Chapter XIV: Part 14

To understand Mr. Webster's position on the question of the tariff, one must remember that he insisted upon the principle that the question of the tariff was purely a business question, and that it was to be determined by the conditions affecting business. Up to this time Webster had opposed Protection, but now as the business of New England required assistance, he boldly stood forth as the champion of a Protective Tariff. It was in connection with the tariff legislation of 1816, 1824, and 1828 that the monster Nullification--carefully disguised until 1830--had its birth. In this year it was found stalking abroad, and in the halls of Congress menacing the bulwark of our liberties--the Constitution of the country. It fell to the lot of Mr. Webster to grapple with this monster and to strangle it in his giant grasp.

On the 29th of December, 1829, Senator Foot of Connecticut moved a resolution in regard to the Public Lands, and a long and weary discussion followed until Mr. Hayne, a Senator from South Carolina, on June 19, 1830, took part and introduced a new element into the discussion by making an elaborate attack on the New England States. Mr. Webster had taken no special interest in the question, and on the day in which Mr. Hayne began his speech he was engaged in the Supreme Court, but came into the Senate in season to hear the closing paragraphs. Thinking that such an attack upon New England required a reply, Mr. Webster at once rose, but yielded to a motion to adjourn. On the next day, the 20th, Mr. Webster proceeded with his reply, in which he showed the absurdity of Hayne's accusations and by which he completely shattered his whole elaborate argument. There was hardly an allusion in Mr. Webster's speech to the question of the tariff as it concerned South Carolina, but so aroused was Hayne by Webster's defence of New England, that on the following day he spoke a second time and in a tone of even greater severity and bitterness than that which marked his previous speech; he indulged in personal allusion to Mr. Webster, and strove to bring odium upon him and the State which he represented; he openly espoused the cause of Nullification and declared war upon the tariff. Before he concluded the Senate adjourned until the 25th, when he completed his speech; Mr. Webster immediately rose to reply, but as it was late yielded to a motion to adjourn. Mr. Hayne's speech had caused the greatest alarm throughout the North; many were afraid that it was unanswerable. This was an evidence that the true nature of the Constitution was not thoroughly understood. "It is a critical moment," said Mr. Bell of New Hampshire to Mr. Webster on the morning of the 26th, "and it is time, it is high time, that the people of this country should know what this Constitution _is_." "Then," said Mr. Webster, "by the blessing of Heaven, they shall learn, this day, before the sun goes down, what I understand it to be." With this utterance upon his lips, he entered the Senate Chamber, which was already crowded. Every seat on the floor and in the galleries was occupied; the House of Representatives was deserted; the lobbies and staircases were packed. The vast audience was composed, on the one hand, of those who feared and trembled lest the rushing tide of hostility to the Constitution and the Union should sweep over the country; and on the other, of those who believed that New England had no champion strong enough to stand in the breach. This scene in the Senate Chamber is rivalled only by that in the House of Commons, when Burke, in 1774, stood forth as the defender of the American colonies. Such was the anxiety to hear the speech that all the ordinary preliminaries of senatorial action were postponed, and Mr. Webster began his "Second Speech on Foot's Resolution," better known as "The Reply to Hayne."

[1]P. 146, l. 10. 1. Mr. Webster rose with great calmness, and in the majesty of that personal presence which could cause the English navvy to shout as he saw him, "By Jove, there goes a king!" with a confidence in his own resources which was the result of experience, in a clear, calm, and firm tone pronounced this magnificent exordium which was such a piece of consummate art that its effect was electric; all who feared, and all who hated, knew that he was master of the situation.

[ 2] P. 147, l. 27. 1. When on the 21st Mr. Chambers asked that there be a delay to enable Mr. Webster, who had engagements out of the house, to be present, Mr. Hayne was unwilling to grant the request, saying that the gentleman (Mr. Webster) has discharged his fire in the presence of the Senate, and he wanted an opportunity to return it. Mr. Webster said, "Let the discussion proceed: I am ready now to receive the gentleman's fire."

[3] P. 149, l. 8. 1. The notes, covering only five sheets of ordinary letter paper, from which Webster developed the entire speech of seventy pages, contain no hint of the exordium, but begin with

"No man hurt. If his 'rankling' is relieved, glad of it."

