Chapter XII: Appendix: I. Bibliography (1)

The following list of the principal works consulted in the preparation of this volume may serve also as a bibliography on the subject. There are very few American books in the list, because the object of this volume is to summarize the European situation.

For the spirit of the movement the student must consult the contemporary literature of Socialism--the newspapers, magazines, and pamphlets, and the campaign documents that flow in a constant stream from the Socialist press. These are, of course, too numerous and too fluctuating in character to be catalogued. Lists of these publications can be secured at the following addresses:

The Fabian Society, 3 Clements Inn, Strand, London, W.C.

The Labor Party, 28 Victoria Street, Westminster, London, S.W.

The Independent Labor Party, 23 Bride Lane, Fleet Street, London, E.C.

German Social Democracy, Verlags-Buchhandlung _Vorwaerts_, 68 Lindenstrasse, Berlin, S.W.

Belgian Labor Party, _Le Peuple_, 33-35 rue de Sable, Brussels.

French Socialist Party, _La Parti Socialiste_, 16 rue de la Corderie, Paris.

GENERAL WORKS: THE FOUNDERS OF SOCIALISM

BLANC, LOUIS: _Socialism._ An English edition was published in
1848.

---- _Organization of Labor._ English edition in 1848.

BOOTH: _Saint-Simon and Saint-Simonism._

CABET, ETIENNE: _Le Vrai Christianisme_, 1846.

FEUERBACH, FRIEDRICH: _Die Religion der Zukunft_, 1843-5.

---- _Essence of Christianity._ An English translation, 1881, in
the "English and Foreign Philosophical Library."

FOURIER, F.C.M.: _Oeuvres Completes._ 6 vols. 1841-5.

GAMMOND, GATTI DE: Fourier and His System, 1842.

GIDE, CHARLES: _Selections from Fourier._ An English translation
by Julien Franklin, 1901.

GODWIN, WILLIAM: _An Inquiry Concerning Political Justice_, 1796.

KINGSLEY: _Cheap Clothes and Nasty_, 1851.

MORRELL, J.R.: _Life of Fourier_, 1849.

MORRIS, WILLIAM: _Works of_; _Chants for Socialists_, 1885.

OWEN, ROBERT: _An Address_, etc., 1813.

---- _Addresses_, etc., 1816.

---- _An Explanation of the Distress_, etc., 1823.

---- _Book of the New Moral World_, etc., 1836.

PROUDHON, PIERRE JOSEPH: The Works of. English translation by
Tucker, American edition, 1876.

SAINT-SIMON: _New Christianity._ An English translation by Rev.
J.E. Smith. 1834.

WEIL, G.: _L'Ecole Saint-Simonisme--son Histoire_, etc., 1896.

WEITLING, WILLIAM: _Garantieen der Harmonie und Freiheit_, 1845.

GENERAL WORKS: MODERN DISCUSSION

BEBEL, A.: _Woman, in the Past, Present, and Future._ An English
translation appeared in London in 1890.

BERNSTEIN, EDWARD: _Responsibility and Solidarity in the Labor
Struggle_, 1900.

BROOKS, J.G.: _The Social Unrest_, 1903.

ELY, R.T.: _French and German Socialism_, 1883.

ENSOR, R.C.K.: _Modern Socialism._ A useful collection of
Socialist documents, speeches, programs, etc.

GRAHAM, W.: _Socialism New and Old_, 1890.

GUTHRIE, W.B.: _Socialism Before the French Revolution_, 1907.

GUYOT, Y.: _The Tyranny of Socialism_, 1894.

JAURES, J.: _Studies in Socialism_, 1906.

KAUTSKY, K.: _The Social Revolution._ An English translation by
J.B. Askew. The best Continental view of modern Marxianism,
and the most widely read.

KELLY, EDMOND: _Twentieth Century Socialism_, 1910. The most
noteworthy of recent American contributions to Socialist
thought.

KIRKUP: _A History of Socialism_, 1909. A concise and
authoritative narrative.

KOIGEN, D.: _Die Kultur-ausschauung des Sozialismus_, 1903.

LEVY, J.H.: _The Outcome of Individualism_, 1890.

MACDONALD, J.R.: _Socialism and Society_, 1905. MacDonald is not
only the leader of the British Labor Party, but his writings
comprise a comprehensive exposition of the views of labor
democracy.

---- _Character and Democracy_, 1906.

---- _Socialism_, 1907.

---- _Socialism and Government_, 1909.

MILL, J.S.: _Socialism_, 1891. A collection of essays, etc., from
the writings of John Stuart Mill touching on Socialism.

RAE, J.: _Contemporary Socialism_, 1908. A standard work.

RICHTER: _Pictures of the Socialist Future_, 1893.

SCHAEFFLE: _The Impossibility of Social-Democracy_, 1892.

---- _The Quintessence of Socialism_, 1898. Probably the most
authoritative and concise refutation of the Socialist dogmas.

SOMBART, WERNER: _Socialism and the Social Movement_, 1909. Widely
read, both in the original and in the English translation.
Contains an interesting critique of Marxianism.

SPENCER, HERBERT: _The Coming Slavery_, 1884. A reprint from _The
Contemporary Review_.

STODDARD, JANE: _The New Socialism_, 1909. A convenient
compilation.

TUGAN-BARANOVSKY, M.I.: _Modern Socialism_, 1910. A systematic and
scholarly resume of the doctrines of Socialism.

WARSCHAUER, O.: _Zur Entwickelungsgeschichte des Sozialismus_,
1909.

WELLS, H.G.: _New Worlds for Old_, 1909. One of the most popular
expositions of Socialism.

MARX AND ENGELS

AVELING, E.B.: _The Student's Marx._ A handy compilation. 1902.

BOEHM-BAWERK: _Karl Marx and the Close of His System._ An English
translation was made in 1898.

ENGELS, FRIEDRICH: _Die Entwickelung des Socialismus von der
Utopie zur Wissenschaft_, 1891.

---- _Socialism--Utopian and Scientific_, 1892.

---- _L. Feuerbach und der Ausgang der Klassischen Deutschen
Philosophie_, 1903.

---- _Briefe und Auszuege von Briefen_, 1906.

---- _Friedrich Engels, Sein Leben, Sein Wirken und Seine
Schriften_, 1895.

MARX and ENGELS: _The Communist Manifesto._ There have been many
editions; that of 1888 is probably the widest known for its
historical Introduction.

MARX, KARL: _The Poverty of Philosophy._ An answer to Proudhon's
_La Philosophie de la Misere_. An English translation was made
by H. Quelch, 1900.

