Chapter XII: Part 12

The study of folk-tales is often despised as mere trifling. But traditional narratives must always occupy an important place in the study of the past. Rightly used they have much to tell us of human history, of human thought and the evolution of human institutions. It may safely be said that of all the incidents that compose them there is none which is not a concrete presentation either of human institutions or of human belief. They are all thus in a sense the outcome of actual human experiences. The stories of election by augury are not wilder than the authentic facts. The telescopic mountain of Karagwe, which Rumanika averred himself to have experienced, is at least as wonderful as the groaning of the _Lia Fáil_, or the lighting of a dry twig. Even if we may be allowed to rationalize it in the manner suggested by the ordeal required of the chosen candidate for the throne of the neighbouring Bakerewe, it remains evidence of the belief imposed by the power of imagination in a moment {326} of excitement. Analogous performances are averred by the votaries of what is called spiritualism to have been exhibited in our own day by mediums, and were solemnly recorded long ago in the witch-trials of various European countries. In one of the stories I have cited we found the dying monarch laying down among the conditions to be fulfilled by his successor, that the women of the royal household should recognize him. Secret intrigues of the harem are believed to determine the devolution of many an Eastern crown. But that the formal and ceremonial choice of the heir should be made by the wives of the deceased ruler seems too grotesque to be known outside a fairy tale. Yet this was the law a hundred years ago in the kingdom of Quiteve, on the south-eastern coast of Africa. When a king died the queens (that is to say, his legitimate wives) named the person who was to accompany his body to the burial-place, and the person thus named became the successor.[326.1] In an adjoining kingdom a similar law prevailed. It was forbidden to any prince to enter the palace where the women were, or to take possession of the kingdom without their consent, and whoever entered by violence and took possession against their will, lost his right of succession. The Portuguese friar, to whom we are indebted for the information, records a case which happened while he was in Sofala, and in which the claimant would have entered and formally seated himself in the royal hall with the royal widows. They, however, were unwilling to acknowledge him as their king and husband. Accordingly they secretly summoned another member of the royal family, seated him with them in the public {327} place, and sent officers through the town to proclaim the new sovereign and call his subjects to do homage. The pretender fled. This instance is the more remarkable because the unsuccessful claimant had in his favour the nomination of the previous monarch. Though this constituted not an indefeasible title, it afforded at least a strong presumption in his favour. Yet it was defeated, in accordance with established and publicly acknowledged custom, by the choice of the harem.

Nor was the rule requiring the choice, or at any rate the recognition, by the harem so redolent of the comic opera as it may seem, since the women all became the wives of the new king.[327.1] This is usual in Africa, and not in Africa only, but in other regions where a similar type of polygamous monarchical society exists. It is most familiar to us among the ancient Hebrews. Absalom, by taking possession of his father’s harem, made a final and unqualified assertion of his succession to the throne. Solomon evidently regarded Adonijah’s request for Abishag the Shunammite as a pretension inconsistent with his own sovereignty; for she had been part of King David’s harem, though in fact no more than his nurse.[327.2] In these cases the women had probably little to say in the matter. But by the customs of the South-Eastern Bantu a man’s widows, though they are bound to the family of the deceased, are allowed some latitude in the choice of the individual man with whom they will mate. Among the Thonga, for example, at the final distribution of the estate, any of the widows who refuses to take the husband {328} to whom she has been provisionally allotted will be permitted to exercise her own preference.[328.1] The power accorded to the widowed queens of Quiteve to choose their new husband was hardly an extension of this liberty. That it drew with it incidentally the right to the kingdom was a consequence which did not affect the principle.

[The End]

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ENDNOTES

[1.1] _Prim. Cul._, i. 378 _sqq._

[2.1] Anantha Krishna, i. 29.

[2.2] Tylor, _Prim. Cul._, i. 382.

[3.1] Kolben, 91.

[3.2] Alexander, i. 170 _sqq._ Similar answers were more recently given to a missionary by one of the neighbouring Bergdamara, a people mainly of Bantu blood (_Globus_, xcvi. 173).

[4.1] Kidd, 65. Amusing illustrations of the Kaffir’s cleverness at the game are given.

[4.2] Andersson, 200. _Cf._ Pogge on the Bashilange, _Mittheil. d. Afrik. Gesellsch._, iv. 254.

[4.3] Rev. J. S. Gale, _F. L._, xi. 325.

