eye, that Africa is a land to which civilization _must be brought_. The attempt has been made over and over again by devoted missionaries and others to penetrate that land, and seek to impart the blessings of civilization and Christianity to her savage hordes. But the labor has been spent in vain. The white man cannot live in Africa. The annals of the Moravians, of Cape Colony, of Sierra Leone, of Liberia, contain the records of the sacrifice of some of the best men that have lived to grace the pages of any people’s history, in the vain attempt to accomplish something for her redemption through the instrumentality of white men. _Who, then, is to do this work?_

“Let now any calm, reflecting spectator of the present state of the world be asked to look at Africa, and then, from among the nations, point out the people best calculated to do this work—and when his eye falls upon the descendants of the sons of that continent now in America, will he not say, _These are the people appointed for that work_?

“Let us not be impatient or presumptuous. These African people are passing to their destiny along the same path which has been trod by other nations, through a mixture of hardship, of endurance; but in a land of light, and amid a civilized society. They are preparing to accomplish a work for their native continent, which no other people in the world can accomplish. Their plain mission is, ultimately to carry the gifts of society, of religion, of government, to the last remaining continent of the earth, where these blessings are totally unknown. Their work is a great one, as it would seem to be connected essentially with the final and universal triumph of civilization and Christianity in the world.”

_Extract from a letter from the Hon. EDWARD EVERETT to the Hon. Simon Greenleaf, President of the Society, dated Cambridge, 28th May, 1849._

“I have for many years felt an interest in the subject of African colonization. In the winter of 1831, the Legislature of Massachusetts passed a resolution, requesting the Senators and Representatives of the Commonwealth in Congress to lend their efforts in support of the American Colonization Society. I was led at that time to investigate the subject with some care, and I came to the conclusion that the work which the Society had undertaken was of the highest interest and importance, second to no one of the enterprises undertaken by the philanthropy of the age. The views entertained by me at that time are set forth in a speech before the Society, in the Hill of the House of Representatives at Washington, made on the 16th of January, 1832.

“These impressions were renewed and strengthened a few years since, when it became my duty, in another capacity, to maintain the rights and interests of the colony of Liberia, in my official correspondence with the British Government at London.

“Since that time, the recognition of the political independence of Liberia, by the leading European powers, is an event well calculated to lead thoughtful persons to contemplate, with new interest, what seems to me one of the most important occurrences of the age—the appearance of a new Republic on the shores of Africa, composed of citizens who by birth are (the greater part of them) our own countrymen; but who will carry to the home of their ancestors means and facilities for promoting the civilization and Christianization of that continent, which Providence has confided to them, and to them alone.

“It is unfortunate, for the cause of colonization, that it has been considered mainly in direct connexion with the condition of the descendants of Africa in this country. But great as this object is, it seems to me subordinate to a direct operation upon Africa itself; the regeneration of which, I cannot but think, is the path appointed by Providence for the elevation of the descendants of Africa throughout the world. I am led to the opinion, from all the inquiry I have been able to make, that the difficulty of effecting the regeneration of Africa is exaggerated; that a large part of her population is susceptible of the highest forms of civilization; that the arts of life, as we understand them, already exist in many parts of the continent to a much greater extent than is commonly supposed; that the interior slave trade is the great obstacle which prevents its speedily taking a high place in the family of nations; and that nothing would so effectually remove this cause of demoralization and barbarity as the introduction of Christianity, and with it the languages, improved arts, and commerce of Europe and America.

“These effects have immediately begun to show themselves, wherever the African coast has been colonized from countries disposed in good faith to abolish the slave trade; and I confess I see no other mode for effecting the object.”

MONROVIA, (LIBERIA,) _May 17, 1850_.

DEAR SIR: I have just returned from the windward coast, and find here the U. S. brig Bainbridge, on the eve of sailing for the United States, via Porto Praya. Capt. Slaughter has been kind enough to allow me an hour to send a letter or two by him. I therefore avail myself of the opportunity to send you a hasty note, to say that we have at length succeeded in securing the famed territory of Gallinas to this Government, including all the territories between Cape Mount and Shebar, excepting a small slip of about five miles of coast in the Kellou country, which will also soon fall into our hands.

For these tracts we have incurred a large debt, and we confidently look to you to aid us in meeting these liabilities at maturity. Had I not deemed it absolutely important to secure the Gallinas, to prevent the revival of the slave trade there, I would not have paid the price demanded. The purchase of Gallinas and the neighboring tracts will cost us about $9,500.