---- _Enthuellungen ueber den Kommunisten Process zu Koeln_, 1875.
Engels' Preface gives an account of the origin of the "Society
of the Just."

---- _Die Klassenkaempfe in Frankreich, 1848-50._

---- _Revolution and Counter-Revolution in Germany in 1848._ An
English translation appeared in 1896.

---- _Capital_, 1896.

---- _The International Workingmen's Association._ Two addresses
on the Franco-Prussian War, 1870.

---- _The international Workingmen's Association--The Civil War in
France._ An address to the General Council of the
International, 1871.

THE INTERNATIONAL

DAVE, V.: _Michel Bakunin et Karl Marx_, 1900.

ENGELS, F.: _The International Workingmen's Association_, 1891.

FROEBEL, J.: _Ein Lebenslauf_--for an account of Marx vs. Bakunin.

GUILLAUME, J.: _L'Internationale: Documents et Souvenirs_, 1905.

JAECKH, GUSTAV: _L'Internationale._ An English translation was
published in 1904.

JAEGER, E.: _Karl Marx und die Internationale Arbeiter
Association_, 1873.

MAURICE, C.E.: _Revolutionary Movements of 1848-9_, 1887.

TESTUT, O.: _L'Internationale--son origine, son but, son
principes, son organisation_, etc. Third edition, 1871. A
German edition translated by Paul Frohberg, Leipsic, 1872.

---- _Le Livre Bleu de l'Internationale_, 1871.

VILLETARD: _History of the International._ Translated by Susan M.
Day, New Haven, 1874.

_Ein Complot gegen die Internationale Arbeiter Association_, 1874,
gives a careful version of the Marxian side of the Bakunin
controversy.

"International Workingmen's Association"--"_Proces-verbaux,
Congres a Lausanne_," 1867.

_Troisieme Congres de l'Association Internationale des
Travailleurs_, Brussels, 1868.

_Manifeste aux Travailleurs des Campagnes._ Paris, 1870.

_Manifeste addresse a toutes les associations ouvrieres_, etc.
Paris, 1874.

_International Arbeiter Association Protokoll._ A German edition
of the Proceedings of the Paris Congress, 1890, with a
valuable Introduction by W. Liebknecht.

FRANCE

JAEGER, EUGEN: _Geschichte der Socialen Bewegung und des
Socialismus in Frankreich_, 1890.

JAURES, JEAN: _L'Armee Nouvelle--L'Organisation Socialiste de la
France_, 1911. The initial installment of the long-promised
account of the Socialist state.

LAVY, A.: _L'Oeuvre de Millerand_, 1902. An appreciative history
of Millerand's work. Contains many documents, speeches, etc.

PEIXOTTO, J.: _The French Revolution and Modern Socialism_, 1901.

VON STEIN, LORENZ: _Der Sozialismus und Communismus des Heutigen
Frankreichs_, 1848.

WEIL, GEORGES: _Histoire du Mouvement Socialiste en France_, 1904.

BELGIUM

BERTRAND, LOUIS: _Histoire de la Democratie et Socialisme en
Belgique depuis 1830_, 1906. Introduction by Vandervelde.

---- _Histoire de la Cooperation en Belgique_, 1902.

BERTRAND, LOUIS, et al.: _75 Annees de Domination Bourgeois_,
1905.

DESTREE et VANDERVELDE: _Le Socialisme en Belgique._

LANGEROCK, H.: _Le Socialisme Agraire_, 1895.

STEFFENS-FRAUWEILER, H. VON: _Der Agrar Sozialismus in Belgien_,
Munich, 1893.

VANDERVELDE, EMILE: _Histoire de la Cooperation en Belgique_,
1902.

---- _Essais sur la Question Agraire en Belgique_, 1902.

---- Article on the General Strike in _Archiv fuer Sozial
Wissenschaft_, May, 1908.

GERMANY

BEBEL, AUGUST: _Die Social-Demokratie im Deutschen Reichstag._ A
series of brochures detailing the activity of the Social
Democrats--1871-1893. Of course from a partisan point of
view.

---- _Aus Meinem Leben_, 1910. An intimate recital of the
development of Social Democracy in Germany.

BERNSTEIN, EDWARD: _Ferdinand Lassalle und Seine Bedeutung fuer die
Arbeiter Klasse_, 1904.

BRANDES, GEORG: _Ferdinand Lassalle: Ein Literarisches
Charakter-Bild._ Berlin, 1877. An English translation was
published in 1911. This is a brilliant biography.

DAWSON, W.H.: _German Socialism and Ferdinand Lassalle_, 1888.

---- _Bismarck and State Socialism_, 1890.

---- _The German Workman_, 1906.

---- _The Evolution of Modern Germany_, 1908.

EISNER, K.: _Liebknecht--Sein Leben und Wirken_, 1900. A brief
sketch of the veteran Social Democrat.

FRANK, DR. LUDWIG: _Die Buergerlichen Parteien des Deutschen
Reichstags_, 1911. A Socialist's account of the rise of German
political parties.

HARMS, B.: _Ferdinand Lassalle und Seine Bedeutung fuer die
Deutsche Sozial-Demokratie_, 1909.

---- _Sozialismus und die Sozial-Demokratie in Deutschland._

HOOPER, E.G.: _The German State Insurance System_, 1908.

KAMPFMEYER, P.: _Geschichte der Modernen Polizei im Zusammenhang
mit der Allgemeinen Kulturbewegung_, 1897. A Socialist's
recital of the use of police.

---- _Geschichte der Modernen Gesellschafts-klassen in
Deutschland_, 1896. From a Socialist standpoint.

KOHUT, A.: _Ferdinand Lassalle--Sein Leben und Wirken_, 1889.

LASSALLE, FERDINAND: _Offenes Antwortschreiben an das
Central-Comite zur Berufung eines Allgemeinen Deutschen
Arbeiter Congress zu Leipzig_, 1863.

---- _Die Wissenschaft und die Arbeiter_, 1863.

---- _Macht und Recht_, 1863. A complete edition of Lassalle's
works was published in 1899, under the title "Gesamte Werke
Ferdinand Lassalles."

LOWE, C.: _Prince Bismarck: An Historical Biography_, 1885. A
sympathetic description of Bismarck's attempt to solve the
social problem.

MEHRING, F.: _Die Deutsche Sozial-Demokratie--Ihre Geschichte und
Ihre Lehre_, 1879. Third edition. A compact narrative.

MEYER, R.: _Emancipationskampf des Vierten Standes_, 1882.

NAUMANN, FRIEDRICH: _Die Politischen Parteien_, 1911. History of
German political parties. A Radical account.

