Chapter II: Front Matter (2)

The rooms extended around the corner of the Boulevard des Italiens. When I returned to Paris about a week or ten days after the collapse of the Commune, in May, 1871, I was one of the first to look in upon the old club, and it was in many respects a scene of desolation.

The Versailles troops who came down the Rue Auber, found it right in their line of shooting, as they attacked the Communists, and many were the broken windows and glasses in the different rooms.

I picked up a lot of bullets, or found them in the walls, and, knowing how soon they would be lost or disappear, had them neatly arranged in a case under glass, to preserve them, an interesting relic of the Commune.

Several of us members of the club met there one afternoon, and were endeavoring in various ways to be reasonably gay under the circumstances, when one who was by his family partly related to France appeared, and thought it was all wrong for us to be so light-hearted in the day of France’s trouble. We said, on the contrary, that we thought we ought all to make the best of the situation, and so help retrieve the sadness of the past, and so we did.

The club still exists, and we old members have been given the privilege of life membership, so that we can avail ourselves of its rooms whenever we may happen to be in Paris. This adds much to the comfort of a sojourn there, as the table d’hôte breakfast at twelve, and dinner at seven, were as good as any to be had in Paris, while the view from the balcony is a perpetual delight.

I have often been there since, but the club name has been changed to that of “Le Cercle Franco-Américain,” so as to admit persons of various nationalities.

An interesting album of portraits of the prominent members, painted by Mr. Armand Dumaresq, was one of its attractions when I was there in 1887. Mine was very good, and under my name I had written “le Champion de Panama.”

The autumn of 1894, part of September, all of October, and part of November, I passed in Paris, to find out what the new Panama Canal Company proposed to do, and also to place the bronze marker of the Society of the Sons of the American Revolution by the grave of Lafayette in Picpus Cemetery, Paris. While there I noticed the apartment of the Franco-American Club was closed, and was told how it happened to be so, but that the members could go to the “Cercle des Capucines” nearly opposite, on the other side of the boulevard of that name. I went there one afternoon, and sent up my card, and was cordially received by my old friend, William Pembroke Fetridge, Lynch, Davis, and others, and Fetridge invited me to dine with some of them which I did.

FROM MY MOTHER IN BOSTON, SUNDAY, NOVEMBER 18, 1866.

“I have received this last week your nice letter of October 30. I read it to Longfellow, and he was pleased to hear so much of Charlie. He says, ‘Do caution the boys to guard their ears and noses in going to Russia. They are frozen before one is aware of it, and once thoroughly chilled you never recover from the effects.’

Monday evening: I have been to Cambridge again today. Your ‘Brother Henry’ (Longfellow) has seen a Russian gentleman who tells him November is too early in the season to go there.”

TO MY MOTHER FROM PARIS, NOVEMBER 21, 1866.

TROIKA.
]

This is my last from Paris for some time. I tear myself from the distractions and gayeties, from the Bois and the dance, to meet the frantic embrace of the Russian bear. I am quite crazy about the St. Petersburg trip, my anticipations are so high, and we long so to be off, and every night I fall asleep dreaming of driving troikas with three horses about the streets of St. Petersburg and Moscow, skating the American touch on the Neva, endless flirtations with Russian Princesses and Polish Countesses in the salons and boudoirs of St. Petersburg. All this, too, is a _terra incognita_, and our life is not all cut and dried for us, as in Rome or Paris. My plan is this,—to pass the winter just where it will be agreeable, St. P., Moscow, or Vienna, or perhaps a trip to Greece and Constantinople, with the Carnival in Venice, but _certainly_ return to Paris in April for the Exposition, and London for the season, and then to America early in the summer. However, if you want me to come, if you feel nervous or unwell, don’t hesitate a moment to write me, and I can easily and without regret turn about. On Saturday, at five, I leave Burgess alone, much to his regret, and Charlie and self go to Brussels, where we arrive just exactly in time for the “revelry by night,” a peep at Waterloo, if not too cold, and then on to Berlin to congratulate Bismarck on the state of Europe, through Poland to Russia, a journey of a few days only. You will be pleased to know that I have not yet lost your little package for Eliza Carnatz, and I doubt not that it will reach her in safety. On Friday I dine at the T. B. Curtis’s, and on Wednesday with Weld and a lot of men at “Philippe’s.” Have you ever heard about my horses, if they are well? I trust they will do the winter comfortably. Don’t you want me to bring you home a nice little French “Victoria” this summer, instead of the old family ark? (The old family carriage imported by my uncle Samuel Appleton and after his death, in 1853, taken by my father.) As to the Bois, I can safely say that if I had my Boston turnout here complete there would not be a prettier one in Paris.

