Chapter I: Part 1

THIS “O-P BOOK” IS AN AUTHORIZED REPRINT OF THE ORIGINAL EDITION, PRODUCED BY MICROFILM-XEROX BY UNIVERSITY MICROFILMS, INC., ANN ARBOR, MICHIGAN, 1961

WORKS ISSUED BY
The Hakluyt Society.

SIR FRANCIS DRAKE
HIS VOYAGE,
1595.

M.DCCC.XLIX.

THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY.

President.

SIR RODERICK IMPEY MURCHISON, G.C.St.S., F.R.S., Corr. Mem. Inst. Fr.,
Hon. Mem. Imp. Acad. Sc. St. Petersburg, &c., &c.

Vice-Presidents.

VICE-ADMIRAL SIR CHARLES MALCOLM, KT.
THE REV. H. H. MILMAN, M.A.

Council.

CHARLES T. BEKE, ESQ., PHIL. D., F.S.A.
CAPT. C. R. D. BETHUNE, R.N., C.B.
CAPT. F. P. BLACKWOOD, R.N.
MAJ.-GEN. J. BRIGGS, F.R.S.
BOLTON CORNEY, ESQ., M.R.S.L.
SIR HENRY ELLIS, K.H., F.R.S.
JOHN FORSTER, ESQ.
J. E. GRAY, ESQ., F.R.S.
JOHN WINTER JONES, ESQ.
R. H. MAJOR, ESQ.
R. MONCKTON MILNES, ESQ., M.P.
CHARLES NEWTON, ESQ.
REV. G. C. RENOUARD, M.A.
W. B. RYE, ESQ.
SIR ROBERT SCHOMBURGK.
ANDREW SMITH, ESQ., M.D.
SIR GEORGE T. STAUNTON, BART, M.P., F.R.S.

Honorary Secretary.

WILLIAM DESBOROUGH COOLEY, F.R.G.S.

Bankers.

MESSRS. BOUVERIE AND CO., 11, HAYMARKET.

THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY, which is established for the purpose of printing rare or unpublished Voyages and Travels, aims at opening by this means an easier access to the sources of a branch of knowledge, which yields to none in importance, and is superior to most in agreeable variety. The narratives of travellers and navigators make us acquainted with the earth, its inhabitants and productions; they exhibit the growth of intercourse among mankind, with its effects on civilization, and, while instructing, they at the same time awaken attention, by recounting the toils and adventures of those who first explored unknown and distant regions.

The advantage of an Association of this kind, consists not merely in its system of literary co-operation, but also in its economy. The acquirements, taste, and discrimination of a number of individuals, who feel an interest in the same pursuit, are thus brought to act in voluntary combination, and the ordinary charges of publication are also avoided, so that the volumes produced, are distributed among the Members (who can alone obtain them) at little more than the cost of printing and paper. The Society expends nearly the whole of its funds in printing works for the Members; and since the cost of each copy varies inversely as the whole number of copies printed, it is obvious that the Members are gainers individually by the prosperity of the Society, and the consequent vigour of its operations.

The Members are requested to bear in mind that the power of the Council to make advantageous arrangements, will depend, in a great measure, on the prompt payment of the subscriptions, which are payable in advance on the 1st January, and are received by

_The Secretary, WILLIAM DESBOROUGH COOLEY, 33, King-street, Bloomsbury; or at the LONDON LIBRARY, 12, St. James’s-square; and by T. RODD, 9, Great Newport-street, Leicester-square, who is the Society’s Agent for the delivery of its volumes._

Already Published.

The Observations of Sir Richard Hawkins, KNT.

In his Voyage into the South Sea in 1593. Reprinted from the
edition of 1622, and edited by Capt. C. R. DRINKWATER BETHUNE,
R.N., C.B.

SELECT LETTERS OF COLUMBUS,

With Original Documents relating to the DISCOVERY OF THE NEW
WORLD. Translated and Edited by R. H. MAJOR, Esq.

THE DISCOVERIE OF THE EMPIRE OF GUIANA,

By SIR WALTER RALEGH, KNT. Edited, with Copious Explanatory
Notes, and a Biographical Memoir, by SIR ROBERT H. SCHOMBURGK,
Phil. D., &c.

SIR FRANCIS DRAKE HIS VOYAGE, 1595,

By THOMAS MAYNARDE, together with the Spanish Account of
Drake’s Attack on Puerto Rico, edited from the Original MSS. by
W. D. COOLEY.

Works in Progress.

Narratives of Voyages made for the Discovery of a Passage by the Northwest to Cathaia and India, from A.D. 1490 to A.D. 1631, with Illustrations from unpublished MSS. by THOMAS RUNDALL.