SCHMOELE, J.: _Die Sozial-Demokratische Gewerkschaften in
Deutschland seit dem Erlasse des Sozialisten Gesetzes_, 1896,
etc.

_Sozial-Demokratische Partei-Tag-Protokoll._ Annual reports of the
party conventions.

_Documente des Sozialismus._ An annual publication edited by
Bernstein.

ENGLAND

ARNOLD-FOSTER, H.: _English Socialism of To-day_, 1908.

BARKER, J.E.: _British Socialism_, 1908. A collection of
quotations.

BIBBY, F.: _Trades Unionism and Socialism_, 1907.

BLATCHFORD, R.: _Merrie England_, 1895.

CHURCHILL, WINSTON: _Liberalism and the Social Problem_, 1909.

ENGELS, F.: _The Condition of the Working Classes in England in
1844_, 1892.

FAY, C.R.: _Co-operation at Home and Abroad_, 1908.

GAMMAGE, R.G.: _History of the Chartist Movement_, 1894.

HARDIE, KEIR: _From Serfdom, to Socialism_, 1907.

HOBHOUSE, L.T.: _The Labor Movement_, 1898.

---- _Liberalism_, 1911.

---- _Democracy and Reaction_, 1904.

HOBSON, J.A.: _The Crisis in Liberalism_, 1909.

HOLYOAKE: _History of Cooperation_, 1906.

KNOTT, Y.: _Conservative Socialism_, 1909.

LECKY, W.E.H.: _Democracy and Liberty_, 1899.

MACDONALD, J.R.: _The People in Power_, 1900.

---- _Socialism To-day_, 1909.

MASTERMAN, C.F.G.: _The Condition of England_, 1909.

MCCARTHY, J.: _The Epoch of Reform_, 1882. For Chartism and the
reform movements of the nineteenth century democracy.

MONEY, CHIOZZA: _Riches and Poverty_, 1911.

NICHOLSON, J.S.: _History, Progress and Ideals of Socialism._ A
criticism of the Socialist viewpoint.

NOEL, CONRAD: _The Labor Party._ A criticism of the attitude of
Liberals and Conservatives toward the social problems. From
the Labor Party viewpoint.

SNOWDEN, P.: _The Socialist Budget_, 1907.

TOWLER, W.G.: _Municipal Socialism._ The anti-Socialist viewpoint.

_The Times_: _The Socialist Movement in Great Britain_, 1909. A
reprint of a series of carefully prepared articles in _The
Times._

VILLIERS, B.: _The Opportunity of Liberalism_, 1904.

---- _The Socialist Movement in England_, 1908.

WEBB, S.: _Wanted--A Program: An Appeal to the Liberal Party_,
1888.

---- _Socialism in England_, 1890.

WEBB, B. and S.: _Industrial Democracy_, 1902.

---- _The History of Trade Unionism_, 1911.

II. FRANCE

1. NOTE ON THE FRENCH GOVERNMENT

Yves Guyot, the distinguished French publicist, told the writer that there was only one compact, disciplined political party in France, the United Socialists. Other than the Socialists, there is no well-organized group in the Chamber of Deputies. The Right, Center, and Left coalesce almost insensibly into each other. Party platforms and party loyalty are replaced by a political individualism that to an American politician would seem like political anarchy.

The Chamber of Deputies is supreme--the ministry stands or falls upon its majority's behest. This gives to the deputy a peculiar personal power. He is only loosely affiliated with his group, is a powerful factor in the government of the Republic, and is directly dependent upon his constituents for his tenure in office. The result is a personal, rather then a party, system of politics.

This remarkably decentralized system of representative governance is counterbalanced by a highly efficient and completely centralized system of administration, which is based on civil service, and outlives all the mutations of ministries and shifting of deputies. The ministry, naturally, has theoretical control over the administrative officials. During the campaign for reorganizing the army and navy, and the disestablishment of the Church, under the Radical-Socialist _bloc_, a few years ago, General Andre, acting for the ministry, resorted to a comprehensive system of espionage to ferret out the undesirable officers. Every commune has its official scrutinizer, who reports the doings of the employees to the government.

This, in turn, has created a clientilism. The deputy is needed by the ministry, the deputy needs the votes of his constituency, the local officials need the good will of the deputy. The result is a fawning favoritism that has taken the place of party servitude as we know it in America.

The Socialists have precipitated a serious problem in this relation of the government employee to the state: Can the state employees form a union? There are nearly 1,000,000 state employees. This includes not only all the functionaries, but all the workmen in the match factories, the mint, the national porcelain factory and tobacco plants, and the navy yards. In 1885 and again in 1902 the Court of Cassation decided that "the right of forming a union (_syndicat_) is confined to those who, whether as employers or as workmen or employed, are engaged in _industry, agriculture, or commerce_, to the exclusion of all other persons and all other occupations."

The government has, however, countenanced some infringements. A few syndicates of municipal and departmental employees are allowed; but they are mostly workmen, not strictly functionaries. There are several syndicates of elementary school teachers. But they have not been allowed to federate their unions. At Lyons the teachers formed a union and, according to law, filed their rules and regulations with the proper official, who turned them over to the Minister of Justice, and after a cabinet consultation it was decided that the union was illegal, but would be ignored. They then joined the local _Bourse du Travail_ (federation of labor), and Briand, then Minister of Education, vetoed their action. Then a number of branches in the public service, including post-office and customs-house employees, teachers, etc., united in forming a committee "_pour la defense du droit syndical des salaries de l'etat, des departements et du commerce_." This "Committee of Defense" petitioned Clemenceau on the right to organize, and intimated that the great and only difference between the state and the private employer is that the former adds political to economic oppression. This is pure Syndicalism. Under the individual political jugglery that takes the place of the party system in France, the problem is not made any the easier.

2. PROGRAM OF THE LIBERAL WING OF THE FRENCH SOCIALISTS, ADOPTED AT TOURS, 1902, UNDER THE LEADERSHIP OF JAURES

_I.--Declaration of Principles_

Socialism proceeds simultaneously from the movement of democracy and from the new forms of production. In history, from the very morrow of the French Revolution, the proletarians perceived that the Declaration of the Rights of Man would remain an illusion unless society transformed ownership.

How, indeed, could freedom, ownership, security, be guaranteed to all, in a society where millions of workers have no property but their muscles, and are obliged, in order to live, to sell their power of work to the propertied minority?

To extend, therefore, to every citizen the guarantees inscribed in the Declaration of Rights, our great Babeuf demanded ownership in common, as a guarantee of welfare in common. Communism was for the boldest proletarians the supreme expression of the Revolution.

Between the political regime, the outcome of the revolutionary movement, and the economic regime of society, there is an intolerable contradiction.