The chiefs were aware of the object of the purchase, and urged strenuously the sacrifice, as they consider it, they must make in abandoning forever the slave trade, and demanded a large sum as an equivalent. In addition to the amount stated above, we have obligated ourselves to appoint commissioners immediately to settle the wars in the country, and open the trade in camwood, ivory, and palm oil with the interior tribes; and also settle among them, as soon as convenient, persons capable of instructing them in the arts of husbandry. This will also cost us a considerable sum, which will no doubt be returned in the end by the advantages the trade will give. Still the present outlay will be, I fear, more than equal to our ability.

The schooner “David C. Foster” has arrived safely, and the emigrants, as far as I have learned, were landed in good health.

We have no further news worth communicating.

Yours, in haste,

J. J. ROBERTS.

Rev. W. MCLAIN, _Washington_.

NOTE.—This purchase makes the coast of Liberia 700 miles in length, along the whole course of which the Slave trade was formerly carried on to a great extent.

_Extracts from the leading article in the African Repository and Colonial Journal for May, 1850, (the official organ of the Colonization Society,) on the establishment of the proposed line of Steamers._

The Colonization Society undertook to found a colony, to which the colored people might find it advantageous to emigrate. This has already been done. The work has been slow in its progress, as it were piling one stone upon other, till now the foundation is laid deep and wide. The Republic is sufficiently well established to receive a large number of emigrants yearly: there is room enough for them, and every thing invites them there, and these four _steamers_ afford the facilities for their reaching there. It now only remains for the United States Government to adopt, foster, and encourage this work, and it will be done.

The great ends to be established present considerations of sufficient importance to induce the Government to comply with the prayer of the memorial. When these steamers are started the United States squadron on that coast may be withdrawn. It now costs upwards of $384,500 to maintain that squadron a year. These four steamers, and the emigrants carried out by them, will annually accomplish a thousand fold more for the suppression of the slave trade, than the squadron ever has or ever can accomplish! There cannot be a doubt of this. Does the United States Government desire the suppression of the slave trade? Undoubtedly. Here then is the way in which it may be done.

We may ask another question. Is it desirable that American commerce should be extended? Undoubtedly. Here then is a way in which it may be done. The 150,000,000 inhabitants of Africa, now all naked, must be _clothed_, and will be as civilization advances among them. They must have the means and appliances of agriculture and the mechanic arts. And in return for all these, they have all the rich and varied productions of tropical climates! How shall this work be accomplished? How shall Africa be civilized? How shall a market be opened there for all the articles manufactured in the United States, and for the surplus productions of our soil? How shall the inexhaustible treasures of that immense continent be brought to supply our wants, and increase our wealth and our glory?

By Colonization—by carrying out the plans and measures which the Society has adopted and been struggling to achieve. Already more than 80,000 of the natives have put themselves under the laws of Liberia, and are rising in the scale of humanity. Already there is a large demand for the productions of this country.

When the transported population of Liberia shall be 50,000 or 200,000, they will present a market for our surplus manufactures, and bread stuffs, of immense value. A line of settlements on the coast will command the commerce of the interior. If that power is held by men sent from this country by a large and liberal policy, nurtured and grown up under our institutions, and by our fostering care and aid, in establishing themselves in Liberia, they will ever be inclined to trade with this country, and thus open to our merchant, those wide fields of wealth! The amount asked by the Company from the Government for carrying the mails, would not affect injuriously one single interest of the country, and it would be more than repaid with interest by the advantages of the commerce to be secured thereby.

The advantages which would be enjoyed by the people of the United States as the result of the removal of the free colored people, and the separation of the races, would be immense. The blessings to them would be incalculable. They dwell among us, but they are not of us. They do not enjoy, and the prospect is, they never can enjoy here, true liberty! We provide for them a means of escape from these depressing circumstances, and place them in a situation were nothing can prevent them from rising to the highest elevation of which they are capable.

Under these circumstances, what is the duty of the Government to do? To sit still and lose the golden opportunity? No, this is not, this cannot be, the wisest policy! Motives of honor, of benevolence, of justice, of patriotism, demand a different policy.

Let it be remembered that the legislation of our country touching the extinction of the slave trade, conferred upon her a glory as imperishable as the Constitution herself. A just regard to our national character calls for a perseverance in that policy, until its wisdom and benignity shall be vindicated in the full accomplishment of its ends; the giving to Africa civilization and the arts, and a lawful commerce!

_Extracts from the July No. of the African Repository._

In all parts of the country we perceive that the friends of Liberia look upon this four-steamships scheme as fraught with immense promise. The public sentiment of the country is decidedly in favor of colonization, and of national and State appropriations for carrying it on.

We think there are indications that the State Legislatures will render assistance to an almost unlimited extent. When it is made manifest that colonization can and will be prosecuted on a scale of grandeur and magnificence equal to its merits, the whole country will unite in favor and liberality.

