Chapter VI: The Line of Atholl Restored

_Malcolm the Third (Ceanmore)._ 1058–1093.

Three centuries had now elapsed since the conquests of the Pictish Angus established the supremacy of his native province, and laid the foundation of the future kingdom of Scotland. During the earlier portion of this period no addition had been made to the territories of the reigning family, the lords of the southern capital of _Dunfothir_ contenting themselves with the vague dignity of “Ardrigh of Alban,” and with excluding from the privileges of “a royal race” the rival chieftains of _Dundurn_. The incursions of the Northmen, above all the conquests of Thorstein Olaveson, weakened the power of the southern kingdom, and by exhibiting the almost forgotten spectacle of a prince of Dundurn sharing the throne of Scotland with a scion of the royal race, resuscitated the hopes of the northern tribes; the deaths of three kings of the MacAlpin dynasty in the province of Moray testifying to the obstinacy with which the people of that district continued to resist the pretensions of the southern family to the right of _Can_ and _Cuairt_ throughout the north. But the rise of the Jarls of the Orkneys again turned the scale in favour of the south, and from the time when the second Kenneth favoured the claims of Thorfin’s family upon the mainland earldom of their maternal ancestor, Forres ceased to be fatal to his race, and he was at leisure to carry out his projects against the heir of Finella, and to make the first actual addition to the territories of the Scottish kings by bringing the eastern coasts into a more direct dependancy upon the crown. The “Bishopric of the Scots,” co-extensive in jurisdiction with the royal power, henceforth reached to the Dee, and the fatality to the royal race was transferred to the eastern provinces; for the struggle was no longer in the north until the old rivalry again broke out on the rupture of the alliance with the Orkney Jarl.

The fatality attending the northern districts never seems to have extended to the junior branch of the reigning dynasty, whose alliances and expeditions were essentially connected with the south and west. It was over Strath Clyde that Constantine endeavoured to extend his influence; Northumbria was the province from which Indulf wrested Edinburgh; whilst Lothian, or the British frontiers, were fatal to Colin and his brother Eocha. Hence it may be gathered that they were the southern branch of the ruling family, the possessions of the kindred race of Constantine the First probably bringing the latter into more immediate contact with the northern division of the nation. Upon the extinction of the line of Aodh in the person of Constantine the Third, Malcolm the Second appears as the leader of the southern interest, and whilst the children of Kenneth MacDuff eventually became connected with the hereditary enemies of their race, Malcolm, in pursuance of the traditional policy of the south, allied himself with the House of Atholl, annexed Strath Clyde to the crown, and followed up the conquests of Indulf, and the attempts of his own father, Kenneth, upon the neighbouring possessions of the Northumbrian Ealdormen. The preponderance of the south was greatly increased during his reign, and as the conquests of Angus and his successors centred the royal authority in one ruling family, so the great additions made to the territory of the crown during the reign of Kenneth and his son Malcolm fixed that authority in the House of Atholl. The northern policy of these kings was reversed by their descendant Duncan, the result costing him his crown and his life; but a period was now approaching when the lengthened reign of an abler prince was to redeem the incapacity or misfortunes of the first of his House, to extend the power of the crown still further over the hostile provinces of the north, and to bequeath to his descendants a more compact and powerful kingdom, which they were destined gradually to knit together in the iron bonds of feudalism.