[5.1] S. H. C. Hawtry, _J. A. I._, xxxi. 290. _Cf._ Grubb, 114. Similar statements are made concerning other South American tribes (_J. A. I._, xiii. 209, 253).

[5.2] Batchelor, 357.

[6.1] Neuhauss, iii. 448 note. _Cf._ Introduction and pp. 154, 507.

[6.2] Marillier, reviewing Miss Kingsley’s _Travels_; _Rev. Hist. Rel._, xxxix. 137.

[7.1] Spencer and Gillen, _C. T._, 139 note.

[7.2] Rev. J. Macdonald, _J. A. I._, xx. 120. _Cf._ Junod, _S. A. Tribe_, ii. 278. Dr Theal says that it is only since European ideas have been disseminated among these peoples that the question of the place of the dead has arisen; and he points to the similarity in mental condition between them and the peasantry of Europe (_Yellow and Dark-skinned People_, 185).

[8.1] _Journ. Am. F. L._, xxi. 233, 236.

[9.1] Wilson, _Peasant Life_, 6.

[11.1] Sproat, 120.

[11.2] Boas, _Mind_, 111.

[12.1] Boas, Sixth Report on the North-western Tribes of Canada, _Rep. Brit. Ass._, 1890, 582.

[13.1] Rev. Father J. Jetté, S.J., _Anthropos_, vi. 242, 95.

[14.1] R. C. Phillips, _J. A. I._, xvii. 220.

[15.1] Jaussen, 287, 294, 332, 334. _Cf._ Hanauer, 234.

[16.1] _J. A. I._, x. 262.

[18.1] _Bull. Soc. Neuch. Géog._, ix. 96.

[19.1] J. Smith, 77, 373.

[20.1] _J. A. I._, xii. 163 note.

[22.1] Similar classifications of nouns have now been discovered among the Negroes, see _R. E. S._, iii. 241.

[26.1] Tylor, _Prim. Cul._, i. 385.

[31.1] Kingsley, _Trav._, 493.

[32.1] Spencer and Gillen, _N. T._, 175, 358 n., 530.

[32.2] _F. L. Journ._, iv. 30.

[32.3] I have collected the evidence in _The Legend of Perseus_, vol. i., and in some directions more fully in _Primitive Paternity_, vol. i.

[33.1] Farnell, _Cults_, i. 195.

[37.1] J. N. B. Hewitt, _Amer. Anthr._, N.S., iv. 38.

[41.1] W. Jones, _Journ. Am. F. L._, xviii. 183 _sqq._ As used by Dr Jones here, the word Algonkin only includes the Sauk, Fox, and Kickapoo tribes.

[41.2] _Amer. Anthr._, N.S., iv. 36; _cf._ 33.

[42.1] _R. B. E._, xxvii. 134. _Wakonda_ in its various forms is pronounced with an _n_ somewhat like the French nasal.

[43.1] _R. B. E._, xxvii. 597 _sqq._

[44.1] Fletcher, _Am. Anthr._, xiv. 106; J. O. Dorsey, _R. B. E._, xi. 366; Riggs, _Contrib. N. Am. Ethnol._, vii. 507 _sqq._

[45.1] Swanson, _R. B. E._, xxvi. 451 n., 452 _sqq._

[48.1] The analysis of the philosophy (if it may be so called) of the Bafiote which I have tried to summarize above is by Dr Pechuël-Loesche, the most acute and profound of enquirers into the civilization and mentality of the peoples of Loango, and will be found in his _Volksk._, chaps. iii. and iv.

[48.2] De Groot, _Rel. Syst._, iv. chap. i.

[48.3] Giran, 21 _sqq._

[48.4] Batchelor, _Encyc. Rel._, i. 239, 240 (_cf. Id._, _Ainu F. L._, 580); Aston, _Shinto_, 7 _sqq._

[50.1] Codrington, 118 _sqq._

[51.1] Is this really the original belief? Dr Marett cites Dr Seligmann’s (verbal?) authority for the statement that in New Guinea (among the tribes of Melanesian culture and descent?) “a yam-stone would be held capable of making the yams grow miraculously, quite apart from the agency of spirits” (_Arch. Rel._, xii. 190).

[51.2] Codrington, 120, 191.