Rerum Moscoviticarum Commentarii. The earliest Account of Russia, by Sigismund von Herberstein, to be translated from the rare editions of 1549 and 1556, by R. H. MAJOR, Esq.

The East India Voyage of Sir Henry Middleton, in 1604-5. From the rare edition of 1606, edited by BOLTON CORNEY, Esq.

Works Suggested to the Council for Publication.

TRADESCANT THE ELDER IN RUSSIA, 1618.—A Review of the early Voyages in the North, and of the origin of the Commercial Intercourse between England and Russia, by DR. J. HAMEL, 1847, to be translated from the German.

CARPINI AND RUBRUQUIS.—The Travels of John de Plano Carpini, and of Guillaume de Rubruquis, to the Great Khan of Tartary, in 1245 and 1253 respectively. Translated from the text published by the Société de Géographie of Paris.

FRESCOBALDI.—The Travels of Frescobaldi in Egypt and Syria, in 1384. Translated from the Italian text as edited by Manzi.

BÉTHENCOURT.—A History of the Discovery and Conquest of the Canary Islands, made by Jean de Béthencourt, in 1402-25. From the French Narrative of his Chaplains, Pierre Bontier and Jean le Verrier.

CA DA MOSTO.—The Voyages of Ca da Mosto along the Western Coast of Africa, in 1454. Translated from the Italian text of 1507.

VARTHEMA.—The Travels of Ludovico de Varthema, in Egypt, Syria, Arabia, Persia, India, and Ethiopia, in 1503-8. Translated from the Italian text of 1510.

DRAKE.—The _world encompassed_ by Sir Francis Drake, 1577-80. Written by Francis Fletcher, preacher, &c. Collated with a MS.

HAKLUYT.—Divers Voyages touching the Discovery of America and the Islands adjacent to the same. From the rare edition of 1582.

VIRGINIA.—Virginia in the years 1584-1600; comprising the Narratives of Arthur Barlowe, Ralf Lane, Thomas Harriot, &c.

RUSSIA.—Of the Russe Commonwealth. By Giles Fletcher, D.C.L. From the suppressed edition of 1591.

CADIZ.—A Brief and True Report of the Honourable Voyage to Cadiz, 1596. From the suppressed edition of 1598, with additions.

TRESWELL.—The journey of the Earl of Nottingham to Spain, in 1604. By R. Treswell, Somerset Herald, with additions.

SOFALAH.—The History of Eastern Ethiopia, by J. dos Santos, 1607. Translated, with Notes.

COLONIZATION.—Pamphlets on Colonization. By Sir William Alexander (afterwards Earl of Sterline), and James Hagthorpe.

Laws of the Hakluyt Society.

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OF

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RICHARDS, PRINTER, 100, ST. MARTIN’S LANE.

SIR FRANCIS DRAKE
HIS VOYAGE,
1595,

By
THOMAS MAYNARDE,

TOGETHER WITH THE
SPANISH ACCOUNT OF DRAKE’S ATTACK ON PUERTO RICO.

EDITED, FROM THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPTS,
BY
W. D. COOLEY.

LONDON:
PRINTED FOR THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY.
M.DCCC.XLIX.

RICHARDS, 100, ST. MARTINS LANE.

THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY.

Council.

SIR RODERICK IMPEY MURCHISON, G.C.St.S., F.R.S., Corr. Mem. Inst. Fr.;
Hon. Mem. Imp. Acad. Sc. St. Petersburg, &c. &c., PRESIDENT.

VICE-ADMIRAL SIR CHARLES MALCOLM, Kt. } VICE-PRESIDENTS.
THE REV. H. H. MILMAN, M.A. }
CHARLES T. BEKE, ESQ., PHIL. D., F.S.A.
CAPTAIN C. R. DRINKWATER BETHUNE, R.N., C.B.
CAPTAIN F. P. BLACKWOOD, R.N.
MAJOR-GENERAL J. BRIGGS, F.R.S.
BOLTON CORNEY, ESQ., M.R.S.L.
SIR HENRY ELLIS, K. H., F.R.S.
JOHN FORSTER, ESQ.
J. E. GRAY, ESQ., F.R.S.
JOHN WINTER JONES, ESQ.
R. H. MAJOR, ESQ.
R. MONCKTON MILNES, ESQ., M.P.
CHARLES NEWTON, ESQ.
REVEREND G. C. RENOUARD.
W. G. RYE, ESQ.
SIR ROBERT SCHOMBURGK.
ANDREW SMITH, ESQ., M.D.
SIR GEORGE T. STAUNTON, BART., M.P., F.R.S.

WILLIAM DESBOROUGH COOLEY, ESQ., F.R.G.S., SECRETARY.