The early years of the reign of Malcolm have escaped the notice of the chroniclers of his age, and there is nothing to be recorded beyond the death of Thorfin Sigurdson, [Sidenote: A. D. 1064.] when the dominions of the Jarl reverted to his two sons, whilst Ingebiorge, his widow, became the wife of the youthful king.[150] Ever since the days of Ethelred and Edwin, when the princes of Deira and the race of Ida contended for the dominion of Northumbria, the territories of the Picts and Scots had afforded a frequent asylum to all whom the chances of war or of political intrigue banished from the land of the Saxon; but in the troubled and distracted period then impending over England, the neighbouring kingdom beyond the Tweed was destined to receive a band of more than usually illustrious exiles. The first amongst the fugitives who sought the protection of the Scottish king was Tosti, Earl of Yorkshire and Northumberland. [Sidenote: A. D. 1061.] A friendship had long existed between the king and the earl, who were united in the bonds of “sworn brotherhood,” a tie which seems to have been no obstacle to the attacks of Malcolm upon the earldom of his sworn brother when the latter was absent upon a pilgrimage to Rome; though it may have softened the resentment of the earl, who passed over unnoticed this foray on the people of his earldom, whom he plundered and oppressed, on his own part, with scarcely less hostility, under a show of rightful authority. At length in the autumn of 1065 the whole of the north of England rose against their earl, put to death the ministers of his tyranny--descendants of the Anglo-Danes--and chose Morkar, the brother of Edwin, Earl of Mercia, in his place; whilst Tosti, escaping with difficulty from the first outbreak of their fury, took refuge with his wife at the Court of Flanders. Here he organized a plan for winning back his earldom, and sailing along the English coasts in the following March, he swept some booty from the Isle of Wight, but failing in an attempt to plunder Lindesey, where he was met and defeated by his rival Morkar, he was obliged to seek the protection of his old ally Malcolm. The Scottish king, however, does not appear to have shared in the intrigues of Tosti, nor did he take any part in the memorable expedition of the Earl and Harald Hardrade against England, resulting, [Sidenote: A. D. 1066.] as is well known, in the defeat and death of both invaders in the battle of Stamford Bridge.[151]

Some years elapsed after his victory at Hastings before the power of the conqueror was thoroughly established throughout the northern provinces of England, and even then it is doubtful whether it ever extended, except in a qualified degree, over the modern county of Cumberland, or over Northumbria beyond the Tyne.[152] He was well aware of the secret disaffection existing amongst the magnates of his new people, but it formed no part of his policy to drive them in a body into open rebellion, and they were retained in a species of honourable captivity at his court, or accompanied him in his expeditions into Normandy--nominally indeed as dignified retainers, but in reality as hostages for the peace of their respective districts--whilst year after year saw one or more of the nobles of English birth incarcerated or put to death on one pretext or another. The vengeance of William might be postponed, but it was never forgotten, nor did he ever pass over an opportunity of crushing the man whom his sagacious but unsparing policy had once marked as dangerous.

[Sidenote: A. D. 1068.]

It was to avoid some such ebullition of William’s wrath, that, in the summer of 1068, Edgar the Atheling, with his mother and two sisters, and many of the northern lords who had supported his claims after the death of Harold, deemed it expedient to cross the borders into Scotland. There appears to have been an abortive attempt at a rising in that year in which the fugitives may have been implicated, and, to curb the disaffection of the men of Morkar’s earldom, William built two castles at York, garrisoning them with a strong detachment of Norman soldiery. [Sidenote: A. D. 1069.] In the ensuing winter he dispatched Robert Comyn, the first of a name destined to become celebrated in the annals of the neighbouring kingdom, to preserve order amongst the turbulent Northumbrians beyond the Tyne; [Sidenote: 28th Jan.] but the Norman baron was surprised and slain at Durham, before he reached his earldom, out of seven hundred of his followers but one escaping with life. The perpetrators of this outrage then marched upon York, taking with them Edgar, who had joined them from Scotland, and were entering into a negotiation with the citizens of that place, when they were discomfited by the sudden arrival of William from the south, who gave up the city to be plundered, as a punishment for the disaffection of its inhabitants.[153]

[Sidenote: Sept.]

The arrival of two hundred and forty ships in the Humber, under the command of Jarl Osbern, the Danish king’s brother, summoned Edgar and his partizans in the following autumn to make one more effort to free their native land from the Norman yoke, even at the cost of delivering it to the Danes; and the united armies, marching upon York, stormed the two Norman castles, putting more than three thousand soldiers to the sword, when the Danes, satisfied with the amount of their success, returned at once to their ships, whilst Edgar and his adherents lost no time in again retiring beyond the Tyne. On receiving the intelligence of the destruction of his castles, and the lamentable slaughter of his men, William swore to exact a fearful vengeance, and with unflinching rigour he fulfilled his oath. He soon discovered the proper weapons for combating Jarl Osbern, who was ready to sacrifice the interest of his brother for his own personal emolument; and it was secretly arranged that the hostilities of the Danish admiral should be limited during the winter to pillaging the coast, and that in the following spring he should return to Denmark without offering any serious opposition to the movements of the Norman king. Secure against attack from Jarl Osbern, William marched to the north, giving over the whole country between the Humber and the Tyne throughout the ensuing winter to the unbridled license of his soldiery.[154]

[Sidenote: A. D. 1070.]

