Chapter XIV: Book IV: Rome After the Fall of Vitellius (4)
On their arrival at Sinope they laid their presents, their 84 petition, and their king's instructions before Scydrothemis. He was in some perplexity. He was afraid of the god and yet alarmed by the threats of his subjects, who opposed the project: then, again, he often felt tempted by the envoys' presents and promises. Three years passed. Ptolemy's zeal never abated for a moment. He persisted in his petition, and kept sending more and more distinguished envoys, more ships, more gold. Then a threatening vision appeared to Scydrothemis, bidding him no longer thwart the god's design. When he still hesitated, he was beset by every kind of disease and disaster: the gods were plainly angry and their hand was heavier upon him every day. He summoned an assembly and laid before it the divine commands, his own and Ptolemy's visions, and the troubles with which they were visited. The king found the people unfavourable. They were jealous of Egypt and fearful of their own future. So they surged angrily round the temple. The story now grows stranger still. The god himself, it says, embarked unaided on one of the ships that lay beached on the shore, and by a miracle accomplished the long sea-journey and landed at Alexandria within three days. A temple worthy of so important a city was then built in the quarter called Rhacotis, on the site of an ancient temple of Serapis and Isis.[455] This is the most widely accepted account of the god's origin and arrival. Some people, I am well aware, maintain that the god was brought from the Syrian town of Seleucia during the reign of Ptolemy, the third of that name.[456] Others, again, say it was this same Ptolemy, but make the place of origin the famous town of Memphis,[457] once the bulwark of ancient Egypt. Many take the god for Aesculapius, because he cures disease: others for Osiris, the oldest of the local gods; some, again, for Jupiter, as being the sovereign lord of the world. But the majority of people, either judging by what are clearly attributes of the god or by an ingenious process of conjecture, identify him with Pluto.
Domitian and Mucianus were now on their way to the Alps.[458] 85 Before reaching the mountains they received the good news of the victory over the Treviri, the truth of which was fully attested by the presence of their leader Valentinus. His courage was in no way crushed and his face still bore witness to the proud spirit he had shown. He was allowed a hearing, merely to see what he was made of, and condemned to death. At his execution some one cast it in his teeth that his country was conquered, to which he replied, 'Then I am reconciled to death.'
Mucianus now gave utterance to an idea which he had long cherished, though he pretended it was a sudden inspiration. This was that, since by Heaven's grace the forces of the enemy had been broken, it would ill befit Domitian, now that the war was practically over, to stand in the way of the other generals to whom the credit belonged. Were the fortunes of the empire or the safety of Gaul at stake, it would be right that a Caesar should take the field; the Canninefates and Batavi might be left to minor generals. So Domitian was to stay at Lugdunum and there show them the power and majesty of the throne at close quarters. By abstaining from trifling risks he would be ready to cope with any greater crisis.
The ruse was detected, but it could not be unmasked. That was part 86 of the courtier's policy.[459] Thus they proceeded to Lugdunum. From there Domitian is supposed to have sent messengers to Cerialis to test his loyalty, and to ask whether the general would transfer his army and his allegiance to him, should he present himself in person. Whether Domitian's idea was to plan war against his father or to acquire support against his brother, cannot be decided, for Cerialis parried his proposal with a salutary snub and treated it as a boy's day-dream. Realizing that older men despised his youth, Domitian gave up even those functions of government which he had hitherto performed. Aping bashfulness and simple tastes, he hid his feelings under a cloak of impenetrable reserve, professing literary tastes and a passion for poetry. Thus he concealed his real self and withdrew from all rivalry with his brother, whose gentler and altogether different nature he perversely misconstrued.
FOOTNOTES:
[448] Cp. ii. 59.
[449] During June and July before the Etesian winds (cp. ii. 98)
began to blow from the north-west.
[450] Circa A.D. 108.
[451] Meaning 'king's son', and therefore portending sovereignty.
[452] i.e. Ptolemy Soter, who founded the dynasty of the
Lagidae, and reigned 306-283 B.C.
[453] They inherited the priesthood of Demeter at Eleusis and
supplied the hierophants who conducted the mysteries.
[454] i.e. the sovereign god of the underworld.
[455] It is evident from these words that the worship of
Serapis was ancient in Egypt. It seems to be suggested that
the arrival of this statue from Pontus did not originate but
invigorated the cult of Serapis. Pluto, Dis, Serapis, are all
names for a god of the underworld. Jupiter seems added vaguely
to give more power to the title. We cannot expect accurate
theology from an amateur antiquarian.
[456] Ptolemy Euergetes, 247-222 B.C.
[457] According to Eustathius there was a Mount Sinopium near
Memphis. This suggests an origin for the title Sinopitis,
applied to Serapis, and a cause for the invention of the
romantic story about Sinope in Pontus.
[458] Cp. chap. 68.
[459] i.e. Mucianus was too cunning to give Domitian any
excuse for declaring his suspicions.
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Tacitus: The Histories, Volumes I and IIChapter XIV: Book IV: Rome After the Fall of Vitellius (4)
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