In the political order democracy is realized: all citizens share equally, at least by right, in the sovereignty; universal suffrage is communism in political power.

In the economic order, on the other hand, a minority is sovereign. It is the oligarchy of capital which possesses, directs, administers, and exploits.

Proletarians are acknowledged fit as citizens to manage the milliards of the national and communal budgets; as laborers, in the workshop, they are only a passive multitude, which has no share in the direction of enterprises, and they endure the domination of a class which makes them pay dearly for a tutelage whose utility ceases and whose prolongation is arbitrary.

The irresistible tendency of the proletarians, therefore, is to transfer into the economic order the democracy partially realized in the political order. Just as all the citizens have and handle in common, democratically, the political power, so they must have and handle in common the economic power, the means of production.

They must themselves appoint the heads of work in the workshops, as they appoint the heads of government in the city, and reserve for those who work, for the community, the whole product of work.

This tendency of political democracy to enlarge itself into social democracy has been strengthened and defined by the whole economic evolution.

In proportion as the capitalistic regime developed its effects, the proletariat became conscious of the irreducible opposition between its essential interests and the interests of the class dominant in society, and to the bourgeois form of democracy it opposed more and more the complete and thorough communistic democracy.

All hope of universalizing ownership and independence by multiplying small autonomous producers has disappeared. The great industry is more and more the rule in modern production.

By the enlargement of the world's markets, by the growing facility of transport, by the division of labor, by the increasing application of machinery, by the concentration of capitals, immense concentrated production is gradually ruining or subordinating the small or middling producers.

Even where the number of small craftsmen, small traders, small peasant proprietors, does not diminish, their relative importance in the totality of production grows less unceasingly. They fall under the sway of the great capitalists.

Even the peasant proprietors, who seem to have retained a little independence, are more and more exposed to the crushing forces of the universal market, which capitalism directs without their concurrence and against their interests.

For the sale of their wheat, wine, beetroot, and milk, they are more and more at the mercy of great middlemen or great industries of milling, distilling, and sugar-refining, which dominate and despoil peasant labor.

The industrial proletarians, having lost nearly all chance of individually rising to be employers, and being thus doomed to eternal dependence, are further subject to incessant crises of unemployment and misery, let loose by the unregulated competition of the great capitalist forces.

The immense progress of production and wealth, largely usurped by parasitic classes, has not led to an equivalent progress in well-being and security for the workers, the proletarians. Whole categories of wage-earners are abruptly thrown into extreme misery by the constant introduction of new mechanisms and by the abrupt movements and transformations of industry.

Capitalism itself admits the disorder of the present regime of production, since it tries to regulate it for its gain by capitalistic syndicates, by trusts.

Even if it succeeded in actually disciplining all the forces of production, it would only do so while consummating the domination and the monopoly of capital.

There is only one way of assuring the continued order and progress of production, the freedom of every individual, and the growing well-being of the workers; it is to transfer to the collectivity, to the social community, the ownership of the capitalistic means of production.

The proletariat, daily more numerous, ever better prepared for combined action by the great industry itself, understands that in collectiveness or communism lie the necessary means of salvation for it.

As an oppressed and exploited class, it opposes all the forces of oppression and exploitation, the whole system of ownership, which debases it to be a mere instrument. It does not expect its emancipation from the good will of rulers or the spontaneous generosity of the propertied classes, but from the continual and methodical pressure which it exerts upon the privileged class and the government.

It sets before itself as its final aim, not a partial amelioration, but the total transformation of society. And since it acknowledges no right as belonging to capitalistic ownership, it feels bound to it by no contract. It is determined to fight it, thoroughly, and to the end; and it is in this sense that the proletariat, even while using the legal means which democracy puts into its hands, is and must remain a revolutionary class.

Already by winning universal suffrage, by winning and exercising the right of combining to strike and of forming trade-unions, by the first laws regulating labor and causing society to insure its members, the proletariat has begun to react against the fatal effects of capitalism; it will continue this great and unceasing effort, but it will only end the struggle when all capitalist property has been reabsorbed by the community, and when the antagonism of classes has been ended by the disappearance of the classes themselves, reconciled, or rather made one, in common production and common ownership.

How will be accomplished the supreme transformation of the capitalist regime into the collectivist or communist? The human mind cannot determine beforehand the mode in which history will be accomplished.

The democratic and bourgeois revolution, which originated in the great movement of France in 1789, has come about in different countries in the most different ways. The old feudal system has yielded in one case to force, in another to peaceful and slow evolution. The revolutionary bourgeoisie has at one place and time proceeded to brutal expropriation without compensation, at another to the buying out of feudal servitudes.

No one can know in what way the capitalist servitude will be abolished. The essential thing is that the proletariat should be always ready for the most vigorous and effective action. It would be dangerous to dismiss the possibility of revolutionary events occasioned either by the resistance or by the criminal aggression of the privileged class.

It would be fatal, trusting in the one word revolution, to neglect the great forces which the conscious, organized proletariat can employ within democracy.

These legal means, often won by revolution, represent an accumulation of revolutionary force, a revolutionary capital, of which it would be madness not to take advantage.

Too often the workers neglect to profit by the means of action which democracy and the Republic put into their hands. They do not demand from trade-unionist action, co-operative action, or universal suffrage, all that those forms of action can give.

No formula, no machinery, can enable the working-class to dispense with the constant effort of organization and education.

The idea of the general strike, of general strikes, is invincibly suggested to proletarians by the growing magnitude of working-class organization. They do not desire violence, which is very often the result of an insufficient organization and a rudimentary education of the proletariat; but they would make a great mistake if they did not employ the powerful means of action, which co-ordinates working-class forces to subserve the great interests of the workers or of society; they must group and organize themselves to be in a position to make the privileged class more and more emphatically aware of the gulf which may suddenly be cleft open in the economic life of societies by the abrupt stoppage of the worn-out and interminably exploited workers. They can thereby snatch from the selfishness of the privileged class great reforms interesting the working-class in general, and hasten the complete transformation of an unjust society. But the formula of the general strike, like the partial strike, like political action, is only valuable through the progress of the education, the thought, and the will of the working-class.

The Socialist party defends the Republic as a necessary means of liberation and education. Socialism is essentially republican. It might be even said to be the Republic itself, since it is the extension of the Republic to the regime of property and labor.

The Socialist party needs, to organize the new world, free minds, emancipated from superstitions and prejudices. It asks for and guarantees every human being, every individual, absolute freedom of thinking, and writing, and affirming their beliefs. Over against all religions, dogmas, and churches, as well as over against the class conception of the bourgeoisie, it sets the unlimited right of free thought, the scientific conception of the universe, and a system of public education based exclusively on science and reason.