Thursday: I am reading now with my French teacher, Théophile Gautier’s _Voyage en Russie_, and find it most entertaining and instructive, particularly as he gives a _couleur de rose_ account of the winter amusements.... I take up my pen for the third time to finish this, but you know there is never the least opportunity of doing anything in Paris, or even of finishing what is begun, and except my weekly letters to you I have scarcely written at all. My groom has just been amusing himself with packing up some of my traps, as I have one good sized trunk to leave in Paris full of summer clothes, which I don’t think I shall want, and odds and ends I have picked up here.

Received an invitation yesterday from the Bishop of Pennsylvania, to confer with him on matters of importance for the church in Paris.

ADIEU TO PARIS.

Today is dull and dreary out, but except for the Bois it makes little difference in P.

I leave my phaeton, etc., at the Bank. I am going to try to find William Hunt, the artist, today. Well, I close and take this to the mail. Adieu to Paris and _mes beaux jours—en route_!—Russia and the North! Love to all.

Nate.

WILLIAM MORRIS HUNT.

While he lived I regarded William M. Hunt as the first American artist, certainly in the line of portrait painting. I wanted for a long time to possess one of his pictures, and I would have liked to have had him paint my own portrait, but I never had the opportunity of doing so.

One day in 1866, just before he was to sail for Europe, I went to his studio, and after some talk with him, he said he would let me have the head of Lincoln, which he had painted as a study for the full length portrait now in Faneuil Hall, for eight hundred dollars, currency. I agreed to purchase it and the bargain was made. He told me that he wanted to take it with him to Paris, that he might exhibit it at the great Exhibition of 1867, and I was pleased at this, and readily acceded to it, as I thought the portrait would have an additional interest and value from having been there. It was understood that I should not pay for the picture until it was delivered to me, and a bill of sale was made out to this effect. I afterwards saw the portrait both at Mr. Hunt’s studio at Paris, and also in the American department of the Exhibition, where it attracted considerable attention, and I gave myself no concern as to when I should own it.

It so happened that the painting never came into my possession before my financial troubles in 1872, and after that, of course, I no longer thought of having it.

After his death by drowning (He was found dead in the water.) at Appledore, Isles of Shoals, N. H., Sept. 8, 1879, his widow, the late Mrs. Louisa D. Hunt, was very disinclined to part with it, and so I never pressed my claim. According to a provision in her will a large number of his paintings and charcoal drawings were sold at public auction and the Lincoln portrait was reserved at the sale in February, 1898, at the request of the Government. Mr. Hunt was a curious man, brilliant, full of eccentricities, and very fascinating in certain moods. His age was only fifty-five when he died.

Regarding the portrait I received the following note, dated May 5, 1866:—

My dear Appleton,

If you would like my portrait of President Lincoln you will please let
me know or Mr. Jere. Abbott. My price for it is $800. I should like
the privilege of taking it to England with me, and will return it to
you in a few months in case you desire it.

Yours truly,
Wm. M. Hunt,
16 Summer St.

In care of Abbott & Howard, Kilby St., Boston.

There was at the time I refer to, 1865–1866 (It was on the list at the sale.), a beautiful landscape of the Forest of Fontainebleau I ought to have bought, but did not. I once had in my collection of paintings one which had belonged to my brother, T. G. A., a small picture, with a church in the background, and in the foreground several sheaves of wheat, and peasants returning to their houses from the field, with the light of a setting sun. It had the touch and the glow of the master.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
]

CHAPTER SECOND
LINCOLN AND EMANCIPATION

ABRAHAM LINCOLN

“All merit comes
From braving the unequal:
All glory comes from daring to begin:
Fame loves the state
That, reckless of the sequel,
Fights long and well, whether it lose or win.”
—_Eugene F. Ware_

I have always regretted that I never had the privilege of making the acquaintance of President Lincoln. I remember having met him one summer at Washington during the war, as he was driving to the Soldiers’ Home,—a few miles out of the city where he passed the hot season,—in an open carriage with an escort of cavalry, which was a rare sight for a President of the United States, until the requirements of war and the treasonable elements which pervaded society in Washington seemed to make such a precaution advisable. This was civil war with its unseen dangers in the nation’s capital. I can just remember his sad face, which appeared full of the responsibilities of the situation, as he drove along.