[51.3] Codrington, 124-5. Father Joseph Meier denies that the Melanesian population of the Gazelle Peninsula of New Britain possesses the concept of _mana_ in the sense of a universal impersonal, magical power. Yet he goes on to say: “The sorcerer (_Zauberer_) himself derives the inherent power of his spells (_Zauber-mitteln_) from two different sources of energy. First, he relies on the might of the spirits to whom he is indebted for his spells, or on the might of his forefathers who have practised magic before him, and have handed down to him their spells. In his incantation therefore the magician (_Hexenmeister_) will always name a spirit, or the name of a deceased sorcerer, or at least silently presume his assistance. A second source of energy for the sorcerer is his own soul. By associating this with natural objects he enhances their powers. Everything the sorcerer does he conceives under the aspect of these two sources of energy. The originator of an enchantment (_Zauberei_)--be it an unembodied spirit, or the ghost of a deceased person, or a spirit residing in a living being (for example, a bird)--operates in his spell and makes it always and everywhere effective. Or else only the sorcerer’s own soul is considered for magical purposes. Beyond this there is no other power” (_Anthropos_, viii. 8, 9). This seems to resemble the concept of _mana_, as set forth by Dr Codrington. Later Father Meier remarks: “The enquiry into the witchcraft (_Zauberwesen_) of the coast-dwellers of the Gazelle Peninsula is not yet closed. So far we only know a small fragment of all their enchantments” (_ibid._, 11). Our knowledge of the social elements and cultural history of Melanesia as a whole, and of New Britain in particular, is still very imperfect.

[54.1] E. Tregear, _The Maori-Polynesian Comparative Dictionary_, Wellington, N.Z., 1891, 203-6, _s.vv._ _Cf._ Marett, _Trans. Oxford Cong._, i. 48 _sqq._ It is perhaps worth while to note “that the Samoan New Testament was translated from the Greek and uses _mana_ as the equivalent of the Greek δύναμις, whilst _pule_ is used for the Greek ἐξουσία” (Haddon, _Torres Str. Rep._, v. 329, quoting communication from S. H. Ray).

[55.1] Ellis, _Polyn. Res._, iii. 108. A specimen of the girdle was sent by John Williams, the missionary afterwards killed at Eramanga, to England, probably to the London Missionary Society. See his _Miss. Enterprises_, 144.

[56.1] Ellis, _op. cit._, i. 338.

[57.1] Taylor, 164 _sqq._

[58.1] De Acosta, 378.

[58.2] Sébillot, _F. L. France_, ii. 235.

[58.3] Ploss, _Weib_, i. 504, quoting Bonnemère, but as usual without the exact reference.

[59.1] Seligmann, _Veddas_, 207.

[60.1] Tozer, i. 216.

[60.2] Dr M. Hoefler, _Am Urquell_, ii. 101.

[60.3] Rev. H. E. Mabille, _Journ. Afr. Soc._, v. 352.

[62.1] Van Gennep, _Tabou_, 184.

[62.2] Turner, _Samoa_, 186. Compare a number of similar taboos on the previous and subsequent pages.

[62.3] Codrington, 215.

[63.1] W. Bogoras, _Amer. Anthr._, N.S., iii. 97.

[64.1] See _Golden Bough_3, _passim_, especially the volume on Taboo. It is needless to say that Professor Frazer does not write from the point of view here adopted, and that his interpretations frequently diverge from those which I should be inclined to.

[65.1] _F. L._, xii. 186. Elsewhere Mr Weeks says: “No stigma attaches to the man who is proved guilty [of witchcraft] by the ordeal, for ‘one can have witchcraft without knowing it’” (_Cannibals_, 189). Presumably _likundu_ is here included under the general term of witchcraft. In another place he says: “The general belief is that only one in the family can bewitch a member of the family” (_ibid._, 311). Hence the evil influence of the possessor of _likundu_ extends no further.

[67.1] Jevons, _Introd._, 178, 7, 390 _sqq._

[67.2] Tylor, _Prim. Cul._, i. 383.

[67.3] Avebury, _Marriage_, 142. I cannot find that he commits himself to a definition of religion, though his view may perhaps be inferred from the above quotation (_cf._ his _Origin of Civilization_, 205 _sqq._).

[68.1] Frazer, _Magic Art_, i. 222, 223.