_We have the control of the number of emigrants who may be sent in these steamships._ We are _not bound_ to send any specific number. _They_ are bound to take as many as we want to send. But we shall take good care not to send more _than the Republic can safely receive_; nor more than we have the means of paying the passage of, and comfortably settling in Liberia? This is our safe-guard.

Let it be remembered, that it will be some two or three years before the steamships will be ready for operation. This will give time for consideration, for preparation, and for gathering up the resources for a grand demonstration of what can be done. The work is worthy of a nation’s energy! Why may we not hope that it will receive it?

Does any one say, “the time has not yet come?” Are you sure of it? Is not this the day of great things? How rapid has been the march of improvement during the last few years! Who can predict what is next to come? Is it not a fact that the Government of Liberia is now firmly established? Do they not want more citizens of education and influence? Are there not thousands of acres of the richest land there, waiting for cultivation? Have we not all been for years looking to the time when the work of colonization should be carried on with means and resources adequate to the greatness of the work? How much longer, then, shall we wait before we make the attempt to summon these means, and enter on these enlarged operations? Has not the time fully come? We are persuaded it has.

At the annual meeting of the American Colonization Society, on January 16th, 1850, the Hon. HENRY CLAY was elected President of the Society, and the following gentlemen were elected Vice Presidents:

1. General John H. Cocke, of Virginia.
2. Daniel Webster, of Massachusetts.
3. Charles F. Mercer, of Florida.
4. Rev. Jeremiah Day, D.D., of Connecticut.
5. Theodore Frelinghuysen, of New York.
6. Louis McLane, of Baltimore.
7. Moses Allen, of New York.
8. General W. Jones, of Washington.
9. Joseph Gales, of Washington.
10. Right Rev. Wm. Meade, D. D., Bishop of Virginia.
11. John McDonogh, of Louisiana.
12. Rev. James O. Andrews, Bishop of the M. E. Church
13. William Maxwell, of Virginia.
14. Elisha Whittlesey, of Ohio.
15. Walter Lowrie, of New York.
16. Jacob Burnet, of Ohio.
17. Dr. Stephen Duncan, of Mississippi.
18. William C. Rives, of Virginia.
19. Rev. J. Laurie, D. D., of Washington.
20. Rev. Wm. Winans, of Mississippi.
21. James Boorman, of New York.
22. Henry A. Foster, of New York.
23. Dr. John Ker, of Mississippi.
24. Robert Campbell, of Georgia.
25. Peter D. Vroom, of New Jersey.
26. James Garland, of Virginia.
27. Right Hon. Lord Bexley, of London.
28. Willard Hall, of Delaware.
29. Right Rev. Bishop Otey, of Tennessee.
30. Gerard Ralston, of London.
31. Rev. Courtland Van Rensselaer, of New Jersey.
32. Dr. Hodgkin, of London.
33. Rev. E. Burgess, D. D., of Massachusetts.
34. Thos. R. Hazard, of Rhode Island.
35. Dr. Thomas Massie, of Virginia.
36. Major General Winfield Scott, of Washington.
37. Rev. A. Alexander, D. D., of New Jersey.
38. L. Q. C. Elmer, of New Jersey.
39. James Railey, of Mississippi.
40. Rev. Geo. W. Bethune, D. D., of Philadelphia.
41. Rev. C. C. Cuyler, D. D., of Philadelphia.
42. Elliot Cresson, of Philadelphia.
43. Anson G. Phelps, of New York.
44. Rev. Leonard Woods, D. D., of Massachusetts.
45. Jonathan Hide, of Maine.
46. Rev. Beverly Waugh, Bishop M. E. Church, Baltimore.
47. Rev. Dr. W. B. Johnson, of South Carolina.
48. Moses Sheppard, Baltimore.
49. Bishop McIlvain, of Ohio.
50. Rev. Dr. Edgar, Nashville, Tennessee.
51. Rev. P. Lindsley, D. D., of Tennessee.
52. Hon. J. R. Underwood, of Kentucky.
53. Rev. J. J. Janeway, D. D., of New Jersey.
54. H. L. Lumpkin, Esq., Athens, Georgia.
55. James Lenox, of New York.
56. Bishop Soule, D. D., of Tennessee.
57. Professor T. C. Upham, of Maine.
58. Hon. Thomas Corwin, of Ohio.
59. Hon. Thos. W. Williams, of Connecticut.
60. Hon. Simon Greenleaf, of Massachusetts.
61. Rev. John Early, D. D., of Virginia.
62. Rev. Lovick Pierce, of Georgia.
63. Hon. R. J. Walker, of Mississippi.
64. Samuel Gurney, England.
65. Charles McMicken, Esq., Cincinnati, Ohio.
66. John Bell, M. D. Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.