Thus accustomed to free thought and reflection, citizens will be protected against the sophistries of the capitalistic and clerical reaction. The small craftsmen, small traders, and small peasant proprietors will cease to think that it is Socialism which wishes to expropriate them. The Socialist party will hasten the hour when these small peasant proprietors, ruined by the underselling of their produce, riddled with mortgage debts, and always liable to judicial expropriation, will eventually understand the advantages of generalized and systematized association, and will claim themselves, as a benefit, the socialization of their plots of land.

But it would be useless to prepare inside each nation an organization of justice and peace, if the relations of the nations to one another remained exposed to every enterprise of force, every suggestion of capitalist greed.

The Socialist party desires peace among nations; it condemns every policy of aggression and war, whether continental or colonial. It constantly keeps on the order of the day for civilized countries simultaneous disarmament. While waiting for the day of definite peace among nations, it combats the militarist spirit by doing its utmost to approximate the system of permanent armies to that of national militias. It wishes to protect the territory and the independence of the nation against any surprise; but every offensive policy and offensive weapon is utterly condemned by it.

The close understanding of the workers, of the proletarians of every country, is necessary as well to beat back the forces of aggression and war as to prepare by a concerted action the general triumph of Socialism. The international agreement of the militant proletarians of every country will prepare the triumph of a free humanity, where the differences of classes will have disappeared, and the difference of nations, instead of being a principle of strife and hatred, will be a principle of brotherly emulation in the universal progress of mankind.

It is in this sense and for these reasons that the Socialist party has formulated in its congresses the rule and aim of its action--international understanding of the workers; political and economic organization of the proletariat as a class party for the conquest of government and the socialization of the means of production and exchange; that is to say, the transformation of capitalist society into a collectivist or communist society.

_II.--Program of Reforms_

The Socialist party, rejecting the policy of all or nothing, has a program of reforms whose realization it pursues forthwith.

(1) _Democratization of Public Authorities_

1. Universal direct suffrage, without distinction of sex, in every election.

2. Reduction of time of residence. Votes to be cast for lists, with proportional representation, in every election.

3. Legislative measures to secure the freedom and secrecy of the vote.

4. Popular right of initiative and referendum.

5. Abolition of the Senate and Presidency of the Republic. The powers at present belonging to the President of the Republic and the Cabinet to devolve on an executive council appointed by the Parliament.

6. Legal regulation of the legislator's mandate, to be revocable by the vote of any absolute majority of his constituents on the register.

7. Admission of women to all public functions.

8. Absolute freedom of the press, and of assembly guaranteed only by the common law. Abrogation of all exceptional laws on the press. Freedom of civil associations.

9. Full administrative autonomy of the departments and communes, under no reservations but that of the laws guaranteeing the republican, democratic, and secular character of the State.

(2) _Complete Secularization of the State_

1. Separation of the Churches and the State; abolition of the Budget of Public Worship; freedom of public worship; prohibition of the political and collective action of the Churches against the civil laws and republican liberties.

2. Abolition of the congregations; nationalization of the property in mortmain, of every kind, belonging to them, and appropriation of it for works of social insurance and solidarity; in the interval, all industrial, agricultural, and commercial undertakings are to be forbidden to the congregations.

(3) _Democratic and Humane Organization of Justice_

1. Substitution for all the present courts, whether civil or criminal, of courts composed of a jury taken from the electoral register and judges elected under guarantees of competence; the jury to be formed by drawing lots from lists drawn up by universal suffrage.

2. Justice to be without fee. Transformation of ministerial offices into public functions. Abolition of the monopoly of the bar.

3. Examination from opposite sides at every stage and on every point.

4. Substitution for the vindictive character of the present punishments, of a system for the safe keeping and the amelioration of convicts.

5. Abolition of the death penalty.

6. Abolition of the military and naval courts.

(4) _Constitution of the Family in conformity with Individual Rights_

1. Abrogation of every law establishing the civil inferiority of women and natural or adulterine children.

2. Most liberal legislation on divorce. A law sanctioning inquiry into paternity.

(5) _Civic and Technical Education_

1. Education to be free of charge at every stage.

2. Maintenance of the children in elementary schools at the expense of the public bodies.

3. For secondary and higher education, the community to pay for those of the children who on examination are pronounced fit usefully to continue their studies.

4. Creation of a popular higher education.

5. State monopoly of education at the three stages; as a means towards this, all members of the regular and secular clergy to be forbidden to open and teach in a school.

(6) _General recasting of the System of Taxation upon Principles of Social Solidarity_

1. Abolition of every tax on articles of consumption which are primary necessaries, and of the four direct contributions;[1] accessorily, relief from taxation of all small plots of land and small professional businesses.[2]

2. Progressive income-tax, levied on each person's income as a whole, in all cases where it exceeds 3,000 francs (L120).

3. Progressive tax on inheritances, the scale of progression being calculated with reference both to the amount of the inheritance and the degree of remoteness of the relationship.

4. The State to be empowered to seek a part of the revenue which it requires from certain monopolies.

(7) _Legal Protection and Regulation of Labor in Industry, Commerce, and Agriculture_

1. One day's rest per week, or prohibition of employers to exact work more than six days in seven.

2. Limitation of the working-day to eight hours; as a means towards this, vote of every regulation diminishing the length of the working-day.

3. Prohibition of the employment of children under fourteen; half-time system for young persons, productive labor being combined with instruction and education.

4. Prohibition of night-work for women and young persons. Prohibition of night-work for adult workers of all categories and in all industries where night-work is not absolutely necessary.

5. Legislation to protect home-workers.

6. Prohibition of piece-work and of truck. Legal recognition of blacklisting.

7. Scales of rates forming a minimum wage to be fixed by agreement between municipalities and the working-class corporations of industry, commerce, and agriculture.

8. Employers to be forbidden to make deductions from wages, as fines or otherwise. Workers to assist in framing special rules for workshops.

9. Inspection of workshops, mills, factories, mines, yards, public services, shops, etc., shall be carried out with reference to the conditions of work, hygiene, and safety, by inspectors elected by the workmen's unions, in concurrence with the State inspectors.

10. Extension of the industrial arbitration courts to all wage-workers of industry, commerce, and agriculture.

11. Convict labor to be treated as a State monopoly; the charge for all work done shall be the wage normally paid to trade-unionist workers.

12. Women to be forbidden by law to work for six weeks before confinement and for six weeks after.

(8) _Social Insurance against all Natural and Economic Risks_

1. Organization by the nation of a system of social insurance, applying to the whole mass of industrial, commercial, and agricultural workers, against the risks of sickness, accident, disability, old age, and unemployment.