With the approach of spring he returned to the south, to institute a searching and rigorous scrutiny into the coffers of the English monasteries; but scarcely were the inhabitants of the devastated provinces relieved from the presence of the Norman army, than they were destined to experience a repetition of their sufferings from a sudden invasion of the Scots. In the confusion of the period Malcolm had seized upon Cumberland, retaining it hitherto by open force, and its possession enabling him to penetrate into England without crossing the territories of his Northumbrian allies, he poured his followers down the Vale of Teesdale into the North Riding of Yorkshire. At a spot known as “the Hundred Springs,” long since covered by the luxuriant woods of Castle Howard, he reached the limits of his incursion, and dispatching homewards a portion of the army laden with the plunder of the expedition, he sought to entice the population of the districts which had hitherto been spared, from the caves and forests to which they had hurriedly fled on the first tidings of his inroad. The stratagem of the Scottish leader was only too successful, and the miserable inhabitants of Cleveland, Hartness, and the eastern coasts of Durham, were soon startled from their fancied security by the unexpected approach of the very army which they had vainly imagined to have quitted the country, and to have been already far advanced on its homeward march towards the north.[155]

By this time, however, the confederates, in whose behalf Malcolm had taken up arms, had ceased to be formidable to the English king. The Danish fleet, after plundering Peterborough, quitted the English coasts in June; and Osbern, meeting with his just reward, was banished from the court of his indignant brother Sweyne. Not a few of the insurgents had already made their peace with William--a similar transaction to that which had corrupted Osbern, purchasing for Cospatric the Earldom of Northumberland, on which he had claims through the descent of his mother from Earl Uchtred. The rest of the Northumbrian leaders were preparing to leave a country in which they could now no longer hope to dwell in safety; and Malcolm, upon his arrival at Wearmouth, found a vessel in the harbour with the Atheling on board, who, with his mother and his sisters, Siward Beorn, Merlesweyne, and others of his most faithful adherents, was only awaiting a favourable wind to quit for ever his native land. The Scottish king hastened to assure the illustrious exiles of a welcome reception at his own court, and his offer of an asylum was readily accepted, though the courtesy of Malcolm towards the representatives of Anglo-Saxon royalty tended very little to alleviate the sufferings of their subjects. The work of destruction proceeded as before, and the king was contemplating the burning ruins of St. Peter’s Church, fired by his own retainers, when intelligence arrived that Earl Cospatric was signalizing his newly-born fidelity to the English king at the expense of the Scottish possessions in Cumberland. The fury of Malcolm knew no bounds; but a few months had elapsed since Scotland had sheltered Cospatric from William’s vengeance; and her king, during his recent inroad, had purposely abstained from any outrage upon the territory of Northumberland. Hitherto plunder had been the object of the Scottish army, but henceforth their aim was revenge; and though the walls of Bamborough sheltered Cospatric with the spoils of wasted Cumberland, his earldom was open to fire and sword, and dearly did its devoted inhabitants rue the untoward zeal with which their earl had repaid his recent appointment. No mercy was shown to either age, sex, or infancy; all who escaped the massacre were driven in crowds along the homeward path of the invaders; and though multitudes of the captives perished miserably by the way, enough survived to satisfy the cupidity of their captors, and to supply every hovel beyond the Borders with slaves of English race.[156]