[68.2] Durkheim, _Formes Élémentaires_, 65. M. Salomon Reinach in a recent brilliant work on the history of religions proposes as a definition: “An assemblage (_ensemble_) of scruples which stand in the way of the free exercise of our faculties.” This reduces religion to a system of taboos. But he subsequently qualifies it by saying: “Animism on one side, taboos on the other, these are the essential factors of religions” (_Orpheus_, 4, 10). Thus qualified, however, it excludes Buddhism; and with or without the qualification it does not express the social side of religion. M. Reinach is quite conscious of these omissions. They are an illustration of the extreme difficulty found by the most able and learned enquirers in formulating an adequate definition of religion, a definition at once all-embracing and exact.

[69.1] Durkheim, 323.

[69.2] Frazer, _Magic Art_, i. 220.

[70.1] Frazer, _op. cit._, 52.

[70.2] _Ibid._, 221, 237 _sqq._

[70.3] _Ibid._, 233. Frazer has worked out the theory more completely than anyone else; but it has been more or less anticipated, or shared, by others, such as Sir Edward Tylor, Sir Alfred Lyall, and Professor Jevons.

[72.1] The above is a brief summary (partly borrowed from my review in _F. L._, xv. 359) of a portion of the argument elaborated by MM. Hubert and Mauss in their “Esquisse d’une Théorie Générale de la Magie,” _L’Année Soc._, vii. 1-146.

[76.1] Durkheim, _op. cit._, 61.

[77.1] Spencer and Gillen, _C. T._, 549, 476.

[77.2] _Ante_, p. 50.

[77.3] Codrington, 133. Another example is cited subsequently, p. 144, from Borneo.

[78.1] Weeks, 189; see _ante_, p. 65 note.

[78.2] Junod, _S. A. Tribe_, ii. 467; i. 441.

[78.3] Durkheim, _op. cit._, 63 note.

[79.1] All this indictment holds good in a lesser degree of the witch-hunts of Europe and New England.

[80.1] Gregor, 197.

[80.2] This, however, is not exactly what Marillier says. “A ‘natural’ act (and that is its sole difference from a magical act) only reaches bodies, or at least it only reaches the soul through the object it animates. A magical practice, which may, however, be a purely material act, acts in some way from within outwards (_agit en quelque sorte du dedans au dehors_); it only kills or fecundates the man, animal, or plant to which it is applied, by exercising first of all its beneficent or calamitous action on the soul, which, like that of the sorcerer, is the principle of his life” (_Rev. Hist. Rel._, xxxvi. 343).

[80.3] Doutté, 328, 330.

[81.1] Doutté, 340, 334, 343, 338. Compare what the schoolboy called their “conjuring tricks,” performed before Pharaoh by Moses and Aaron, and by the magicians (Ex. vii. 8 _sqq._).

[82.1] Marett, _Anthrop._, 209. Dr Marett might have omitted the words “of evil” after “supernormal powers.” They do not strengthen his argument. In savage communities a hard and fast line is not usually drawn between supernormal powers of evil and supernormal powers of good.

[82.2] _Ibid._, 210.

[83.1] Marett, _Anthrop._, 211.

[84.1] P. E. Goddard, _Univ. Cal. Pub._, i. 87.

[84.2] Marett, _Anthrop._, 213.

[84.3] Westermarck, _Ceremonies_, 67 note, quoting Destaing.

[85.1] Reference may be made here to Mr Ernest Crawley, who writes like Professor Jevons from a distinctly theological standpoint. I can find no formal definition of religion in his book on the subject. He says: “The vital instinct, the feeling of life, the will to live, the instinct to preserve it, is the source of, or rather is identical with, the religious impulse, and is the origin of religion” (_Tree of Life_, 214). But, as Professor Leuba has rightly observed, “the love and lust of life is the source of all human conduct and not of religion alone” (_Psychol. Study_, 48). Elsewhere Mr Crawley observes that religion is not a department, like law or science, having a special subject-matter; it is “a tone or spirit.” It “chiefly concerns itself with elemental interests--life and death, birth and marriage are typical cases” (_op. cit._, 204 _sq._). Nor can I find any definition of magic, though he maintains in opposition to Professor Frazer that “it seems impossible to separate magic and religion in their early forms.” “Indeed,” he adds, “the practical meaning of magic, when worked in connection with religion, is control of the supernatural, which is thus not superior to man” (186). What is magic when not “worked in connection with religion”? He identifies _mana_ with the force “which underlies magical processes generally,” but apparently not religious processes. A religious process he defines as “that of making a thing sacred” (231 _sq._). He opposes magic to sacredness. “Sacredness is a result of the application of religious impulse and of nothing else” (208 _sq._). Compare Professor Durkheim’s definition of religion (_supra_, p. 68). Mr Crawley takes insufficient account of the social aspect of religion.