PREFACE.

The name of SIR FRANCIS DRAKE is one of the brightest ornaments of HAKLUYT’s collection; and a Society, which undertakes to continue and complete the labours of the latter, cannot certainly be better employed than in publishing documents illustrating the life and achievements of that distinguished seaman.

In conformity with this view, the two original pieces which follow have been selected for publication; both brief but full of life, and the first of them, in particular, very racy and characteristic.

The value of Maynarde’s paper (additional MSS., No. 5209, in the library of the British Museum), lies in the writer’s intimacy with Sir Francis Drake, whom he accompanied in the unfortunate expedition which is the subject of the following narrative, and in the shrewdness of his remarks, clothed occasionally in the quaintest language. It cannot be denied that it tends to dispel much of the romance which has hitherto coloured so brilliantly the history of the naval hero. But truth is thereby a gainer. Romance elevates the hero at the expense of human nature, and sacrifices the many for the glory of one. It may not be without advantage to learn, from the example of one so justly celebrated as Drake, what sordid motives may be cloaked under the pretence of national glory, and how mistrustfully we ought to listen to the professedly generous instigators of war and rapine.

The Spanish paper, Relacion de lo Sucedido, etc., (additional MSS. No. 13,964, British Museum), which has the form of an official report, or dispatch, is extremely interesting, inasmuch as it allows us to see, in immediate juxtaposition and direct contrast, the accounts of the affair at Puerto Rico, as given by the two belligerent parties.

These papers are here reproduced from the originals without change or emendation; so that their defects, whether attributable to negligence or ignorance, may be taken into consideration in estimating their intrinsic worth.

The superficial inaccuracies of Maynarde’s paper are not a few; his constant misspelling of proper names, as Corasaw for Curaçoa, St. Tomarta for Sta. Martha, would seem to prove him illiterate. It is still more important, that, through oversight and omission, he states the number of the forces, who marched from Nombre de Dios to attack Panama, to be fifty, instead of seven hundred and fifty.

It is amusing to observe the variance between the Spanish and English accounts of the same action, both written in good faith. The Spaniards had but seventy guns, and yet the English reckoned 5160 pieces of artillery playing on them. This tremendous fire would appear from the English account to have done no great harm, while the Spaniards allege that they killed four hundred of the enemy, besides wounding many more.

But this is not the place for a critical examination of the following pages. The conflicting statements and opinions respecting the closing scene of Drake’s eventful life, are amply detailed in Mr. Barrow’s justly popular volume. Here it will be sufficient to observe that Maynarde’s keen and natural comments on his commanders, proceed from one who, in regard to Drake, certainly writes in a friendly spirit, and from whom the truth was wrung by the circumstances of his situation.

W. D. C.

SIR FRANCIS DRAKE
HIS VOYAGE,
1595:

BY
THOMAS MAYNARDE.

SIR FRANCIS DRAKE HIS VOYAGE, 1595.

It appears by the attempts and knowen purposes of the Spaniarde, as by his greedy desire to bee our neighboure in Bretaine, his fortifienge upon the river of Brest, to gaine so near us a quiet and safe rode for his fleet, his carelessness in losinge the strongehouldes and townes which he possessed in the Lowe Countries, not followinge those warres in that heate which he wonted, the rebellious rysinge of the Earle of Tyrone (wrought or drawen thereto undoubtedly by his wicked practises), that hee leaveth no means unattempted which he judged might bee a furtherance to turne our tranquillitie into accursed thraldom; so robbinge us of that quiet peace which wee, from the hands of Her Majestie (next under God), aboundently enjoy. This his bloodthirstie desire foreseene by the wisdome of our queene and counsayle, they helde no better meanes to curbe his unjust pretenses, than by sendinge forces to invade him in that kingdome from whence hee hath feathers to flye to the toppe of his high desires; they knowing that if for two or three yeeres a blowe were given him there, that might hinder the coming into Spaine of his treasure; his povertie, by reason of his daily huge payments, would be so great, and his men of warre, most of them mercenaries, that assuredly would fall from him, so woulde he have more neede of meanes to keepe his owne territories, than he nowe hath of superfluitie to thruste into others rights.