"I have no 'rankling' fear, anger, consciousness of refutation."

"No 'rankling,' original, or received--bow not strong enough."

[4]L. 12. 2. Mr. Benton.

[5]L. 27. 3. Mr. Webster's preparation for this reply lay in the nature of his thought and reading from his first entrance into public life, and especially from the nature of the constitutional questions which he has argued before the Supreme Court of the United States.

[6]P. 152, l. 1. 1. Should not this be "_more_"?

[7]L. 24. 2. This was a political cry raised against President Adams, who was elected by the House of Representatives. Clay had been a candidate, and because Adams gave him a seat in his Cabinet, a cry went up that they had made a bargain, by which Mr. Clay's friends were to vote for Adams in the House, and in return Clay was to receive a Cabinet position. This was a piece of political clap-trap. Cf. _American Politics_, Johnston, Ch. XI.

[8]P. 155, l. 5. 1. If there had been a coalition and it was killed, it was killed by Calhoun, who threw all his influence against Adams and for Jackson. But at the time of this speech Calhoun was treated somewhat cavalierly by Jackson, and had not much reward in party succession.

[9]P. 157, l. 13. 1. "The Missouri Compromise." Cf. _American Politics_, Johnston, Ch. VIII.

[10]P. 162, l. 22. 1. This Convention of 1814 was composed of men of the old Federal party, strongly opposed to war with Great Britain. Cf. _American Politics_, Johnston, Ch. VIII.

[11]P. 170, l. 3. 1. The "South Carolina Canal & Railroad Company" had on Jan. 9, 1830, asked Mr. Webster to present its claims to government assistance.

[12]P. 179, l. 5. 1. Calhoun, Vice-President, and President of Senate.

[13]P. 180, l. 5. 1. Mr. Forsyth.

[14]L. 25. 2. Cf. Calhoun's speech in the House of Representatives in April, 1816.

[15]P. 182, l. 6. 1. Mr. McDuffie.

[16]P. 186, l. 12. 1. Letter of the Federal Convention to the Congress of the Confederation transmitting the plan of the Constitution.

[17]P. 188, l. 4. 1. Cf. Lodge's _Webster_, Ch. VI.

[18]P. 197, l. 1. 1. President Jackson, who had been an avowed Federalist all his life.

[19]L. 15. 2. A Portuguese prince, who led the revolutionists against the constitutional government.

[20]P. 198, l. 1. 1. A body of Federalists in Essex County, Massachusetts, strongly opposing the Embargo of 1807, and the War of 1812.

[21]P. 199, l. 24. 1. After the passage of the Tariff of 1828, the legislature of South Carolina set forth a "Protest" asserting the principle of Nullification.

[22]P. 203, l. 29. 1. "At the conclusion of this paragraph there was scarcely a dry eye in the Senate, the Massachusetts men shed tears like girls," _Reminiscence of Congress_, March.

[23]P. 205, l. 28. 1. A toast proposed at a Democratic dinner, April 30, 1830, in New York, in honor of Jefferson's birthday.

[24]P. 212, l. 16. 1. Senator Hillhouse of Connecticut.

[25]P. 214, l. 8. 1. The purpose of this Embargo was to retaliate on both Great Britain and France. In the commercial war waged by those two countries, the foreign trade of the United States was cut off. The Embargo fell with crushing weight upon New England.

[26]P. 227, l. 11. 1. _Paradise Lost_, Bk. I., l. 540.

[27]P. 228, l. 9. 1. The leader of the Whiskey Rebellion in Pennsylvania.

[28]P. 234, l. 9. 1. This celebrated peroration was entirely unpremeditated, there is no allusion to it in the "notes" of Mr. Webster. Mr. March says, "The exulting rush of feeling with which he went through the peroration threw a glow over his countenance like inspiration. Eye, brow, each feature, every line of the face, seemed touched as with celestial fire.... His voice penetrated every recess or corner of the Senate,--penetrated even the anterooms and stairways." Mr. Webster himself said: "I never spoke in the presence of an audience so eager and so sympathetic." Mr. Everett says: "Of the effectiveness of Mr. Webster's manner in many parts, it would be in vain to attempt to give any one not present the faintest idea. It has been my fortune to hear some of the ablest speeches of the greatest living orators on both sides of the water, but I must confess I never heard anything which so completely realized my conception of what Demosthenes was when he delivered the Oration for the Crown."