An incalculable amount of misery and loss of human life resulted from these northern wars; for not a village was left standing between York and Durham, nor for nine years was any attempt made at cultivation over a space of sixty miles and upwards. _Waste_ is the term ominously affixed in Domesday to all the possessions of Edwin, Morkar, and the northern prelates, as well as to the lands of Waltheof and Cospatric, of Siward Beorn, and Merlesweyne; and a province, once flourishing and prosperous, became the haunt of beasts of prey, wild cattle, and outlaws. To add still more to the wretchedness of the period, a partial dearth, which had arisen from the ravages of William, was increased by the events of the two succeeding years, until it became a famine of the most intense description. Many sold themselves to slavery to escape starvation; others were reduced to support life by the most revolting substitutes for their accustomed food, such as carrion and human flesh; houses and streets were filled with the unburied bodies of the dead, none stopping to perform the last offices of interment; and the roadsides were covered with dying wretches, perishing in a vain attempt to seek a refuge in exile. Multitudes of every class abandoned their native land during this frightful period of misery and despair; Scotland became their asylum and adopted home, and in the veins of many of the bravest and noblest of her sons, there flowed, in after times, the best and purest blood of ancient Northumbria.[157]

An additional stimulus must have been afforded to this emigration by the union of Malcolm, after his return from the south, with Margaret, one of the sisters of the Atheling. History has left no record of the fate of Ingebiorge, and possibly she was no longer living, though her death is by no means necessarily to be implied from the second marriage of Malcolm, as a laxity in the dissolution of the marriage tie was not confined to the Gaelic people alone at that period.[158] Margaret is said to have been at first averse to the marriage, not for any personal dislike to her future husband, but because the misfortunes of her country and of her family had sunk deeply into her heart, inclining her to seek a refuge in the cloister, to which her sister Christina subsequently retired. But the advantages of the connection with the Scottish king were too obvious to be overlooked; her scruples were at length overcome by her brother and his followers, and her gentle disposition and sincere piety were destined to exercise a mild and beneficent influence over the characters of her husband and her youthful family.[159]

The English king was occupied during the following year in repressing the rebellion of Edwin and Morkar, [Sidenote: A. D. 1071.]and in crushing the attempt made by the latter earl to maintain a stand in conjunction with Hereward, Siward Beorn, and Aylwyn bishop of Durham, amid the fens and marshes surrounding Ely; but the invasion of Malcolm was neither forgotten nor forgiven, and towards the close of the next summer [Sidenote: A. D. 1072. August.] William marched to the north with a formidable array of mounted chivalry, supported by a numerous fleet, in the full determination of exacting vengeance, both for the open hostility of the Scottish king, and for the support invariably afforded in the same quarter to his disaffected subjects beyond the Humber. If he had expected to find any of the insurgents in Scotland, he was doomed, on this occasion, to disappointment, as they had undoubtedly escaped elsewhere on the first rumours of the magnitude of the expedition.[160] Edgar was apparently in Flanders,[161] a country which, ever since the accession of Robert the Frison, had become the asylum of all who fled from the wrath of the Conqueror; as the connection of the count, by marriage, with the Danish and French kings, both at enmity with the king of England, as well as the assistance rendered by William to the nephew of Robert in his attempts upon the appanage of his uncle, caused a ready welcome to be accorded in Flanders to all who were disposed to assist the count in his attacks upon the duchy of Normandy.

When William had penetrated as far as Abernethy in the county of Fife[162] he was met by the army of his adversary; but as neither king was really anxious to proceed to extremities, before long they mutually agreed to the following arrangement. Malcolm received a grant of certain manors in England, with the promise of a yearly payment of twelve marks of gold, performing the usual homage in return for the grant of English fiefs, and giving up Duncan, his son by his former marriage, as a hostage for the fulfilment of his obligations.[163] The Conqueror then retraced his steps to the south. His predominance in the north at length established, Cospatric could be safely taxed, both with his alleged connivance in the death of Robert Comyn, and with his actual presence at the storm of the castles of York. Neither of these charges had interfered with his advancement to the earldom of Northumberland when it had been the aim of William to detach a formidable opponent from the ranks of his enemies; nor did his innocence of the first crime avail him now, and his fief was given to Waltheof, whose feats at York upon the same occasion, where he long defended the gate with his single arm, cutting down the Normans one after another as they entered, were for the present either pardoned or overlooked. Cospatric escaped by a timely flight, and after a brief residence in Flanders, rejoined his countrymen in Scotland, where he received from Malcolm, who seems to have forgotten his former resentment against the Earl, the important fortress of Dunbar with an ample portion of the surrounding territory, and he became the ancestor of the noble family of Dunbar, long prominent amongst the barons of southern Scotland as Earls of Lothian or the March.[164]

[Sidenote: A. D. 1073.]