This invasion was spoken of in June 1594, a longe time before it was put in execution; and it beinge partly resolved on, Sir Francis Drake was named generall in November folowinge:—a man of greate spirit and fitt to undertake matters: in my poore opinion, better able to conduct forces and discreetly to governe in conductinge them to places where service was to be done, than to comande in the execution thereof. But, assuredly, his very name was a great terror to the enemie in all those partes, havinge heretofore done many thinges in those countries to his honorable fame and profitt. But entringe into them as the childe of fortune, it may be his selfe-willed and peremptorie comand was doubted, and that caused Her Majestie, as should seeme, to joyne Sir John Hawkins in equall commission:—a man oulde and warie, entering into matters with so laden a foote, that the other’s meat woulde be eaten before his spit could come to the fire: men of so different natures and dispositions, that what the one desireth the other would commonly oppose against; and though their warie cariages sequestred it from meaner wittes, yet was it apparently seen to better judgements before our going from Plymouth, that whom the one loved, the other smaly esteemed. Agreeing best, for what I could conjecture, in giving out a glorious title to their intended jorneye, and in not so well victualinge the navie as, I deeme, was Her Majestie’s pleasure it shoulde bee, both of them served them to goode purpose, for, from this havinge the distributinge of so great sommes, their miserable providinge for us would free them from incurringe any greate losse, whatsoever befel of the jorney. And the former drewe unto them so greate repaire of voluntaries[1] that they had choice to discharge suche fewe as they had pressed, and to enforce the staye of others who gladly would be partakers of their voyage. But notwithstandinge matters were very forward, and that they had drawen together three thousand men, and had ready furnished twenty-seven shippes, whereof six were Her Majestie’s, yet many times was it very doubtfull whether the jorney should proceed; and had not the newes of a gallion of the King of Spaine, which was driven into St. John de Porterico with two millions and a halfe of tresure, come unto them by the reporte of certaine prisoners, whereof they advertised Her Majestie, it is very likely it had been broken; but Her Majestie, persuaded by them of the easie takinge therof, comanded them to haste their departure.

So on Thursday, being the 28th of August, in the year 1595, havinge stayed two moneth in Plimouth, we went thence twenty-seven sail, and were two thousand five hundred men of all sortes. This fleet was devided into two squadrons; not that it was so appointed by Her Majestie, for from her was granted as powerfull authoritie unto eyther of them over the whole as any parte, but Sir Francis victualinge the one halfe and Sir John the other, it made them, as men afectinge what they had done, to chalenge a greater prerogative over them than the whole; wherin they wronged themselves and the action, for wee had not runne sixty or seventy leagues in our course, before a flagge of councell was put out in the Garlande, unto which all commanders with the chiefe masters and gentlemen repayred. Sir Francis complayned that he had a three hundred men more in his squadron then were in the other, and that he was much pestered in his owne shipp, wherof he would gladly be eased. Sir John gave no other hearinge to this motion, but seemed to dislike that he should bring more than was concluded betwixt them, and this drewe them to some cholericke speeches. But Sir John would not receave any unles he were entreated: to this Sir Francis’ stout hearte could never be driven. This was on the second of September, and after they were somwhat qualified, they acquainted us that Sir Thomas Baskerville, our coronell generall, was of theyr counsayle by vertue of the broade seale, and that they would take unto them Sir Nicholas Clifforde and the other captains appointed by Her Majestie, who were, eleven for the land, four for the shippes in which they themselves went not. They gave us instructions for directinge our course, if, by foule weather or mischange, any should be severed, and orders what alowances we should put our men into for preservation of victualls, with other necessary instructions. In the end, Sir John revealed the places whither wee were bound, in hearinge of the basest mariner; observinge therin no warlike or provident advice, nor was it ever amended to the time of theyr deaths, but so he named St. John de Porterico, where the treasure before spoken of was to be taken, even withoute blowes, from whence we should go direct to Nombre de Dios, and so over land to Panama. What other things should fall out by the way, he esteemed them not worth the naminge, this being sufficient to make a far greater armie rich to theyr content.

Some seven or eight days after this, we were called aborde the Defiance, where, Sir Francis Drake propoundinge unto us whether we should give upon the Canaries or Maderas (for he was resolved to put for one of them by the way), we seeinge his bent and the earnestnes of the coronel generall, together with the apparent likelihood of profit, might soon have bin drawen therto; but consideringe the weightie matters we had undertaken and how needfull it was to hasten us thether [we did not immediately assent]. But General Hawkins utterly mislikinge this motion, it beinge a matter, as hee saide, never before thought of, [he declared he] knewe no cause why the fleete should staye in any place till they came to the Indies, unles it should be by his takinge in of so greate numbers to consume his waters and other provision; the which, if Sir Francis would acknowledge, hee would ridde him and relieve him the best hee could. Now the fyer which laye hid in theyr stomacks began to breake forth, and had not the coronell pacified them, it would have growen farther; but theyr heat somwhat abated, and they concluded to dine next day aboarde the Garlande with Sir John, when it was resolved that we should put for the Grand Canaries, though, in my conscience, whatsoever his tonge saide, Sir John’s harte was againste.