Mr. Lodge in his excellent review of the speech says: "The speech as a whole has all the qualities which made Mr. Webster a great orator. An analysis of the Reply to Hayne, therefore, gives us all the conditions necessary to forming a correct idea of Mr. Webster's eloquence, of its characteristics, and its value." Cf. Ch. VI., _Webster_, American Statesman Series. This book should be a constant companion of the student while reading these selections.

Dr. Francis Lieber wrote: "To test Webster's oratory, I read a portion of my favorite speeches of Demosthenes, and then read, always aloud, parts of Webster; then returned to the Athenian; and Webster stood the test." As a result of this great effort, Mr. Webster was overwhelmed with congratulations from all parts of the land. The speech was the universal theme of conversation, and there was a general demand for the printed copy. Probably no speech in history has had so many readers as the Reply to Hayne.

Cf. Healey's historical painting of the scene of this great debate, in Faneuil Hall; Curtis's _Life of Webster_, Ch. XVI.; Everett's _Memoir_, Vol. I. of Webster's Works; _Correspondence of Webster_, Vol. I., p. 488.

* * * * *

_THE MURDER OF CAPTAIN JOSEPH WHITE_.

August, 1830.

Almost immediately after the Reply to Hayne, Mr. Webster was engaged with the Attorney-General of Massachusetts in one of the most remarkable criminal cases on record, and on August 3d made the argument in the trial of John Francis Knapp for the murder of Captain Joseph White.

The following is a summary of the facts: On the night of the 6th of April, 1830, the town of Salem was visited by a desperado who entered the house of Joseph White, a wealthy and respectable citizen, and murdered him in his bed. The citizens formed a vigilance committee and worked without avail until there came a rumor that a prisoner in the New Bedford jail knew something of the affair. He was accordingly brought up before the grand jury, and on his testimony Richard Crowningshield, of Danvers, was indicted. A few weeks later Captain Joseph Knapp, a shipmaster of good character, received a strange note from Belfast, Maine, which was signed by Charles Grant, Jr. This note threatened exposure unless money was forwarded. Knapp could not understand it. He showed it to his sons, Francis and Joseph, Jr., who resided in Wenham. The wife of the latter was a niece of the late Mr. White, and was his housekeeper prior to the murder. When Joseph saw the letter he said it contained trash, and told his father to hand it to the vigilance committee. When they received the letter they sent to Belfast to find the writer. This proved to be one Palmer, who had been in state prison and who was intimate with Crowningshield. He said he saw, on the 2nd of April, Frank Knapp and a man, Allen, in company with Crowningshield, and that he heard the latter say that Frank Knapp wished them to kill Mr. White, and that Joseph Knapp would pay them one thousand dollars.

After the murder the Knapps reported that, on the 27th of April, they had been attacked by robbers on their way from Salem to Wenham. The purpose of this will be seen in what follows. On the testimony of Palmer the Knapps were held for investigation, and on the third day Joseph made a full confession of the murder and of the fabrication of the robbery story. He had found that Mr. White intended to leave his (Knapp's) wife but fifteen thousand dollars by will, and he thought that if he died intestate she would come in for one-half of the estate, as the sole representative of Mr. White's sister. Under this impression he determined to destroy the will. Frank agreed to hire the assassin, and he (Joseph) was to pay one thousand dollars for the deed. Crowningshield was hired; he entered the house by a window and committed the murder. So cool was he that, as he said, he paused to feel the pulse of the old man to be sure he was dead. Frank was waiting the issue, while Joseph, who had got the will, was in Wenham at his home. When Crowningshield heard that the Knapps were in custody, and that Joseph had confessed, he committed suicide in his cell.

At a special term of the Supreme Court at Salem, July 20th, indictments for murder were found against Francis Knapp as principal, and Joseph Knapp and George Crowningshield (a companion of Richard) as accessories. The trial of Francis took place August 3d, with Mr. Franklin Dexter and Mr. W. H. Gardner for the defence, and Mr. Webster assisting the Attorney-General in the prosecution.