LINCOLN AND EMANCIPATION.

The antislavery movement in the United States, began in the mountains of the South by Benjamin Lundy, of Wheeling, West Virginia. He published a paper called “The Genius of Universal Emancipation,” first at Mount Pleasant, Ohio, afterwards at Jonesville, East Tennessee, and in 1824, he removed it to Baltimore, Md.

In 1825, Miss Frances Wright, a youthful and enthusiastic philanthropist, established ten miles east of Memphis, Tenn., a manual training school, in which each negro was to be freed as soon as he proved himself capable of self support. She was a friend of Lafayette, who was keenly interested in the plan, but it failed, and she took her slaves to Hayti, where she settled them on land granted by the Haitian government, freed them, and left them there.

All this was before the organization of the New England Antislavery Society, which was formed in 1832, by William Lloyd Garrison, returning from Baltimore where he had been associated with Lundy.

On December 6, 1847, Abraham Lincoln took his seat in the Thirtieth Congress as a member from the state of Illinois. He was thirty-eight years of age, and six feet four inches in height. His character and principles are thus briefly and truthfully described by J. G. Holland, in reviewing his public career:—

“He introduced them to a new national life. He has given them a statesman without a statesman’s craftiness, a politician without a politician’s meannesses, a great man without a great man’s vices, a philanthropist without a philanthropist’s impracticable dreams, a Christian without pretensions, a ruler without the pride of place and power, an ambitious man without selfishness, and a successful man without vanity.”

His position in the Thirtieth Congress on all the principal points at issue were of the Whig party, and in the second session he began his work for the abolishment of slavery in the District of Columbia in which the national capital is situated, by introducing on the 16th of January, 1849, a measure which he intended as a substitute for a resolution introduced by Mr. Gott of New York, instructing the Committee of the District of Columbia to report a bill prohibiting the slave trade in the District. Mr. Lincoln’s substitute provided that no person not within the District, and no person thereafter born within the District should be held to slavery within the District, or held to slavery without its limits, while it provided that those holding slaves in the slave states might bring them in and take them out again when visiting the District on public business. It also provided for the emancipation of all the slaves legally held within the District, at the will of their masters, who could claim their full value at the hands of the Government, and that the act itself should be subject to the approval of the voters of the District. It had also a proviso to restore to their owners all fugitive slaves escaping into the District.

Mr. Lincoln regarded slavery as property under the Constitution. Legally he believed slavery to be right, morally he believed it to be wrong.

On the presentation of this bill Mr. Lincoln had a considerable number of influential supporters in the District, but they subsequently withdrew, and the subject was given up, to be revived again, under circumstances impossible to be foretold, thirteen years after.

Speaking in 1859, on the slave power, he said:—“Broken by it, I, too, may be, bow to it I never will. The probability that we may fail in the struggle, ought not to deter us from the support of a cause which I deem to be just, and it shall not deter me. If ever I feel the soul within me elevate and expand to those dimensions not wholly unworthy of its Almighty Architect, it is when I contemplate the cause of my country, deserted by all the world besides, and I, standing up boldly and alone, and hurling defiance at her victorious oppressors. Here, without contemplating consequences, before high Heaven, and in the face of the world, I swear eternal fidelity to the just cause, as I deem it, of the land of my life, my liberty, and my love.”

On March 4th, 1861, Mr. Lincoln was inaugurated President of the United States, and several of the slaveholding states rebelled against the authority of the National Government, passed ordinances of secession, and with other states joined to them attempted to gain possession of the national capital, thereby bringing on the great war of 1861, which lasted four years, and ended in the preservation of the Union and the re-establishment of the national authority over every state and territory.

In the effort to reclaim the recalcitrant states and restore peace to the country, every expedient was used, and when, by proclamation of President Lincoln, Congress assembled in extra session on the Fourth of July, 1861, Mr. Trumbull of Illinois introduced a bill in the Senate to emancipate all the slaves in the rebel states.