These matters were well qualified, and for that place we shaped our course, in which we met with a small flemminge bounde for the Streights and a small manne of warre of Waymouth, who kept us companie to the Canaries. On Wensday, the twenty-fourth day, we had sight of Lancerotta and Forteventura. The twenty-fifth at night we descried the Canaries, it beinge a monthe after our departure from Plymouth. On Friday, beinge the twenty-sixth, we came to anchor, some saker shott from a forte which stands to the west norwest of the harboure. Sir Francis spent much time in seekinge out the fittest place to land; the enemie therby gaininge time to drawe theyr forces in rediness to impeach our approach. At length we puttinge for the shore in our boats and pinnaces, found a great seege and such power of men to encounter us, that it was then thought it would hazarde the whole action if we should give further upon it, wherupon we returned without recevinge or doinge any harme worthy the writinge; but, undoubtedly, had we lanced under the forte at our first cominge to anchor, wee had put fayre to bee possessors of the towne, for the delayes gave the enemie greate stomackes and daunted our owne; and it beinge the first service our new men were brought into, it was to be doubted they would prove the worse the whole jorney followinge.

We presently wayed hence and came to anchor the twenty-seventh at the west south west part of this islande, where wee watered. Here Captaine Grimstone, one of the twelve captaines for lande, was slaine by the mountainors, with his boy and a surgeon. Hence wee departed the twenty-eighth, houldinge our course south-west three weeks, then we ran west south west and west and by south till the twenty-seventh of October, on which day we had sight of Maten, an island lying south-est from Dominica. Our generalls ment to water at Guadalupe, for Dominica beinge inhabited by Indians, our men straglinge soon would have their throates cutte. Generall Drake lyinge ahead the fleet, ran in by the mouth of Dominica, Sir John by south. The twenty-ninth we anchored under Guadalupe; Sir Francis beinge there a daye before us. On the thirtieth, Josias, captaine of the Delight, brought newes to the generalls, that the Francis, a small shippe of companie, was taken by nine frigotts, wherupon Sir Francis would presently have folowed them either with the whole fleete or some parte, for that he knew our intentions were discovered by reason they were so openly made knowne, as I afore have set downe, by Sir John Hawkins. Sir John would in no wise agree to eyther of these motions, and he was assisted in his opinion by Sir Nicholas Clifforde, all others furtheringe his desires, which might be a means to staye them for goinge into Porterico before us; but Sir John prevayled, for that hee was sickly, Sir Francis beinge loth to breed his further disquiet. The reason of his stay was, to trimme his shippes, mounte his ordinance, take in water, set by some new pinnaces, and to make things in that rediness, that he cared not to meet with the king’s whole fleete. Heere we stayed doinge these necessaries three dayes. This is a desarte, and was without inhabitants.