[1]P. 239, l. 13. 1. Mr. Lodge says that this account of the murder and analysis of the workings of a mind, haunted with the remembrance of the horrid crime, must be placed among the very finest masterpieces of modern oratory. "I have studied this famous exordium," he says, "with extreme care, and I have sought diligently in the works of all the great modern orators, and of some of the ancient as well, for similar passages of higher merit. My quest has been in vain."

[2]P. 241, l. 23. 1. Mr. Webster's appearance for the prosecution gave rise to some complaints on the part of the defence, who intimated that he was in the interest of Mr. Stephen White, a residuary legatee of the murdered man. The fact was that both the Attorney-General and the Solicitor-General were old men, and had asked for Mr. Webster's assistance.

[3]P. 243, l. 20. 1. Chief Justice Parker.

[4]P. 248, l. 10. 1. Mr. Webster's presentation of the evidence is omitted. Cf. Webster's Complete Works, Vol. VI., p. 61.

Knapp was convicted as principal and sentenced to death. At the November term Joseph was convicted as accessory and sentenced to share the same fate. George Crowningshield proved an _alibi_, and was acquitted. The argument in the Goodridge case stands in marked contrast to this; and it must be conceded that, as a presentation of the law and the evidence, with no attempt to work upon the feelings of the jurymen, it is a work of higher quality. As a specimen of eloquence, of dramatic setting forth of the horror of such a deed, of the experiences of the criminal, and of the certainty that "murder will out," the argument has no equal in the language.

For a remarkable analysis of Mr. Webster's career as a lawyer, see Rufus Choate's address before the students of Dartmouth College in 1853 in "Memorial of Daniel Webster from the City of Boston."

* * * * *

_THE CONSTITUTION NOT A COMPACT_.

February, 1833.

Mr. Webster had intimated in his Reply to Hayne that South Carolina was playing a high game. There were some at that time who thought that he had sounded the note of alarm in too loud a strain; but when in November, 1832, the State Convention, assembled at Columbia, South Carolina, adopted an ordinance declaring the revenue laws of the United States null and void, the voice of the croakers ceased to be heard in the general excitement that filled the country. The Legislature assembled on the 27th, and the governor in his message said that "the die has been at last cast," and that the Legislature was called upon to make "such enactments as would make it utterly impossible to collect within our limits the duties imposed by the protective tariffs thus nullified." The Legislature passed acts providing that any one who should attempt to collect the revenue should be punished, and made it lawful to use the military force of the State to resist any attempt of the United States to enforce the tariff laws. Mr. Webster now had a very difficult and delicate task before him; he was bound to criticise the general tone of the administration of Jackson, for he believed that it had not met the needs of the country, and yet he was equally bound not to put himself in such antagonism as to prevent him from aiding the administration, should his aid be sought, against those who were determined to destroy the laws of the land. In the then impending presidental canvass he took the ground that President Jackson was in hostility to the idea of protection, and that therefore he could not be safely trusted with the executive power. But President Jackson, whatever had been his record on the question of the tariff, showed that he had no desire to shirk his duty, for he at once issued a proclamation, which embodied the principles maintained by Mr. Webster in his Reply to Hayne, and warned the authorities of South Carolina that all opposition to the laws of the United States would be put down. He thus served notice that treason was not to win by default of the President. Calhoun had resigned the vice-presidency and had taken his seat in the Senate, and it was known that such an act meant the attempt to raise the flag of nullification high in the Senate-chamber.

Mr. Webster was on his way to Washington when he heard of the prompt and decisive action of the President. At Philadelphia he met Mr. Clay, who told him that he had a plan for settling the difficulty by gradually reducing the tariff, and for levying duties "without regard to protection or encouragement of any branch of domestic industry." When Mr. Clay brought in his bill, it was not so strong as the one he had submitted to Mr. Webster a short time before, but yet Mr. Webster could not think of taking any step at such a time that would look like concession. The first thing to be done was to enforce the existing laws and sustain the administration by suitable legislation. There was to be no surrender of constitutional power. At the opening of the session the President asked Congress for the power to use the land and naval forces if necessary to enforce the laws. The committee to which the message was referred reported what is known as the "Force Bill," which granted the President the powers asked for. Some of the senators doubted that the President had such "daring effrontery" as to ask for such power. Mr. Webster said, "I will tell you gentlemen that the President _has_ had the 'daring effrontery' to ask for these powers, no matter how high may be the offence."