Not long after the treaty of Abernethy, Edgar returned from the continent to Scotland, where, though he was received with every mark of honour and respect by his sister and her husband, Malcolm earnestly pressed upon him the advantage of accepting the castle of Montreuil, offered by the king of France for the purpose of establishing a troublesome neighbour in the vicinity of the Norman possessions of their mutual foe. Edgar accordingly once more left Scotland laden with the costly presents of his relatives, but like most men of his character the Atheling was doomed to misfortune, and ere long Scotland again received him, a shipwrecked and homeless wanderer. It was no part of the policy of Malcolm to risk the vengeance of the Conqueror in fruitless attempts at assisting his feeble brother-in-law, and he now strongly advised him to tender his submission to the English king. It was accepted most willingly; and with much empty ceremony and parade, Edgar was conducted to the English frontier, and from thence to Normandy, where he resigned his pretensions to the English crown, and passed the remainder of his life, for the most part, in indolent and peaceful insignificance.[165]

Every cause for hostility between the English and Scottish kings was removed for a time by the relinquishment of Edgar’s claims upon the English crown, and Malcolm was at liberty to turn his attention to internal policy, and to establish his authority, and secure it more firmly, over the northern provinces of his dominions. The deaths of Macbeth, and of his successor Lulach, had crushed without extinguishing the hopes of the rival family; but though their pretensions were again revived by Lulach’s son Malsnechtan, fortune continued adverse to the men of Moray, and a sanguinary and decisive victory, [Sidenote: A. D. 1077.] in which Malcolm is said to have “won the mother of Malsnechtan, all his best men, his treasures and his cattle,” confirmed the superiority of the king. This solitary passage in the Saxon chronicle is the only indication of the occurrence of any contest in the north of Scotland during the course of Malcolm’s reign; though probably the battle thus recorded by the chronicler of a different people, who adds that, “God’s justice was done upon Malsnechtan, for he was all forsworn,” effectually established the royal authority over the dominions of the hostile Mormaors. Malsnechtan, indeed, survived his overthrow to “die in peace,” a few years afterwards, [Sidenote: A. D. 1085.] when the title of “king of Moray,” conferred upon him by the Irish annalist, implies (if correct) a partial independence; but as there can be no doubt about the foundation of Mortlach before the date of his death, the surrounding territory must have been by this time annexed to the crown, and the influence of the Moray family must henceforth have been confined to the westward of the Spey.[166]

[Sidenote: A. D. 1079.]

Two years after his successes in the north Malcolm again crossed his southern frontiers with a hostile army; and, as at the time of this inroad William was contending in Normandy against his eldest son, it is doubtful whether the incursion was intended to effect a diversion in favour of Robert, always a warm friend of the Scottish monarch, or whether it was simply dictated, in the absence of the English king, by a wish to sweep the country to the Tyne. William was very shortly reconciled with his son, whom he dispatched with an army in the following autumn [Sidenote: A. D. 1080.] to make reprisals for the invasion of the Scots; but either from a want of ability, or from a secret feeling in favour of Malcolm, Robert retreated without effecting anything beyond a fruitless march to Falkirk; on his return southwards laying the foundations of a new castle on the Tyne--the first link in the chain of border fortresses destined to defend the English frontier from the ever ready attacks of the Scots--around which the future capital of Northumberland eventually grew into existence.[167]

[Sidenote: A. D. 1087.]

The two king’s were never destined to meet again. The stern soul of the Conqueror was touched upon his deathbed with some feelings of remorse for the numerous captives whom he had so long retained in hopeless confinement, and he left directions to his sons to release, after his death, all prisoners of state, and others whom motives of policy had hitherto kept under restraint. Amongst the hostages set at liberty were Malcolm’s son Duncan, and Ulf the son of Harold, whose good fortune made Robert the arbiter of their fate; and the Duke of Normandy, with an honourable regard for the wishes of the dead, not only carried out the intentions of his deceased father, but conferred upon them both the dignity of knighthood, dismissing them with presents and marks of honour from his court; whilst the other prisoners, less fortunate, were retained in close custody by Rufus.[168]

[Sidenote: A. D. 1091.]