[87.1] Southey, _The Curse of Kehama_, preface.

[87.2] Augustine, _Civ. Dei_, x. 11, citing Porphyry.

[91.1] Marett, _Threshold_, 44 _sqq._

[92.1] J. M. M. van der Burgt, 55.

[92.2] Hewitt, _Am. Anthr._, N.S., iv., 40.

[93.1] E. H. Man, _J. A. I._, xii. 161, 163, 353, etc.

[95.1] Codrington, 192.

[98.1] The primary authority on the Arunta and neighbouring tribes is Messrs Spencer and Gillen, _C. T._ and _N. T._, and _Rep. Horn Exped._, but Strehlow’s researches (_Aranda- und Loritja-stämme_) are important. The results of the latter are divergent to some extent from those of the former, but in most respects are not irreconcilable. See, _e.g._, Professor Durkheim’s valuable discussion of the different versions of reincarnation, _op. cit._, 357 _sqq._ I have stated above in a summary manner what seems to be the result of the criticism of both authorities.

[99.1] Spencer and Gillen, _N. T._, 498; Strehlow, ii. 1. _Cf._ _Rep. Horn Exped._, iv. 183.

[99.2] Strehlow, i. 1.

[100.1] Spencer and Gillen, _N. T._, 227, 232, 238.

[100.2] _Ibid._, 227.

[100.3] _Ibid._, 252.

[101.1] For the Mongolian practice see _Amer. Anthr._, N.S., xv. 370. The Pueblo Indian practice has been recorded by every scientific enquirer among the tribes.

[102.1] Spencer and Gillen, _C. T._, 249. Note also the threat which follows.

[102.2] M. Durkheim contends, and I think with justice, that the association of the _churinga_ with individual ancestors, and therefore with their descendants, or rather reincarnations, is secondary (_op. cit._, 173). But _cf._ Spencer and Gillen, _N. T._, 281.

[102.3] Strehlow, ii. 78. He resisted the temptation and avoided the mistake made so often by missionaries of translating by native words Christian terms of fundamentally different content.

[103.1] Spencer and Gillen, _N. T._, 259 _sqq._

[103.2] _Ibid._, 293.

[104.1] Spencer and Gillen, _C. T._, chaps. v. and vi. _passim_; _N. T._, chap. viii. _passim_; Strehlow, ii. 75 _sqq._

[105.1] Strehlow, iii. 6.

[105.2] Spencer and Gillen, _C. T._, chap. xvi.; _N. T._, chap. xv.; _Rep. Horn Exped._, 180.

[106.1] Spencer and Gillen, _C. T._, 534, 553. _Cf._ 480, 538.

[107.1] _Arch. Rel._, viii. 463, 467. Compare the account of the initiation by the Devil of a Lapp wizard quoted from Tornæus, Scheffer, 136.

[107.2] _Jesup. Exped._, vi. 47.

[109.1] Junod, _S. A. Tribe_, ii. 450, 471, 473. M. Junod’s work is concerned with the Thonga, but it is true in general terms of other tribes.

[109.2] Merensky, 135; Shooter, 191; Callaway, _Rel. Syst._, 259 _sqq._

[109.3] Johnston, _Grenfell_, ii. 659 note, quoting Rev. W. H. Stapleton. He is obviously reporting a statement by a native.

[110.1] Jones, _Ojebway_, 269.

[110.2] A. L. Kroeber, _Univ. Cal. Pub._, iv. 328.

[110.3] G. A. Dorsey, _Trad. Skidi Pawnee_, 185, 189, 194, 199, 206, 210, 219, 221, 231.

[110.4] Roth, _Sarawak_, i. 266.

[111.1] Skeat, _Magic_, 60.

[113.1] Seligmann, _Veddas_, 128 _sqq._, 190 _sqq._, 207. See _supra_, p. 59.

[114.1] E. H. Man, _J. A. I._, xii. 96.

[115.1] Kolben, 97.

[116.1] Dorsey, _Wichita_, 99.

[116.2] _R. B. E._, xxvii. 197.