President Jackson had used very strong language against the leaders of Nullification, and this made many of the (Southern) administration senators hostile to the measures of the "Force Bill." When it was found that the President had called for the assistance of Mr. Webster, Mr. Calhoun became very uneasy, and at once sought for Mr. Clay, who promised to bring in his bill for reducing the tariff. On the 8th of February, Mr. Clay introduced the measure and claimed that its purpose was to save the tariff, which he considered to be in imminent danger. Mr. Webster, as was expected, opposed the bill and introduced a series of resolutions. On the two following days he was prevented from addressing the Senate on his resolutions because of the discussion of the "Force Bill," when Mr. Calhoun took the opportunity to expound the theory and practice of Nullification. The speech was in Mr. Calhoun's very best style of close, logical argument, with but little that made for eloquence. Calhoun was a master of logical method, and such was his skill in dovetailing together the elements of his speculations that he was a powerful antagonist. He had waited until most of the senators in opposition had spoken and then broke upon them and tore their arguments into shreds. It was an able supplement to the speech of Hayne and was likely to produce quite as much alarm, unless its position could be turned. Here were sown the seeds of secession which grew into that frightful civil war. By establishing the principle of the Union as but a confederacy of States the right of secession was assured.

Mr. Webster felt the importance of the occasion; he saw clearly the direction in which such appeals were sure to lead the people, and he at once determined to throw himself into the conflict. The doctrines which he had maintained in the Reply to Hayne had now taken strong hold of the people of the Central and Western States, and of many of the strongest public men of both parties; it was from this vantage ground that (on the 16th) he began his great speech known as "The Constitution not a Compact between Sovereign States."

[1]P. 275, l. 9. 1. Mr. Rives.

[2]P. 326, l. 27. 1. "The vital question went to the great popular jury. The world knows what the verdict was, and will never forget that it was largely due to the splendid eloquence of Daniel Webster when he defended the cause of nationality against the slave-holding separatists of South Carolina."--HENRY CABOT LODGE.

"Whoever," says Mr. Curtis, "would understand that theory of the Constitution of the United States which regards it as the enactment of a fundamental law must go to this speech to find the best and clearest exposition."

"Then and there," says Dr. Hudson, "it was that real battles of the Union were fought and won. For the cause had to be tried in the courts of legislative reason before it could come to trial on field of battle."

This speech is much less rhetorical than the Reply to Hayne. The subject was not a new one, nor was the condition of the public mind so feverish as in 1830; consequently the case required not so much an appeal to the emotions as to the reason. It has always been considered as the most compact, close, logical, and convincing of all Mr. Webster's speeches. The people have relied upon it from that day to this to teach them the principles of the Constitution: in it they find the origin, the history, and the purpose of our great national fabric. By this speech Webster placed himself upon the highest pinnacle of fame, and added to his title of first orator that of the greatest statesman of his time, winning the proud distinction of "Expounder, Commentator, and Defender of the Constitution." On the 12th of October, 1835, the citizens of Boston presented to Mr. Webster a massive silver vase in testimony of their gratitude for his services in defence of the Constitution against South Carolina Nullification.

It contained the following inscription:--

PRESENTED TO
DANIEL WEBSTER,
The Defender of the Constitution,
BY THE CITIZENS OF BOSTON,
Oct. 12, 1835.

In reply to the address of presentation Mr. Webster said:--

"In one respect, Gentlemen, your present oppresses me. It assigns to me a character of which I feel I am not worthy. 'The Defender of the Constitution' is a title quite too high for me. He who shall prove himself the ablest among the able men of the country, he who shall serve it longest among those who may serve it long, he on whose labors all the stars of benignant fortune shall shed their selectest influence, will have praise enough, and reward enough, if, at the end of his political and earthly career, though that career may have been as bright as the track of the sun across the sky, the marble under which he sleeps, and that much better record, the grateful breasts of his living countrymen, shall pronounce him 'the Defender of the Constitution.' It is enough for me, Gentlemen, to be connected, in the most humble manner, with the defence and maintenance of this great wonder of modern times, and this certain wonder of all future times. It is enough for me to stand in the ranks, and only to be counted as one of its defenders."