On the fourth of November we departed, and being becalmed under the lee of the land, Sir Francis caused the Richarde, one of the victuallers, to be unladen and sunk. The eighth wee anchored amonge the Virginees, other west ilandes: heere we drew our companie on shore, that every man might knowe his colours, and wee founde our companie shorte of the one thousand two hundred promised for lande service, few of the captains having above ninety, most not eighty, some not fifty; which fell out partly for that the generalls had selected to them a companie for theyr guarde, of many of the gallantest men of the army. Sir John his sicknes incresed. Sir Francis apointed captaines to the merchants’ shippes: this consumed time till the eleventh, when we passed a sounde, though, by our mariners, never passed by fleet afore, and we came to anchor before Porterico on the twelfth, about three of the clocke in the afternoone, at what time Sir John Hawkins died. I made my men ready presently to have landed, knowinge that our sodaine resolution would greatly have danted the enemie, and have held our [own men] in opinion of assured victory; but I was countermanded by authoritie, and during the time of our deliberation, the enemie labored by all meanes to cause us to disankar, so workinge, that within an houre hee had planted three or four pieces of artillery upon the shore next unto us, and playinge upon the Defiance, knowing her to be the Admirall, whilest our generalls sate at souper with Sir Nicholas Clifford and diverse other, a shotte came amongst them, wherwith Sir Nicholas, Brute, Brown, Captain Strafford, who had Greenstone’s company, and some standers by, were hurte. Sir Nicholas died that night, so secondinge Sir John Hawkins in his death as he did in his opinion at Guadalupe. My brother Browne lived five or six days after, and died much bewayled. This shotte made our generall to way and fall further to the westward, where we rode safely. The five frigotts before spoken of rode within their forts: wee had no place nowe to lande our men but within them in the face of the towne, which was dangerous, for that both shippes and forts could playe on us; it was therefore concluded that boats should fire them where they rode. Captain Poore and mysealfe had the comande of this service; for the regiments, Captain Salisburie comandinge; the grand captain companye was sent by the generalls; diverse sea commanders were also sent; and on the thirteenth at night passinge in harde under the forte, we set three of them on fire; only one of which, it was my chance to undertake, was burnt; on the others, the fire held not by reason that being once out they were not maintained with newe. The burnte shippe gave a greate light, the enemie thereby playinge upon us with their ordinance and small shotte as if it had been fayre daye, and sinkinge some of our boates: a man could hardly comande his mariners to row, they foolishly thinkinge every place more dangerous than where they were, when, indeede, none was sure. Thus doinge no harme, we returned with two or three prisoners, when, indeede, in my poore oppinion, it had binne an easier matter to bringe them out of the harborowe than fire them as wee did, for our men aboard the shippes numbred five thousand one hundred and sixty peeces of artillerie that played on us during this service; and it had binne less dangerous to have abidden them close in the frigotts and in the darke than as wee did; but great comanders many tymes fayle in theyre judgment, beinge crost by a compartner; but I had cause of more griefe than the Indies could yielde mee of joye, losinge my Alfierez,[2] Davis Pursell; Mr. Vaughan, a brother-in-law of Sir John Hawkins, with three others; Thomas Powton, with five or six more hurte and maimed; and was somwhat discomfited, for the generall feigned heere to set up his rest; but examininge the prisoners, by whom hee understoode that these frigotts were sent for his treasure, and that they would have fallen amonge us at Guadalupe had they not taken the Francis, his minde altered: callinge to counsaile, he comanded us to give our opinions what we thought of the strength of the place. Most thought it would hazard the whole action. But one Rush, a captaine, more to mee aleadged that without better puttinge for it, [than by] the bare lookinge upon the outside of the forts, we could hardly give such judgment; and I set it playnely under my hande, that if we resolutely attempted it, all was ours; and that I persuaded mysealfe no towne in the Indies could yielde us more honnor or profitte. The generall presently saide: “I will bring thee to twenty places farre more wealthye and easier to be gotten.” Such-like speeches I thinke had bewitched the coronell for he most desired him to hasten him hence.

The enemie, the day after we had fired the frigotts, suncke together four to save us labour, but chiefly to strengthen their fortes: two other greate shippes they suncke and fired in the mouth of the harborowe to give them light to playe on us from theyr fortes as we entred the first night. And hence we went the fifteenth. Heere I left all hope of good successe.

On the nineteenth we came to anchor in a fayre baye (the baye of Sta. Jermana), at the westermost part of the ilande, where wee stayed till the twenty-fourth, settinge up more newe pinnaces and unlodinge the other newe victualler, the generall takinge the most parte into his owne shippe as he did of the former. Captaine Yorke, in the Hope, was made vice-admirall. This is a very pleasant and fertile ilande, having upon it goode store of cattell, fruites, and fish, with all thinges necessary to man’s sustenance; and were it well manured, no place could yielde it in greater abundance or better. Departing hence, we had our course for Corasaw.[3] The seconde daye after our puttinge of, the Exchange, a small shippe, spronge her mast, and was sunke; the men and parte of the victualls were saved by other shippes. Twenty-ninth.—Upon Corasaw there is great store of cattell and goates, and we fell with it upon Saturday the twenty-ninth; but our generall, deceaved by the currante and westerly course, made it for Arabir,[4] an iland lyinge ten or twelve leagues to the westwarde, and so made no staye; when, next morninge descryenge whether hee founde his error, wee bore with Cape De la Vela, and from thence our coronell, with all the companies in the pinnaces and boates were sent to the cittie of Rio de la Hacha, and with small resistance wee tooke it the first of December at night. The generall came unto us the next morning with the fleete. This towne was left bare of goodes: the inhabitants havinge intelligence of our cominge, had caried all in the woodes, and hid theyr treasure in casshes;[5] but, stayinge heere seventeen days, wee made so goode search, that little remained unfounde within four leagues of the towne. We tooke many prisoners, Spaniards and negroes, some slaves repairinge to us voluntarily. The generall with two hundred men went in boates to Lancheria, which is a place where they fish for pearle, standinge ten leagues to the estwarde of theyr towne, from whence they brought goode store of pearle, and tooke a carvell, in which was some monie, wine, and myrr.