[117.1] There appears to be no detailed account of the Buffalo Dance of the Pawnees. See Dorsey, _Skidi Pawnees_, xxi. 46; Grinnell, 369. The latest stage, perhaps contaminated with European notions, is in part described, _Id._, 270.

[121.1] W. J. M‘Gee, _R. B. E._, xvii. 168* _sqq._

[121.2] Durkheim, 295.

[124.1] Durkheim, 305.

[124.2] _Ibid._, 134, 135.

[124.3] _Ibid._, 343, 355, 378.

[125.1] Seligmann, 30, 126, 130, 170 _sqq._, 149.

[126.1] _Cens. Ind. Rep._, 1901, iii. 62. _Cf._ the papers by E. H. Man, _J. A. I._, xii.

[127.1] Koch-Grünberg, _passim_; von den Steinen, _passim_, especially 350 _sqq._

[130.1] Westermarck, _Moral Ideas_, ii. 585.

[132.1] Marten, _Ind. Cens. Rep._, 1911, x. 80.

[132.2] Laws of Manu, _Sac. Bks._, xxv. 5. I am indebted for this reference and the further explanation above to my friend Mr William Crooke.

[132.3] _Supra_, p. 62.

[132.4] Dr Frazer, _Psyche’s Task_, 25 _sqq._, has made a collection of these rites and signs. See also Westermarck, _Moral Ideas_, ii. 63 _sqq._

[133.1] F. B. Jevons, _Oxford Cong. Rep._, ii. 131; _Id._, Græco-Italian Magic, _Anthrop. Class._, 106. See also Rouse, _Greek V. O._, 337.

[133.2] I described one such leaden tablet, found at Dymock, Gloucestershire, in _Reliquary_, N.S., iii. 140. Another was subsequently found at Lincoln’s Inn, and reported on by Mr W. Paley Baildon to the Society of Antiquaries (_Proc. Soc. Anti._, 2nd ser., xviii. 141). Others have also been found elsewhere, among them two on Gatherley Moor in Yorkshire. If the identification of the persons against whom the tablets on Gatherley Moor and at Lincoln’s Inn were directed be conclusively established, they antedate by more than half a century the translation above referred to of Agrippa’s book. This of course is by no means impossible, or indeed improbable, for the practitioners of occult science in the reign of Queen Elizabeth were frequently men of learning.

[134.1] _Fasc. Malay_, ii. 41.

[135.1] Alan H. Gardiner, _Oxford Cong. Rep._, i. 210.

[135.2] Budge, _Archæologia_, lii. 421 _sqq._, transliterating, translating, and commenting on a papyrus in the British Museum, which belonged to a priest of Ra about the year B.C. 305, and contains the ritual for the purpose.

[135.3] Wiedemann, 94.

[136.1] Wiedemann, 279.

[136.2] _Ibid._, 99.

[136.3] Budge, _Archæologia_, lii. 425, 440, 539 _sqq._ The Egyptian gods merged into one another like the dissolving pictures of a lantern. This was probably in part the result of the union in one kingdom of a number of petty states, which were centres of worship of disparate though cognate divinities, and the consequent effort to synthesize these divinities and their worship, and in part the issue of philosophical speculation, itself doubtless influenced by political events.

[136.4] Wiedemann, 54; Budge, _Egypt. Magic_, 137. Dr Frazer’s version, _Taboo_, 387, is formed on a comparison of these and other texts.

[137.1] Wiedemann, 273. More personal threats are often employed. See, for examples, _Arch. Rel._, xvi. 85.

[137.2] Plato, _Rep._, ii. 364.

[137.3] There are of course plenty of magical Greek texts, but they are much later. The papyri unearthed in such numbers during recent years contain many; and they often imply that the deity invoked is compelled to perform his votary’s wishes. He is addressed in terms of command, adjured by names of power and bidden to be quick about his work. Such spells, however, are not purely Greek. They are produced under foreign influence, and the gods or demons invoked bear alien names. The texts are frequently _defixiones_. Simaitha’s incantation in the second idyll of Theocritus, so far as it is addressed to the Moon, to Hecate or Artemis, is not couched in terms of command. The goddesses, if they grant the damsel’s desires, are accomplices who cannot plead _vis major_. Yet threats and insults to the gods were, it seems, sometimes made use of, probably in the hope of driving them by taunts to do what was wanted (see below, p. 190). The dividing line here is very thin.

[139.1] Hodson, _Naga_, 139, 141; _cf._ 102, 164.