Cf. Curtis's _Life of Webster_, Ch. XIX.; Lodge's _Webster_, Ch. VII.; Address of Dr. Hudson on the Hundredth Anniversary of the Birth of Daniel Webster, June 18, 1882.

* * * * *

_SPEECH AT SARATOGA_.

August, 1840.

Mr. Webster had been in almost continual public service since 1813, and during that period the two great questions which demanded the attention of statesmen were the tariff and the currency. The history of the former is to be found in the Reply to Hayne and the Reply to Calhoun; the history of the latter, in that memorable series of speeches during the session of 1831-1833 on the policy of President Jackson regarding the United States Bank. Out of this great controversy the Whig party arose, and its first nominee for the presidency was William Henry Harrison in 1835, but the friends of Jackson were strong, and Van Buren was elected. He continued the financial policy of his predecessor, or at least made no effort to remedy the evils which it had brought upon the country. Mr. Webster gave himself to the task of exposing the financial heresies of the administration and of preventing further injurious legislation. In the summer of 1839 he visited England for rest, and was everywhere received with the honor due to his high position and his distinguished attainments; he received courtesies usually confined to ambassadors and foreign ministers. On his return he found that the Whigs had again nominated Harrison. Although he had reason to expect his own nomination, for this was the desire of _the people_, he at once threw himself into the campaign in support of the nominee. The people from all sections of the country wished to hear and see the man who had done such noble service for them in Congress. His speeches during this campaign are a fit supplement to those which he had just completed on the subject of the bank. The theme was essentially the same, but the audience was in many respects a more difficult one to reach. In the familiarity with financial questions Mr. Webster had shown himself second only to Hamilton himself, and in presenting the subject to a popular audience he reached the high-water mark of political oratory; there is no cant, no bluster, no personal abuse, but the dignity and simplicity of the simple and dignified friend of the people.

On the 19th of August, 1840, he addressed the citizens of New York in a mass meeting at Saratoga. Of all the great speeches of this campaign this best represents the mind and art of Mr. Webster, and is especially interesting in this year (1892) when essentially the same questions--the tariff and the currency--are before the people, and when the nominee of the party, which is the child of the old Whig party, is Benjamin Harrison.

[1]P. 331, l. 28. 1. The history of banking in the United States is interesting as a chapter in the general history of banking. It began with that great financier, Alexander Hamilton. When Secretary of the Treasury he conceived the plan of a great national bank, which should take charge of the disbursement of the revenues, and which should furnish a paper circulation,--founded on national resources,--which should be current all over the country. After a prolonged opposition by the Anti-federalists, who claimed that the establishment of such a bank would be unconstitutional, he prevailed upon Washington to sign the bill of incorporation, and in 1791 the bank began its work. It continued its existence until 1811, when the Anti-federalists refused to recharter it. Owing to the disordered currency resulting from the War of 1812, Mr. Madison brought the matter before Congress in his message, and in 1816 the second Bank of the United States was established.

[2]P. 333, l. 27. 1. Cf. Sumner's _Life of Andrew Jackson_, Chs. XIII., XIV.

[3]P. 334, l. 20. 1. In the session of 1831-1832 the bank applied for a new charter, and here began the great struggle with President Jackson. The bill to recharter the bank passed both Houses in 1832, and was vetoed by the President. Mr. Webster made a notable speech against the veto, and at once took the lead as an authority on questions of finance. The following year the President struck his hardest blow against the bank, by ordering the removal of the deposits. The Senate passed resolutions condemning the act, and Mr. Webster, on presenting resolutions to the same effect from Boston, made a most powerful speech in which he depicted the great commercial distress resulting from the removal and from the institution of State banks. Between the time of this speech and the close of the session he spoke on the subject of the bank and national finance over sixty times. No other such exhibition of intellectual power and grasp of intricate problems, united with commanding eloquence, has ever been made in our history. As a result of the censure by the Senate, the President sent a protest in which he argued that the Senate had exceeded its power. Mr. Webster replied to this in what is now considered the greatest of all his speeches during the great struggle.

[4]P. 335, l. 26. 1. After the removal of the deposits, effected by Jackson, State banks were formed in large numbers, and certain of these became deposit banks. The notes of State banks were used for the purchase of public lands from the United States, and the treasury was thus accumulating paper currency of doubtful value. The Secretary of the Treasury (1836) issued the so-called "Specie Circular," ordering the government agents to receive in future only gold and silver. Only those banks which held government revenue deposits could furnish coin, and widespread bankruptcy was the result.