2. The insurance funds to be found without drawing on wages; as a means towards this, limitation of the contribution drawn from the wage-workers to a third of the total contribution, the two other thirds to be provided by the State and the employers.

3. The law on workmen's accidents to be improved and applied without distinction or nationality.

4. The workers to take part in the control and administration of the insurance system.

(9) _Extension of the Domain and Public Services, Industrial and Agricultural, of State, Department, and Commune_

1. Nationalization of railways, mines, the Bank of France, insurance, the sugar refineries and sugar factories, the distilleries, and the great milling establishments.

2. Organization of public employment registries for the workers, with the assistance of the Bourses du Travail and the workmen's organizations: and abolition of the private registries.

3. State organization of agricultural banks.

4. Grants to rural communes to assist them to purchase agricultural machinery collectively, to acquire communal domains, worked under the control of the communes by unions of rural laborers, and to establish depots and entrepots.

5. Organization of communal services for lighting, water, common transport, construction, and public management of cheap dwellings.

6. Democratic administration of the public services, national and communal; organizations of workers to take part in their administration and control; all wage-earners in all public services to have the right of forming trade-unions.

7. National and communal service of public health, and strengthening of the laws which protect it--those on unhealthy dwellings, etc.

(10) _Policy of International Peace and Adaptation of the Military Organization to the Defense of the Country_

1. Substitution of a militia for the standing Army, and adoption of every measure, such as reductions of military service, leading up to it.

2. Remodeling and mitigation of the military penal code; abolition of disciplinary corps, and prohibition of the prolongation of military service by way of penalty.

3. Renunciation of all offensive war, no matter what its pretext.

4. Renunciation of every alliance not aimed exclusively at the maintenance of peace.

5. Renunciation of Colonial military expeditions; and in the present Colonies or Protectorates, withdrawn from the influence of missionaries and the military regime, development of institutions to protect the natives.

3. BASIS OF THE UNITED SOCIALIST PARTY OF FRANCE

_Adopted January 13, 1905_

The representatives of the various Socialistic organizations of France: the revolutionary Socialist Labor Party, the Socialist Party of France, the French Socialist Party, the independent federations of Bouches-du-Rhone, of Bretagne, of Herault, of the Somme, and of l'Yonne, commanded by their respective parties and federations to form a union upon the basis indicated by the International Congress of Amsterdam, declare that the action of a unified party should be based upon the principles established by the International Congress, especially those held in France in 1900 and Amsterdam in 1904.

The divergence of views and the various interpretations of the tactics of the Socialists which have prevailed up to the present moment have been due to circumstances peculiar to France and to the absence of a general party organization.

The delegates declare their common desire to form a party based upon the class war which, at the same time, will utilize to its profit the struggles of the laboring classes and unite their action with that of a political party organized for the defense of the rights of the proletariat, whose interests will always rest in a party fundamentally and irreconcilably opposed to all the bourgeois classes and to the state which is their instrument.

Therefore the delegates declare that their respective organizations are prepared to collaborate immediately in this work of the unification of all the Socialistic forces in France, upon the following basis, unanimously adopted:

1. The Socialist Party is a class party which has for its aim the socialization of the means of production and exchange, that is to say, to transform the present capitalistic society into a collective or communistic society by means of the political and economic organization of the proletariat. By its aims, by its ideals, by the power which it employs, the Socialist Party, always seeking to realize the immediate reforms demanded by the working class, is not a party of reforms, but a party of class war and revolution.

2. The members of Parliament elected by the party form a unique group opposed to all the factions of the bourgeois parties. The Socialist group in Parliament must refuse to sustain all of those means which assure the domination of the bourgeoisie in government and their maintenance in power: must therefore refuse to vote for military appropriations, appropriations for colonial conquest, secret funds, and the budget.

Even in the most exceptional circumstances the Socialist members must not pledge the party without its consent.

In Parliament the Socialist group must consecrate itself to defending and extending the political liberties and rights of the working classes and to the realization of those reforms which ameliorate the conditions of life in the struggle for existence of the working class.

The deputies should always hold themselves at the disposition of the party, giving themselves to the general propaganda, the organization of the proletariat, and constantly working toward the ultimate goal of Socialism.

3. Every member of the legislature individually, as well as each militant Socialist, is subject to the control of his federation; all of the officials in all of the groups are subject to the central organization. In every case the national congress has the final jurisdiction over all party matters.

4. There shall be complete freedom of discussion in the press concerning questions of principle and policy, but the conduct of all the Socialist publications must be strictly in accord with the decisions of the national congress as interpreted by the executive committee of the party. Journals which are or may become the property of the party, either of the national party or of the federations, will naturally be placed under the management of authorities permanently established for that purpose by the party or the federations. Journals which are not the property of the party, but proclaim themselves as Socialistic, must conform strictly to the resolutions of the congress as interpreted by the proper party authorities, and they should insert all the official communications of the party and party notices, as they may be requested to do. The central committee of the party may remind such journals of the policies of the party, and if they are recalcitrant may propose to the congress that all intercourse between them and the party be broken.

5. Members of Parliament shall not be appointed members of the central committee, but they shall be represented on the central committee by a committee equal to one-tenth of the number of delegates, and in no case shall their representation be less than five. The Federation shall not appoint as delegates to the Central Committee "_militants_" who reside within the limits of the Federation.

6. The party will take measures for insuring, on the part of the officials, respect for the mandates of the party, and will fix the amount of their assessment.

7. A congress charged with the definite organization of the party will be convened as soon as possible upon the basis of proportional representation fixed, first upon the number of members paying dues, and second upon the number of votes cast in the general elections of 1902.

III. GERMANY

1. POLITICAL PARTIES IN GERMANY

There are a great many "fractions" in German politics. But, following the Continental custom, they are all grouped into three divisions, the Left or Radical, Right or Conservative, and the Center. In Germany the Center is the Catholic or Clerical Party. The leading groups are as follows:

1. _Conservative._--The "German Conservatives" are the old tories; the "Free Conservatives" profess, but rarely show, a tendency toward liberal ideas, although they have, at intervals, opposed ministerial measures. The Conservatives are for the Government (Regierung) first, last, and all the time. They were a powerful factor under Bismarck and docile in his hands. Since his day they have suffered many defeats because of their reactionary policy. But the group still is the Kaiser's party, the stronghold of modern medievalism, opposed to radical reforms, and adhering to "the grace of God" policy of monarchism. Economically they are _junker_ and "big business." The anti-Socialist laws were the expression of their ideas as to Socialism and the way to quench it.