During our stay heere, the governor once, diverse others often, repaired unto us to redeeme theyr towne, Lancheria, boates and slaves. They did this to gaine time to convey away the kinge’s treasure and to advertyse theyr neighbour towne to convey their treasure in more safetye then themselves had done; for the whole (except the slaves who voluntarily repayred unto us) was yielded unto them for twenty-four thousand peasos, five shillings and sixpence a peece, to bee payde in pearles; bringinge these to theyr towne at the daye and valuinge in double the price they were worth. Our generall delivered the hostages and set their towne (Lancheria) and boates on fire, carryinge their slaves with us. The wealth we had heere was given to countervayle the charge of the jorney; but I feare it will not so prove in the end. Our vice-admirall, Captaine Yorcke, died heere of sicknes. This is an exceedinge goode countrye, champion and well inhabited; great store of cattayle, horses, sheepe, goates, fish, and fowle, wheron wee fedde, but smale store of graine or fruite neere the towne, rich only in pearle and cattell.

The twentieth, being Saturday, we came to St. Tomarta.[6] We suncke two catches before we came to Rio de la Hacha, which we brought out of England. Presently, upon our coming to anchors, we landed and gave upon the town. We found small resistance more than a fewe shotte playinge out of the woodes as we marched towards the towne. Companies were presently sent abroade to discover and searche the countrye. The inhabitants had to long forewarninge to carry theyr goods out of our possibilitie to find them in so short time; little or nothing of valew was gotten, only the Leiftenant-governor and some others were taken prisoners; and firyinge the towne the twenty-first, we departed.

Captain Worrell, our trenchmaster, died at this towne of sicknes. This was a very prettie towne, and six leagues off there was a gould mine. If part of our companie had been sent thither upon our first arrival at Rio de la Hacha, doubtles we had done much goode, but now they had scrube it very bare. In this place was great store of fruite and much fernandobuck;[7] for that the winde blewe so extremely, and the rode wilde, we could not shippe it. Before we departed hence, it was concluded that we should passe Cartagena and go directly for Nombre de Dios. We anchored in the rode on Sunday followinge, beinge the twenty-seventh; and landinge presently, receavinge some small shotte from the towne, we founde small resistance more than a little forte at the east side of theyr towne, in which they had left one peece of ordinance which brake at the first shotte. They gave upon us as we gave upon them: certaine prisoners were taken in the flyinge, who made it knowne, that havinge intelligence, longe before, of our cominge, theyr treasure was conveyed to places of more safetie, eyther to Panama or secretly hidden; and it might very well bee, for the towne was left very bare; wherefore it was resolved that we should hasten with speed for Panama. Nombre de Dios standeth on the north-side sea, Panama upon the south, distant some eighteen or nineteen leagues. There were only two wayes to get thither; one by the river Chagree, which lyeth to the westward twenty leagues; upon this it is passable within five leagues of Panama: the other through deserts and over mountaines voide of inhabitants: this was troublesom and harde, as well for want of means to carry our provision of meate and munition as for the ill passage with an armie through these deserts and unknown places. That by the river our generall held more dangerous, fayninge there was no place for our fleet to wade safely. This made our coronell to yeelde to the waye by the mountaine, though he and others foresawe the danger before our settinge hence; but he resolved to make tryall of what coulde be done.

So on Monday the twenty-ninth we began our jorney, takinge with us the strongest and lustiest of our armie, to the number of fifty men and seven colours. Before our settinge hence, we buried Captaine Arnolde Baskerville, our serjant-major generall, a gallant gentleman. The first daye we marched three leagues; the next, six leagues, where we came to a greate house which the enemie had sett on fire, it beinge a place where the kinge’s mules do use to lodge cominge from Panama to Nombre de Dios with his treasure: it is the midway betwixt both places. The house would receave five hundred horses. We had not marched fully a league on Wednesday morninge, when we came to a place fortified upon the toppe of an hill, which the enemie defended. We had noe other way to passe nor noe means to make our approach but a very deepe lande, where but one could passe at once, unles it were by clammeringe upon the bancks and creepinge up the hill through the brakes, which some of our men did, and came to the trees which they had plasshed to make theyr palizadoe, over which they coulde not passe, the many bowes so hindered them. It was my chance, clammeringe up the banckes to repaire to three musketters which I had holpen up, to fall directly betwixt two of theyr places fortified, cominge unto two paths by which they fetched their water, and givinge presently upon them, the place being open, my small number found to goode resistance, and I was driven to retire with the losse of these fewe. Heere was the only place to beate them from theyr houlde, wherof I sent the coronell worde, Captaine Poore and Bartlett and others repayringe to me. I shewed them the path; we heard the enemie plasshinge and fellinge of trees farre before us. The coronell sent for us to come unto him: he debated with us what he foresaw before our cominge from Nombre de Dios, and though he thought, in his oppinion, we should feare the enemie hence, yet, havinge retreits upon retreits, they would kill our best men without takinge little or any hurte themselves; and our men began to drop apace; our powder and match were spoilde by much rain and waters which we had passed, unles it were such as som of our souldiers had with more care preserved. The provision for meate at our coming from Nombre de Dios was seven or eight cakes of bisked or ruske for a man, which was eyther by wette spoyled, or theyr greediness had devoured; so there remained to fewe one daye’s bread; to most none at all. Our hurte men, as Captaine Nicholas Baskerville and some other of accounte, we should be driven to leave to the mercie of the enemie, unles they could houlde companie. Before our cominge to Panama, had we beaten them from all these houlds, which I think would have bin to dangerous for us to have attempted, consideringe the estate we were in, we must have fought with them at a bridge where they had intrenched themselves in a far greater number than we were; and it is manifest, if we had not within three days gotten some releife, we had bin overthrowen, though no enemie had fought against us. But our stomacks callinge these, with other dangers, to his carefull consideration, he resolved to retire, and so commanded us to cause the slaine to be throwne out of sight, the hurte to be sent to the quarter from whence we came that morninge, and the rest to be drawen away. Heere were slaine Captaine Marchant, our quarter-master, with some other officers, gentlemen, and souldiers. Upon our coming to the quarter, the coronell took view of the hurte, and for such as could ride he procured all the horses of the armie; for the other, he entreated the enemie to entreate them kindly, as they expected the like from us towards theyrs, of which we had a farre greater number.