Four years after the death of the Conqueror, when the contest between his sons was brought to a temporary conclusion upon the pacification between William and Robert, Edgar the Atheling was expelled from the lands assigned to him in Normandy by the late king, and was once more driven to seek a refuge in Scotland. Malcolm again espoused his cause, and partly, perhaps, in the hope of enforcing by a hostile demonstration the restoration of the Conqueror’s grant of manors, which appears to have been withheld by his successor, he marched a numerous army across the frontier in early spring, advancing as far as Chester le Street on his route to Durham; but upon learning that the whole country was in arms to oppose his progress, he lost no time, as his purpose was anticipated, in returning at once to Scotland.[169]

Intelligence of this fruitless inroad reaching William in Normandy, determined his return to England, and crossing the Channel with his brother Robert, he dispatched a powerful fleet along the coast, and prepared to follow in his father’s footsteps, and to march with his Norman chivalry to the north. But the English king had miscalculated the difficulties he would have to encounter, and though the summer was already far advanced before he returned to England, unlike his politic predecessor, who was always capable of postponing his vengeance to the proper season, he pushed forward his preparations for an immediate attack upon his enemy. Michaelmas passed away before he commenced his march, and when he reached the north, towards the close of autumn, his fleet was dispersed by a violent storm, and many of his horses had perished from cold and hunger in traversing the wastes yet stamped with the traces of his father’s vengeance. Instead of declining a contest as before, Malcolm, who was aware of his adversary’s situation, advanced into Lothian to meet the invaders; but a collision was prevented by the intervention of Robert, who, sending for the Atheling from the Scottish camp, arranged, with his assistance, a renewal of the treaty of Abernethy. Edgar was reconciled to William on the same occasion, accompanying him to England on his return to the south; but before Christmas both Robert and the Atheling retired in disgust from the English court, as the promises of the king remained in every case unfulfilled.[170]

[Sidenote: A. D. 1092.]

Another bulwark against the inroads of the Scots was erected in the following year, when William, marching into Cumberland, or _Northumbria_ as it is called by the northern chroniclers, drove out Dolfin, who then possessed the land, and rebuilt and fortified Carlisle, which had lain in ruins since the days of Halfdan, peopling the neighbourhood with a body of peasantry collected from other parts of the country.[171] In spite of the non-fulfilment of William’s promises, Malcolm had as yet proceeded to no open act of hostility, and many of the leading men in England were anxious to carry out the intentions of Robert, and to secure a firm and lasting peace on terms honourable to both kings, and beneficial to their respective subjects. The illness of William in the year after his expedition into Cumberland, appeared a favourable opportunity for effecting an arrangement, as the fear of approaching death had softened the harshness of his character, and inclined him to listen to the entreaties of his advisers, who urgently implored him to repair his previous injustice; and accordingly, when Malcolm sent to demand the completion of their treaty, William named Gloucester as the place of meeting, delivered hostages for the safety of the Scottish king during his absence from his own country, and deputed Edgar Atheling to conduct his relative with all befitting honour to the English court.[172]

[Sidenote: A. D. 1093. 11th Aug.]

In his progress towards the south Malcolm assisted at the foundation of a new church at Durham, and his presence at the ceremony marks the connection which appears to have grown up since the annexation of Lothian--and still more since the marriage of Margaret--between the inhabitants of the northern counties and their Scottish neighbours, before the frontier line of fortresses springing up along the borders effectually severed the last links connecting the divisions of the ancient Bernician kingdom. [Sidenote: 24th Aug.] Towards the close of August he arrived at Gloucester, but William was no longer on a bed of sickness, and his transient penitence, with the apparent amelioration in his character, having passed away on the return of health, Malcolm found the English king more haughty and exacting than ever. Admission to the royal presence was contemptuously denied him, and he was commanded to “do right” in the English court, and according to the judgment of the English barons alone. To have yielded to this demand would have at once placed the king of Scotland on a footing with the English barons as “his Peers,” and would have been tantamount to an admission of his absolute and unconditional dependence upon the English crown. Exasperated at the affront, Malcolm indignantly refused compliance, promptly asserting “that the kings of Scotland were wont to do right to the kings of England upon the frontiers of the two kingdoms, and according to the united judgment of the Peers of both realms;” and having thus maintained his entire independence of the English king, he departed in open hostility from his court.[173]