2. _National Liberal._--This party is not liberal, in the sense that England or America knows liberalism. It is really only a less conservative party than the extreme Right, although it began as the brilliant Progressist Party of the early '60's. It was triumphant in the Prussian Diet until Bismarck shattered it on his war policy. In the first Reichstag it had 116 members, nearly one-third of the whole. But Bismarck needed it, got it, and left it quite as conservative as he wished. It voted for the anti-Socialist laws and for state insurance.

3. _Progressive_ (_Freisinnige_, literally, "free-minded").--This faction is a cession from the old Progressist Party of which Lassalle was a member for a few months. They are Radicals of a very moderate type, and are opposed to the junker bureaucracy. There are two wings--the People's Party (_Freisinnige Volkspartei_) and the Progressive Union (_Freisinnige Vereinigung_). It is a constitutional party, and has counted in its ranks such eminent scholars as Professor Virchow and Professor Theodor Mommsen. They are in favor of ministerial responsibility, are free traders of the Manchester type, opposed to state intervention and state insurance, but favor factory inspection, sanitation, and other social legislation. They are in favor of freedom in religion, trade, and education, and espouse ballot reform. They have a well-organized party, but do not seem effective in winning elections. They share, to some degree, with the Social Democrats the prejudice of the religious folk against free-thinking and religious latitudinarianism. It is the middle-class party of protest against bureaucracy.

4. The _Center_, or Catholic Party, is a homogeneous, isolated, well-disciplined, inflexible group, dominated by loyalty to their religion. Whenever they have co-operated with the government it has been in return for favors shown. The ranks of this party were closed by the _Culturkampf_, which resulted in the expulsion of the Jesuit orders and the separation of the elementary schools from the Church. The party is reactionary in politics and economics.

5. _Anti-Semitic._--The name discloses the ideals of a party inspired by dread and hatred of an element that comprises less than 1.5 per cent. of the population, and whose political disabilities were not all removed until 1850 in Prussia and 1869 in Mecklenburg. This party was formed in 1880, largely through the agitation of the Court Chaplain, Pastor Stoecker, whose diatribes were peculiarly effective in Berlin, where some very disgraceful scenes were enacted by members of this party.

6. _Independent groups_ are formed by the various nationalities that are under subjection to German dominance. These are the Danish, Hannoverian, Alsace-Lorraine, and Polish groups. They usually are grouped with the Center.

7. There are also a number of independent members in the Reichstag. They adhere loosely to the larger groups, but as a rule merit the name given them--_Wilden_, "wild ones."

The accompanying table (p. 297) shows the distribution of seats in the Reichstag, for the past thirty years.

2. SOME MODERN GERMAN ELECTION LAWS

_Analysis of the New Election Law of Saxony_

_A._ One vote--every male 25 years of age.

_B._ Two votes, every male, as follows:

1. Those who have an annual income of over 1,600 marks
($400).

2. Those who hold public office or a permanent private
position with an annual income of over 1,400 marks ($350).

3. Those who are eligible to vote for Landskulturrat
(Agricultural Board) or Gewerbskammer (Chamber of
Commerce) and from their business have an income of over
1,400 marks. (This includes merchants, landowners, and
manufacturers.)

4. Those who are owners or beneficiaries of property in the
kingdom from which they have an income of 1,250 marks
($312.50) a year, and upon which at least 100 tax units
are assessed.

5. Those who own, or are beneficiaries of, land in the
kingdom, to the extent of at least 2 hectares, devoted to
agriculture, or forestry, or horticulture, or more than
one-half hectare devoted to gardening or wine culture.

6. Those who have conducted such professional studies as
entitle them to the one-year volunteer military service.

_C._ The following have three votes:

1. Those who have an income of over 2,200 marks ($550).

2. Those in division B, 2 and 3, who have an income from
office or position of over 1,900 marks ($475).

3. Those who are not in private or public service and have a
professional income of over 1,900 marks. (This includes
lawyers, physicians, artists, engineers, publicists,
authors, professors.)

4. Those in B, 4, whose income is over 1,600 marks ($400).

5. Those in B, 5, with 4 hectares devoted to agriculture,
etc., and 1 hectare to gardening or wine culture.

_D._ The following have four votes:

1. Those who have an income of 2,800 marks ($700).

2. Those in B, 2 and 3, or in C, 3, with an income over 2,500
marks ($625).

3. Those in B, 4, with an annual income of over 2,200 marks
($550).

4. Those in B, 5, with 8 hectares devoted to agriculture or 2
hectares devoted to gardening or wine culture.

_E._ Voters over 50 years old have an extra vote (Alters-stimme),
but no voter is allowed over four votes.

Sachsen-Altenburg, in 1908-9, modified its election laws as follows: The legislature is composed of 9 representatives elected by the cities; 12 by the rural districts; 7 by the highest taxpayers; one each by the Chamber of Commerce, the Board of Agriculture, the Craft guilds (Handwerks-kammer), and the Labor Council (Arbeiter-kammer). The vigorous protest of the Social Democrats did not avail against the passage of this law.

Saxe-Weimar recently modified its election law as follows: All citizens of communes were given the right to vote. The great feudal estates (165 persons in 1909) elect 5 representatives to the Diet; the rest of the highest taxpayers, i.e., those who have a taxable income of over 3,000 marks, elect 5. The University of Jena elects 1 member, the Chamber of Commerce 1, the Handwerks-kammer (Craft Guilds) 1, Landwirthschaftkammer (Agricultural Board) 1, the Arbeitskammer (Labor Council) 1. There are 38 members in the Diet: the remaining 23 are elected at large.

3. STATISTICAL TABLES

STATE INSURANCE IN GERMANY

_Industrial Insurance in Germany, 1908._

Sick benefits: Number insured 13,189,599
Men 9,880,541
Women 3,309,058
Income 365,994,000 marks
Outlay 331,049,900 "
Accident Insurance: Number insured 23,674,000
Men 14,795,400
Women 8,878,600
Income 207,550,500 marks
Outlay 157,884,700 "
Old-Age Pensions: Number insured 15,226,000
Men 10,554,000
Women 4,672,000
Income 285,882,000 marks
Outlay 181,476,800 "

From 1885 to 1908 a total of 9,791,376,100 marks ($2,447,844,025) was paid out in industrial insurance. (Compiled from _Statistisches Jahrbuch des Deutschen Reiches_.)