On the seconde of January we returned to Nombre de Dios; our men so wearied with the ilnes of the waye, sur-baited for want of shoes, and weake with theyr diet, that it would have bin a poor dayes service that we should have done upon an enimie had they been there to resist us. I am persuaded that never armie, great or small, undertooke a march through to unknown places so weakly provided and with so small means to help themselves, unles it might be some few goinge covertly to do som sodaine exploite before it were thought of by the enemie, and so returne unspied; for, undoubtedly, two hundred men foreknowinge their intentions and provided with all things necessarie, are able to breake or weaken the greatest force that any prince in Christendome can bringe thither, if he had place to finde more than we had. This marche had made many swere that he will never venture to buy gould at such a price againe. I confesse noble spiritts, desirous to do service to theyr prince and country, may soon be persuaded to all hardnes and danger; but havinge once made tryall therof, would be very loth, as I suppose, to carry any force that way againe; for beholdinge it in many places, a man would judge it dangerous for one man to passe alone, almost impossible for horses and an armie.

The daye that our generall had newes of our returne, he ment to way and fall nearer to the river Chagree with the fleete, leavinge some few to bringe us if we were enforced to retire, wherof hee little doubted. But beinge beaten from the place where it appeered all his hopes rested for gayninge to himselfe and others this masse of treasure which he so confidently promised before, it was high time for him to devise of some other course. Wherfore, on the fourth of January, he called us to counsayle, and debated with us what was nowe to be done. All these parties had notice long before of all our intentions, as it appeered by letters written from the governor of Lima to the governor of Panama and Numbre de Dios, givinge them advice to be carefull and to looke well to themselves, for that Drake and Hawkins were makinge readie in England to come upon them. Lima is distant from these places more than three hundred leagues, all overlayed with snakes. It appeareth that they had good intelligence. This made them to convey theyr treasure to places which they resolved to defend with better force than we were able to attempt. Like as upon the cominge of the sun, dewes and mistes begin to vanish, so our blinded eyes began now to open, and wee founde that the glorious speeches, of an hundred places that they knew in the Indies to make us rich, was but a baite to drawe Her Majestie to give them honorable employments and us to adventure our lives for theyr glory; for now cards and mappes must bee our cheefest directors, hee beinge in these partes at the furthest limit of his knowledge. There hee found out a place called Laguna de Nichoragua, upon which standeth certaine townes, as Granada, Leon, and others; also the bay of Honduras, a place knowne to be of small wealth by itsealfe, unles it be brought thither to be imbarqued for Spaine. He demanded which of those we would attempt; our coronell saide, bothe, one after another, and all to little to content us if wee tooke them. It was then resolved that we should first for the river, and as matters fell out, for the other. Numbre de Dios, together with their negroe towne were fyred; and we suncke and fyred fourteen small frigotts which we founde in the rode. We gott here twenty barres of silver, with som gould and certaine plate; more would have benne founde, had it bene well sought; but our generall thought it folly to gather our harvest graine by graine, beinge so likely at Panama to thrust our handes into the whole heapes: and after our returne, beinge troubled in minde, hee seemed little to regard any consayle that should be given him to that purpose, but to hasten thence as fast as he might. This is a most wealthy place, being setled upon a grounde full of camphyre, environed with hilly woodes and mountaines, the bottom a dampish fen. Hence wee departed the fifth, and held our course for Nichragua.