Hastily collecting an army on his return to his own country, Malcolm again crossed the frontier before the close of autumn, and in spite of the warnings of his anxious queen, [Sidenote: November.] headed his followers in person to revenge upon the soil of England the insult of her haughty sovereign. The forebodings of Margaret were destined to be too fatally fulfilled, Malcolm perishing on the 13th of November on the banks of the river Alne; and although the manner of his death is involved in some obscurity, there is little doubt that it was effected by treachery. His ostensible opponent was Robert de Mowbray, at that time Earl of Northumberland, but the death-blow was dealt by Morel of Bamborough, to whom he had once been bound by the ties of the closest and most familiar friendship.[174] Edward, the eldest of the sons of Margaret, and acknowledged as his father’s heir, fell mortally wounded on the same fatal occasion, dying a few days afterwards at a place in Jedwood forest long known as “Edward’s Isle;” whilst the Scottish host, dismayed at their double loss, returned in confusion to their own country, many perishing by the sword in their disorderly flight, but more losing their lives in attempting to cross the rivers swollen into torrents at that late season of the year. The body of the king, abandoned by his followers, was found upon the field of battle by two peasants, who cast it carelessly on a cart and brought it into Tynemouth, where the royal corpse was consigned to an obscure tomb--a judgment, in the eyes of the historian of Durham, for the injuries inflicted by the living king on that very place--until about twenty years afterwards, when it was removed by the filial piety of the first Alexander to his native land, and the ashes of the warlike Malcolm at length reposed in peace by the side of his sainted queen in Dunfermline.[175]

Thus died Malcolm Ceanmore in the six-and-thirtieth year of a long and prosperous reign. An able king, and a bold and fearless warrior, the traits that have been preserved of his private character evince the kindliness of disposition, and the frank generosity, which not unfrequently adorn so gracefully the character of a brave man. Though as ignorant of letters as most of his contemporaries, he loved to choose the books which were the favourite study of his queen, and to cause them to be emblazoned with gold and jewels as a testimony of his affection and esteem; and when in the exercise of the lavish almsgiving for which the royal Margaret was renowned, she would unhesitatingly resort to the personal property of the king, after exhausting her own resources, Malcolm, on discovering his loss, would merely tax her laughingly with the theft.[176] According to an anecdote related by his son David, he once received an intimation that a nobleman, whose arrival at court was daily expected, had agreed with his enemies to attempt his assassination. Strict secrecy was enjoined upon the informant, and on the appearance of the visitor a royal hunt was proclaimed; the king contriving, in assigning his position to each sportsman, to separate himself from all the party with the exception of the suspected noble, whom he then taxed with his intended crime, bidding him on the spot, where there was none to see or to interfere, enact the part of a brave foe rather than of a base and cowardly assassin. Overwhelmed with shame and remorse, the nobleman threw himself at the feet of his intended victim, entreating forgiveness for his treachery; and the pardon was as freely bestowed by the generous king as the combat on equal terms had been frankly proffered.[177]