LABOR UNIONS IN GERMANY

=================+===================+=============+======================
_Name of Union_ | _Membership_ | _No. of | _Amount in
| | Unions_ | Treasury--Marks_
-----------------+---------+---------+------+------+----------+-----------
| 1908 | 1909 | 1908 | 1909 | 1908 | 1909
+---------+---------+------+------+----------+-----------
Social Democratic|1,831,731|1,892,568|11,024|11,725|40,839,791|43,743,793
Hirsh-Duncker | 105,633| 108,028| 2,095| 2,102| 4,210,413| 4,372,495
Christian | 264,519| 280,061| 3,212| 3,856| 4,513,409| 5,365,338
Patriotic | 16,507| 9,957| 69| 91| 57,786| 24,858
"Yellow" | 47,532| 53,849| 79| 85| 386,305| 437,602
Independent* | 615,873| 654,240| | | 1,357,802| 1,655,325
-----------------+---------+---------+------+------+----------+-----------
* This is a nondescript group of local organizations, containing (1909)
56,183 Poles, as well as the organization of railwaymen, telegraph
operators, postal employees, all in the government service, and
organized as friendly societies rather than as fighting bodies.
Government employees are not supposed to participate in "Unionism."
Compiled from _Statistisches Jahrbuch des Deutschen Reiches_.

TABLE SHOWING VOTE CAST IN REICHSTAG ELECTIONS SINCE THE FOUNDING OF THE EMPIRE*

==========================+==========+==========+==========+==========+
Election Year | 1871 | 1874 | 1877 | 1878 |
Population of Empire |40,997,000|42,004,000|43,610,000|44,129,000|
Number of voters | 7,656,000| 8,523,000| 8,943,000| 9,128,000|
Number who voted | 3,885,000| 5,190,000| 5,401,000| 5,761,000|
Per cent. of vote cast | 51.0 | 61.2 | 60.6 | 63.3 |
==========================+==========+==========+==========+==========+
Conservative | 549,000| 360,000| 526,000| 749,000|
Imperial Conservative | 346,000| 376,000| 427,000| 786,000|
Anti-Semites | ... | ... | ... | ... |
Other Conservative Groups| ... | ... | ... | ... |
Center | 724,000| 1,446,000| 1,341,000| 1,328,000|
Guelphs | 73,000| 72,000| 86,000| 107,000|
Danes | 21,000| 20,000| 17,000| 16,000|
Poles | 176,000| 209,000| 216,000| 216,000|
Alsatians | ... | 190,000| 149,000| 130,000|
National Liberal | 1,171,000| 1,499,000| 1,470,000| 1,331,000|
Other Liberal groups | 281,000| 98,000| 89,000| 69,000|
Progressist or Radical | 361,000| 469,000| 403,000| 388,000|
People's Party | 50,000| 39,000| 49,000| 69,000|
Social Democrats | 124,000| 352,000| 493,000| 437,000|
==========================+==========+==========+==========+==========+
==========================+==========+==========+==========+==========+
Election Year | 1881 | 1884 | 1887 | 1890 |
Population of Empire |45,428,000|46,336,000|47,630,000|49,241,000|
Number of voters | 9,090,000| 9,383,000| 9,770,000|10,146,000|
Number who voted | 5,098,000| 5,663,000| 7,541,000| 7,229,000|
Per cent. of vote cast | 56.3 | 60.6 | 77.5 | 71.6 |
==========================+==========+==========+==========+==========+
Conservative | 831,000| 861,000| 1,147,000| 895,000|
Imperial Conservative | 379,000| 388,000| 736,000| 482,000|
Anti-Semites | ... | ... | 12,000| 48,000|
Other Conservative Groups| ... | ... | ... | 66,000|
Center | 1,183,000| 1,282,000| 1,516,000| 1,342,000|
Guelphs | 87,000| 96,000| 113,000| 113,000|
Danes | 14,000| 14,000| 12,000| 14,000|
Poles | 201,000| 203,000| 220,000| 247,000|
Alsatians | 147,000| 166,000| 234,000| 101,000|
National Liberal | 747,000| 997,000| 1,678,000| 1,179,000|
Other Liberal groups | 429,000| ... | ... | ... |
Progressist or Radical | 649,000| 997,000| 973,000| 1,160,000|
People's Party | 108,000| 96,000| 89,000| 148,000|
Social Democrats | 312,000| 550,000| 763,000| 1,427,000|
==========================+==========+==========+==========+==========+
==========================+==========+==========+==========+
Election Year | 1893 | 1898 | 1903 |
Population of Empire |50,757,000|54,406,000|58,629,000|
Number of voters |10,628,000|11,441,000|12,531,000|
Number who voted | 7,674,000| 7,753,000| 9,496,000|
Per cent. of vote cast | 72.2 | 68.1 | 75.8 |
==========================+==========+==========+==========+
Conservative | 1,038,000| 859,000| 935,000|
Imperial Conservative | 438,000| 344,000| 333,000|
Anti-Semites | 264,000| 284,000| 249,000|
Other Conservative Groups| 250,000| 250,000| 230,000|
Center | 1,469,000| 1,455,000| 1,866,000|
Guelphs | 106,000| 109,000| 101,000|
Danes | 14,000| 15,000| 15,000|
Poles | 230,000| 252,000| 354,000|
Alsatians | 115,000| 107,000| 127,000|
National Liberal | 997,000| 984,000| 1,338,000|
Other Liberal groups | 258,000| 235,000| 285,000|
Progressist or Radical | 666,000| 558,000| 538,000|
People's Party | 167,000| 109,000| 92,000|
Social Democrats | 1,787,000| 2,107,000| 3,011,000|
==========================+==========+==========+==========+
==========================+==========+===========
Election Year | 1907 | 1912
Population of Empire |61,983,000|65,407,000
Number of voters |13,353,000|14,442,000
Number who voted |11,304,000|12,207,000
Per cent. of vote cast | 84.7 | 84.5
==========================+==========+===========
Conservative | 1,099,000| 1,126,000
Imperial Conservative | 494,000| 383,000
Anti-Semites | 261,000| ...
Other Conservative Groups| 272,000| 424,000
Center | 2,159,000| 1,991,000
Guelphs | 94,000| 91,000
Danes | 15,000| 17,000
Poles | 458,000| 448,000
Alsatians | 107,000| 157,000
National Liberal | 1,696,000| 1,723,000
Other Liberal groups | 435,000}
Progressist or Radical | 744,000} 1,506,000
People's Party | 139,000}
Social Democrats | 3,259,000| 4,250,000
==========================+==========+===========

* In round numbers. From Kuerschner's _Deutscher Reichstag_, p. 24.

PARTY REPRESENTATION IN THE REICHSTAG

THE YEARS ARE THOSE OF GENERAL ELECTIONS--EXCEPTING 1911