At that time one-eighth of the whole population of the United States were colored slaves, located in the southern portion. They had been held in slavery two hundred and fifty years, having originally, and as required thereafter, been brought to this country in slave ships principally from the coast of Africa and the brisk and remunerative traffic still continued. The extra session closed on August 6, 1861, having lasted but little more than a month. In the meantime Major General John C. Fremont having been placed in command of the Department of the West, with headquarters at St. Louis, on the 25th of July, 1861, contemplating the restoration of order in Missouri, and the reclaiming of the control of the Mississippi River, proclaimed martial law, declared the property of all those who should take up arms against the United States confiscated to the public use, and their slaves, if they had any, were declared free men. In other words, he proclaimed freedom to the slaves of rebels, but, fearing that this would alarm Unionists in the South, Mr. Lincoln desired General Fremont, as of his own motion, so to modify his proclamation as to make this freedom apply only to such slaves as were engaged in the rebel service.

General Fremont had taken this step without consultation or notice. The President wished him to conform to a confiscation act passed by Congress, but Fremont wished the President to order the change desired, as, if he should do it of his own motion, it would imply that he thought himself wrong, stating the difficulties under which he labored, with the communication with the government so difficult and the development of perplexing events so rapid in the department under his command. This the President did in a despatch under date of September 11, 1861, in these words:—

“It is therefore ordered, that the said clause of said proclamation be
so modified, held and construed, as to conform to, and not to
transcend the provisions on the same subject contained in the Act of
Congress entitled ‘An Act to Confiscate Property’ ... approved August
6, 1861, and that such act be published at length with this order.”

Before this order had been received, or on the day following its date, General Fremont, though acquainted with the President’s wishes, manumitted two slaves of Thomas L. Snead of St. Louis, in accordance with the terms of his proclamation.

Lincoln believed that the time had not come for the liberating the slaves of rebels by proclamation, if he had, the Act of Congress would not have stood in the way. The Act was the embodiment of his own policy at that time. He had undertaken to preserve the Union and the rights of all the states. A record was to be kept of the slaves of loyal masters, and for their repayment for them Congress would provide. Slavery could only be interfered with as a military necessity, an essential means of saving the Union. He was assailed on the one side for being too slow, and on the other for being too precipitate.

In March, 1862, the following resolution recommended by President Lincoln passed both houses of Congress, only a few members of the border states voting for it:—

“Resolved, That the United States ought to coöperate with any state
which may gradually adopt abolishment of slavery, giving to such state
pecuniary aid, to be used by such state in its discretion, to
compensate for inconveniences, public and private, produced by such
change of system.”

Before the close of the session the President invited the senators and representatives of the slaveholding states not in rebellion, to a conference at the White House, at which he admonished them that if they had all voted for the resolution the war would then have been substantially ended.

“If the war,” said he, “continues long, as it must if the object be not sooner attained (i. e. the restoration of the Union without disturbance of the institution of slavery) the institution in your states will be extinguished by mere friction and abrasion—by the mere incidents of the war. It will be gone, and you will have nothing in lieu of it. Much of its value is gone already. How much better for you and for your people to take the step which at once shortens the war, and secures substantial compensation for that which is sure to be wholly lost in any other event.... I do not speak of emancipation at once, but of a decision at once, to emancipate gradually. Room in South America for colonization can be obtained cheaply, and in abundance, and when numbers shall be large enough to be company and encouragement for one another, the freed people will not be so reluctant to go.”

The time for the voluntary abolishment of the slave system was at any date previous to 1900.

In this session slavery was abolished in the District of Columbia, completing the work begun in 1849, and recognizing the two principles of colonization and compensation. This session also passed the confiscation act by which the traitor to the general government forfeited his slaves, as well as any other property, and Congress decided in advance, that the slaves thus confiscated and held by the government should be declared free.

Then the public at the north, these measures having been enacted, demanded a sweeping proclamation of emancipation. The antislavery element clamored for swifter and more radical recognition, aroused and sustained by the eloquence of the spoken and written word.

These were the clarion notes of Whittier’s “Voices of Freedom”:—

“If we have whispered truth
Whisper no longer:
Speak as the tempest does,
Sterner and stronger.

Still be the tones of truth
Louder and firmer:
Startling the haughty South
With the deep murmur.”

To which the President made reply:—

“What I do about slavery and the colored race, I do because I believe it helps to save this Union, and what I forbear, I forbear because I do not believe it could help to save the Union.... I intend no modification of my oft-expressed personal wish that all men everywhere could be free.”