[5]P. 337, l. 17. 1. Cf. Gay's _Life of James Madison_.

[6]P. 339, l. 9, 1. Jackson had never questioned the right of the government to regulate the currency, but had asserted it when he made certain State banks banks of deposit. Van Buren was obliged either to return to the policy of a national bank, or to renounce all rights of the Government to regulate the currency. He chose the latter, and by means of the "Sub-Treasury Scheme" completed the separation of "bank and State." The speech of Mr. Webster on the "Sub-Treasury" is the most complete and convincing of all his speeches on the right of the Government to regulate the currency.

[7]P. 346, l. 24. 1. Mr. Webster was living at this time at Marshfield, Massachusetts.

Cf. Curtis's _Life of Webster_, Chs. XIX.-XXIII.; Lodge's _Webster_, Ch. VII.; _Works of Daniel Webster_, Vols. III., IV.; _Private Correspondence of Daniel Webster_, Vol. II., p. 83.

* * * * *

_MR. JUSTICE STORY_.

September, 1845.

Of the many friends of Webster during his long political career, there was no one more constant in his attentions, more sympathetic in his judgments, or more helpful in his counsels than was Mr. Justice Story. Ever since they had acted together in the Massachusetts Convention in 1820 they had maintained for each other's character and attainments the most generous and cordial enthusiasm. The death of Mr. Story on the 10th of September, 1845, was a great affliction to Mr. Webster, and cast a gloom over his Marshfield home, where they had passed so many delightful hours together.

At a meeting of the Suffolk Bar held in the Circuit Court Room, on the morning of the 12th of September, the day of the funeral, Chief Justice Shaw having taken the chair and announced the object of the meeting, Mr. Webster pronounced the following noble and beautiful eulogium.

The following letter of dedication to the mother of Judge Story accompanied these remarks in the original edition:--

"BOSTON, September 15, 1845.

"Venerable Madam,--I pray you to allow me to present to you the brief remarks which I made before the Suffolk Bar, on the 12 instant, at a meeting occasioned by the sudden and afflicting death of your distinguished son. I trust, dear Madam, that as you enjoyed through his whole life constant proofs of his profound respect and ardent filial affection, so you may yet live long to enjoy the remembrance of his virtue and his exalted reputation.

"I am with very great regard, your obedient servant,

"DANIEL WEBSTER.

"To Madam Story."

[1]P. 358, l. 28. 1. Cf. _Life and Works of Judge Story_.

[2]P. 362, l. 10. 1. The following inscription, which Mr. Webster wrote with his own hand a short time before his death, and which he desired to have placed on his monument, is interesting in connection with these closing words of the eulogy:--

"LORD, I BELIEVE; HELP THOU
MINE UNBELIEF."

Philosophical
argument, especially
that drawn from the vastness of
the Universe, in comparison with the
apparent insignificance of this globe, has some-
times shaken my reason for the faith which is in me;
but my heart has always assured and reassured me, that the
Gospel of Jesus Christ must be a Divine Reality. The
Sermon on the Mount cannot be a merely human
production. This belief enters into the
very depth of my conscience.
The whole history of man
proves it.

DANIEL WEBSTER.

When he wrote the above, he said to a friend: "If I get well and write a book on Christianity, about which we have talked, we can attend more fully to this matter; but if I should be taken away suddenly, I do not wish to leave any duty of this kind unperformed. I want to leave somewhere a declaration of my belief in Christianity."

It was not Mr. Webster's custom to make a parade of his religious beliefs; he was simple, sincere, and unaffected in his religious life. That he was a lover and student of our English Bible, no one familiar with his thought and style needs to be told. Mr. Choate, in speaking of Webster's models in the matter of style, mentions Cicero, Virgil, our English Bible, Shakespeare, Addison, and Burke.

For the latest estimates of Webster's work the student should consult the following:

The Proceedings of the Webster Centennial, Dartmouth College (1902).

Address of Hon. Henry Cabot Lodge at the unveiling of the Webster Memorial in Washington, in the volume _The Fighting Frigate_ and other essays.

John B. McMaster's Life of Daniel Webster.