The history of Malcolm’s career would be incomplete without an allusion to one who exercised so great an influence over his court and people as Queen Margaret. Firmly convinced of the infallibility of his queen, whom he appears to have regarded as the incarnation of all that was pure and holy upon earth, the king submitted to her guidance implicitly in all matters connected with religion; and Margaret, conscious of her own learning and eloquence, and perhaps not unwilling to display her undoubted talents, frequently summoned the clergy to meet in council, and laid before them her opinions on the state of the Scottish church; Malcolm on such occasions acting as interpreter, and supporting her views on ecclesiastical subjects with all the weight of his own temporal authority.[178] Her piety was fervent and sincere, though imbued with much of the formalism of the age. Every morning a certain number of poor were ranged in front of the palace, and it was the first daily duty of the king and queen to wash their feet, and to supply them with food and clothing. Every night Margaret arose for midnight prayer, and the severity of the discipline to which she chose to subject herself, laid the foundation of a painful and lingering disease which eventually shortened her life. But her influence was not confined to matters of religion alone, and it was through Margaret that pomp and ceremonial were first introduced at the Scottish court, the king no longer riding out without a royal escort, nor regaling his nobility in the rude fashion of his ancestors, but astonishing them with a display of gold and silver plate.[179] A corresponding degree of magnificence was encouraged amongst the courtiers, foreign traders were invited to bring their rich and varied wares to Scottish ports, whilst it was signified that all who wished to earn the royal favour must become purchasers of the costly novelties.[180] In short, to the influence of Margaret may be attributed the foundation of that change, which gradually converted the king of Scotland from a rude and simple chieftain, surrounded by congenial and semi-barbarous followers, into a feudal monarch in the midst of a knightly and chivalrous court. The impress of her character is very visible in the dispositions and qualities of her children; and if from her they inherited the love of ostentation and display, which seems to have been the foible of their amiable mother, it must not be forgotten that from her also they derived the purity of life for which they were all alike distinguished, and which was so eminent a feature in the character of a queen, in whose presence not even a word that could give offence was ever known to have been uttered.

The disastrous intelligence of the battle reached Margaret after her health had been long impaired, less by age, for she was scarcely past the prime of life, than by a painful disorder brought on by the austerities of the fasts, and penances, dictated by her fervent though mistaken piety. The departure of the king with her elder sons, upon their last unfortunate expedition, had already oppressed her mind with a gloomy foreshadowing of the future; and when, on the third day after the catastrophe, her son Edgar stood by her couch, in his expressive silence she divined her loss, and bowed in submission to the blow. But the shock was too great for her enfeebled frame, and sinking at once under the intelligence, upon the same day on which the fatal tidings arrived, she calmly and peacefully breathed her last, and death released her from her sorrows.[181]

Six sons and two daughters were the offspring of the marriage between Malcolm and Margaret. Edward, the eldest, perished with his father, and Ethelred, created Abbot of Dunkeld and Earl of Fife, appears to have survived his parents for a very short time: Edmund died in an English cloister, a penitent and mysterious recluse; Edgar, Alexander, and David, lived to wear, in succession, the crown of Scotland. Of the two daughters, Editha was destined by Malcolm to be the wife of Alan, Count of Bretagne, but she eventually became the queen of Henry of England, who had long been attached to the Scottish princess, and claimed her as his bride immediately upon his accession to the throne. Many blamed Archbishop Anselm for countenancing the marriage, as they believed that Editha had taken the vows of a nun; but she convinced the archbishop of their mistake, and her words throw a curious light on the severe discipline to which she was subjected under the rule of her mother’s sister, the stern abbess of Romsey, as well as on the perils to which even a lady of her exalted rank was exposed, in these stormy times, from the licence of the Norman conquerors.[182] “I never took the veil,” said the princess, “but when I was quite a young girl, trembling under the rod of my aunt Christina, whom you must recollect, she used to place a little black hood on my head, to protect me from the lawless insolence of the Normans; and when I tore it off she would beat me cruelly, scolding me during the punishment in the harshest language. So in her presence I wore the black hood in tears and trembling; but when my father saw it he would pluck it from my head in a rage, imprecating the wrath of Heaven on the hand that placed it there, and adding that he intended me for Count Alan’s bride, and not for a sisterhood of nuns.”[183] She changed her name to Matilda in compliment to her husband’s mother, and her memory was long venerated amongst the English people, who fondly remembered her as “good Queen Maud.”[184] Mary, the younger daughter, after the marriage of her sister with Henry, was united to Eustace, Count of Boulogne, by whom she left an only child, also named Matilda, the heiress of her father’s earldom, which she brought as her dowry to Stephen of Blois, afterwards king of England.