He understood that his oath of office stood in the way of the present accomplishment of that wish, but that for the preservation of the Constitution and the Union measures otherwise unconstitutional might become lawful. That to preserve slavery he could not permit the wreck of government, country and constitution all together. He objected to General Fremont’s order of emancipation because he did not then consider it a necessity. He objected to the arming of the blacks, as suggested by the Secretary of War, Simon Cameron, for the same reason; also to an attempt by General David A. Hunter for a military emancipation, believing as he did in compensated emancipation. But the border states, toward whom he had fulfilled his whole duty, turned a deaf ear to his expostulations, and by this attitude relieved him of further responsibility toward them.

COLONIZATION.

Congress placed at the President’s disposal a sum of money to be used for experiments with the colonization of the blacks, his choice of location being the Spanish American republics of Central and South America. In August, 1862, he invited a representative company of negroes to visit the White House and address him on the subject; the President asserting his conviction that both the whites and negroes would suffer by living in association with each other. He offered them the benefit of the fund intrusted to him for the purposes of colonization. But the Spanish American republics protested against black colonies in their midst. Liberia and Hayti only would receive them, and the blacks were not disposed to emigrate to those countries, and so that project faded as all such projects have failed in relation to sending the colored population out of the country. The President’s plan was one of benevolent solicitude for a race which he hoped to make self-reliant and independent.

And it came to pass, that in the midsummer of 1862, President Lincoln called a meeting of his Cabinet and laid before them a draft of a proclamation of emancipation, which involved the freedom of all human beings held in slavery in the United States, amounting to four millions then living, and affecting untold millions then unborn, and revolutionizing the social status of more than a third part of the nation, but the Secretary of State, William H. Seward, while approving of the proclamation, opposed its issue at that time, immediately after so many reverses, and advised its postponement until it should have some military success to support it, that it should not have the appearance of an appeal for help. So the proclamation waited until the invasion of Maryland brought on the battle of Antietam resulting in the victory won by McClellan, when Mr. Lincoln brought forward his second draft of the instrument,—even then a preliminary proclamation,—which was issued on the 22d of September, 1862, the battle having been fought on the 17th; Mr. Lincoln being reported as saying that he made a resolve that when McClellan should drive Lee over the river he would send the proclamation after him.

This proclamation declared free the slaves of those states, and those sections of states, which should be in rebellion on the 1st of January, 1863, thus affording an opportunity for all rebel states which wished to preserve their ownership of slaves, to do so by returning to their allegiance to the Federal Government.

September 24, 1862, the President issued a proclamation suspending the writ of _habeas corpus_, as the ordinary processes of law were not sufficient to restrain disloyal persons from hindering the execution of a draft of militia, which had been ordered, and from giving aid and comfort to the insurrection. This suspension lasted for two months, or until the 22d of November, 1862, and persons held in military custody were released on parole.

On the 1st of January, 1863, the final proclamation of emancipation was issued. It was as follows:—

PROCLAMATION OF EMANCIPATION.

Whereas, on the twenty-second of September, in the year of our Lord
one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, a proclamation was issued by
the President of the United States, containing, among other things,
the following, to wit:

“That on the first day of January, in the year of our Lord one
thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaves
within any state, or designated part of a state, the people whereof
shall then be in rebellion against the United States, shall be then,
thenceforward and forever free, and the executive government of the
United States, including the military and naval authority thereof,
will recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons, and will do
no act or acts to repress such persons, or any of them, in any efforts
they may make for their actual freedom. That the Executive will, on
the first day of January aforesaid, by proclamation, designate the
states and parts of states, if any, in which the people thereof
respectively shall then be in rebellion against the United States; and
the fact that any state or the people thereof shall on that day be in
good faith represented in the Congress of the United States by members
chosen thereto at elections wherein a majority of the qualified voters
of such state shall have participated, shall, in the absence of strong
countervailing testimony, be deemed conclusive evidence that such
state, and the people thereof, are not then in rebellion against the
United States.”

Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, by
virtue of the power in me vested as Commander-in-Chief of the Army and
Navy of the United States in time of actual armed rebellion against
the authority and government of the United States, and as a fit and
necessary war measure for suppressing said rebellion, do, on this
first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight
hundred and sixty-three, and in accordance with my purpose so to do,
publicly proclaimed for the full period of one hundred days from the
day first above mentioned, order and designate, as the states and
parts of states wherein the people thereof respectively are this day
in rebellion against the United States, the following, to wit:

Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana (except the parishes of St. Bernard,
Plaquemine, Jefferson, St. John, St. Charles, St. James, Ascension,
Assumption, Terre Bonne, Lafourche, St. Marie, St. Martin and Orleans,
including the city of New Orleans), Mississippi, Alabama, Florida,
Georgia, South Carolina, North Carolina, and Virginia (except the
forty-eight counties designated as West Virginia, and also the
counties of Berkely, Accomac, Northampton, Elizabeth City, York,
Princess Anne, and Norfolk, including the cities of Norfolk and
Portsmouth, and which excepted parts are for the present left
precisely as if this proclamation were not issued).

And, by virtue of the power and for the purpose aforesaid, I do order
and declare that all persons held as slaves within said designated
states and parts of states, are, and henceforward shall be free, and
that the Executive Government of the United States, including the
military and naval authorities thereof, will recognize and maintain
the freedom of said persons.

And I hereby enjoin upon the people so declared to be free, to abstain
from all violence, unless in necessary self-defence, and I recommend
to them that in all cases, when allowed, they labor faithfully for
reasonable wages.

And I further declare and make known that such persons of suitable
condition will be received into the armed service of the United States
to garrison forts, positions, stations and other places, and to man
vessels of all sorts in said service. And upon this act, sincerely
believed to be an act of justice, warranted by the Constitution, upon
military necessity, I invoke the considerate judgment of mankind, and
the gracious favor of Almighty God.

In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my name, and caused the seal
of the United States to be affixed.

Done at the City of Washington, this first day of January, in the year
of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three and of the

[L. S.] Independence of the United States the
eighty-seventh,
Abraham Lincoln.

By the President.
William H. Seward, _Secretary of State_.

In the cabinet meeting to which the preliminary proclamation was submitted, by request of Mr. Seward the words “and maintain” were inserted after “recognize” in the third paragraph of that document in the second paragraph of the final proclamation, the President in his wisdom, having omitted the words, as it was not his way to promise more than he was sure he could perform, and he was not prepared to say that he thought he was able to maintain this. Thus the story is told on the best authority.

Another paragraph is said to have been written by the Secretary of the Treasury, Salmon P. Chase, who had prepared a proclamation from which the President only selected the sentence beginning “And upon this Act,” and ending with “Almighty God,” with the exception of the word “sincerely” and the phrase “upon military necessity” which are the President’s own. It is said that Mr. Lincoln voluntarily revealed the authorship of the words attributed to Seward and Chase.

SLAVES STILL HELD IN LOYAL STATES.

By this proclamation of emancipation the loyal slave states were allowed to retain the institution of slavery, which was secured to them by the Constitution, and in order to reach them certain articles of amendment to the Constitution of the United States must be acted upon by the legislatures of the several states, three-fourths of the number of which would make the articles valid. No servile insurrection or tendency to violence marked the execution of the provisions of the proclamation relative to the arming of the negroes.

At the session of Congress beginning in December, 1863, the Fugitive Slave Law was repealed.

At the national Republican convention which met at Baltimore, June 8, 1864, and nominated Lincoln for re-election, one of the resolutions advocated a constitutional amendment abolishing slavery. Another declared that the government owed protection to all its soldiers, without distinction of color, and at the session of congress which opened the following December, an amendment to the Constitution was passed abolishing slavery in all the states. It needed now to be adopted by the vote of the states, and the necessity was pressing, for in order to place in their hands a weapon of self-defence against re-enslavement the negroes must be given the right to vote.

THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. FOURTEENTH AMENDMENT.

Article XIV. Section 1. All persons born or naturalized in the United
States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof are citizens of the
United States and of the state wherein they reside. No state shall
make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or
immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any state
deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process
of law, nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal
protection of the laws.

Section 2. Representatives shall be apportioned among the several
states according to their respective numbers, counting the whole
number of persons in each state, excluding Indians not taxed. But when
the right to vote at any election for the choice of electors for
president and vice-president of the United States, representatives in
Congress, the executive and judicial officers of a state, or the
members of the legislature thereof, is denied to any of the male
inhabitants of such state, being twenty-one years of age, and citizens
of the United States, or in any way abridged, except for participation
in rebellion or other crime, the basis of representation therein shall
be reduced in the proportion which the number of such male citizens
shall bear to the whole number of male citizens twenty-one years of
age in such state.