[139.2] Parker, _Tales_, i. 97.

[140.1] Brett, _Ind. Tribes_, 401.

[140.2] _Anthropos_, viii. 3. For the belief in and cult of the Kaya, see _ibid._, iii. 1005; and of the Inal, _ibid._, v. 95.

[140.3] Shakespear, _Lushai_, 109 (_cf._ 61).

[141.1] W. G. Aston, _F. L._, xxiii. 187 _sq._

[141.2] Wiedemann, 227. On Thoth as magician and the words of power which he uttered and wrote down compare Budge, _Egypt. Magic_, 128 _sqq._

[142.1] Morris, _Heimskringla_, i. 18, 19.

[143.1] Levit. xvi. 8. On the Scapegoat in general see Dr Frazer’s volume bearing that title.

[144.1] Hose, ii. 29 note.

[145.1] Hose, 56, 117.

[146.1] Rivers, _Todas_, 257, 450. For an alternative translation of the third clause of the spell, see pp. 195, 271. For another form of the spell, see p. 259.

[147.1] J. H. Weeks, _J. A. I._, xl. 377, 378.

[148.1] J. H. Weeks, _J. A. I._, xl. 383. Surely in the face of these examples Mr Weeks’ statement--“Nor did we find any form of prayer among them, no worship and no sacrifices” (_ibid._, 376)--needs some qualification. As to the _mongoli_, see _ibid._, 368.

[149.1] Werner, 56, 76.

[151.1] A. M. Tozzer, _Putnam Vol._, 304. _Cf._ Matthews, _Navaho Leg._, 40.

[151.2] Tozzer, _op. cit._, 303. On the rites and beliefs of the Dene, see Father Jetté, _J. A. I._, xxxvii. 157 _sqq._

[154.1] Exod. xxii. 18.

[154.2] Deut. xviii. 9 _sqq._

[154.3] Num. v. 11 _sqq._

[155.1] Hos. iii. 4, 5. _Cf._ T. W. Davies, _Magic_, 36; and _Encyc. Bibl._, _s.v._

[159.1] Weeks 177.

[161.1] Ælian, _Var. Hist._, xii. 23. Philo (_Dreams_, ii. 17) attributes the same practice to the Germans.

[161.2] O’Grady, ii. 518. Professor Whitley Stokes also gives it, _F. L._, iv. 488, from an Edinburgh MS. I quote his translation, which is to the same effect as Mr O’Grady’s.

[162.1] Skeat, _Magic_, 10.

[163.1] Vinson, 20. According to this story there were two cabin-boys, one of whom overheard the plot and the other struck the blow, but this appears to be a literary embellishment.

[163.2] Strackerjan, i. 324, 325; Hansen, 38. The Norse tale (by Asbjoernsen) is referred to, _Mélusine_, ii. 201. I have not seen it. Analogous tale in Ireland, _Ant._, xlv. 371.

[163.3] _Tylor Essays_, 138. Roscher (_Ephialtes_, 38) thinks it was “a quite obvious nightmare.”

[164.1] Gregor, 66.

[164.2] Gregor, _loc. cit._

[166.1] Thorpe, _N. Myth._, ii. 78.

[167.1] Hibbert, _A Description of the Shetland Islands_ (Edinburgh, 1822), 569; _Zeits. des Ver._, ii. 15, 17; Rogers, 218; Lehmann-Filhés, ii. 16; Maurer, 173.

[168.1] Natesa Sastri, 148.

[168.2] _Bibl. Trad. Pop. Espan._, i. 187

[168.3] Castrén, 172.

[168.4] Boas, _Ind. Sagen_, 86.

[169.1] Miller, _Scenes and Leg._, 287.

[170.1] Shakespear, _Lushei_, 66.

[170.2] Grimm, _Teut. Myth._, iii. 924.

[171.1] Ovid, _Fasti_, iii. 285.

[171.2] Pausanias, i. 4, 5; Ovid, _Metam._, xi. 90; Herod., viii. 138; Ælian, _Var. Hist._, iii. 18.

[171.3] _Iliad_, v. 370 _sqq._

[172.1] _R. E. E. S._, i. 338.

[172.2] As an example the Nattu Malayans of Cochin in the south of India may be cited. “When questioned as to their ideas of gods, they say that they are like men themselves, but invisible, yet all-powerful” (Anantha Krishna, i. 34).