Chapter IV: Part 4

+--------+------------------------------------------------------------------+
|Tonnage.| Ships. |Men. | Captains. |
+--------+------------------------------------------------------------------+
| 400 | The Galleon Leicester | 180 |George Fenner, Gent. |
| 400 | The Merchant Royal | 160 |Robert Feake |
| 300 | The Edward Bonaventure | 120 |James Lancaster |
| 300 | The Roebuck | 120 |Jacob Whitton |
| 250 | The Golden Noble | 120 |Adam Seager, Gent. |
| 200 | The Griffin | 100 |William Hawkins, Gent. |
| 200 | The Minion | 80 |William Winter, Gent. |
| 200 | The Bark Talbot | 80 |Henry White, Gent. |
| 200 | The Thomas | 80 |Henry Spindelo |
| 200 | The Spark | 80 |William Spark |
| 200 | The Hopewell | 80 |John Marchant |
| 250 | The Galleon Dudley | 120 |James Krezey [? Creasy] |
| 200 | The Godsaver | 80 |John Greenfield |
| 200 | The Hope of Plymouth | 80 |John Rivers |
| 150 | The Bark Band | 70 |William Poole |
| 150 | The Bonner | 70 |Charles Cesare |
| 150 | The Bark Hawkins | 70 | Prideaux |
| 80 | The Unity | 40 |Humphrey Sydenham, Gent. |
| 60 | The Elizabeth Drake | 30 |Thomas Seely |
| 80 | The Bark Buggens | 40 |John Longford, Gent. |
| 80 | The Frigate | 40 | Grant |
| 160 | The Bark Sellinger | 80 |John Sellinger, Gent. |
| 160 | The Bark Manning[t]on | 80 |Ambrose Mannington, Gent.|
| 50 | The Golden Hind | 30 |Thomas Fleming |
| 60 | The Makeshift | 30 |Pierce Leyman |
| 60 | The Diamond of Dartmouth | 30 |Robert Holland |
| 100 | The Elizabeth of Fowes, [? Fowey]| 60 | |
| 60 | The Speedwell | 14 | |
| 140 | The Bear | 60 |John Young, Gent. |
| 60 | The Chance | 40 |James Fowes |
| 50 | The Delight | 30 |William Cope |
| 40 | The Nightingale | 20 |John Gresting |
+--------+------------------------------------------------------------------+
| 5220 | 43 |2334 | 33 |
+--------+------------------------------------------------------------------+

_Ships of London set forth by the same City._

+----------+-------------------------+------+--------------------------+
| Tonnage. | Ships. | Men. | Captains. |
+----------+-------------------------+------+--------------------------+
| 300 | The Hercules | 130 | George Barnes, Gent. |
| 250 | The Toby | 120 | Robert Basset |
| 200 | The Mayflower | 90 | Edward Banks |
| 200 | The Minion | 90 | John Dale |
| 160 | The Royal Defence | 70 | John Chester |
| 200 | The Ascension | 90 | John Baron |
| 180 | The Gift of God | 80 | Thomas Lentlow |
| 200 | The Primrose | 90 | Robert Bringborne |
| 200 | The Marget and John | 90 | John Fisher |
| 140 | The Golden Lion | 70 | Robert Wilcox |
| 80 | The Diana | 30 | |
| 160 | The Bark Burr | 70 | John Sarracolle |
| 200 | The Tiger | 80 | William Sezare [? Cæsar] |
| 160 | The Brave | 70 | William Furthoe |
| 200 | The Red Lion | 80 | Jarvis Wylde |
| 250 | The Centurion | 100 | Samuel Foxcroft |
| 80 | The Passport | 30 | Christopher Coletharste |
| | | | [? Colthurst] |
| 60 | The Moonshine | 30 | John Borough |
| 140 | The Thomas Bonaventure | 70 | William Aldredge |
| 60 | The Relief | 40 | John King |
| 220 | The Susan and Parnel | 100 | Nicholas Gorge, Esq. |
| 220 | The Violet | 70 | Martin Hawkins |
| 170 | The Salamon | 100 | Edmund Musgrave |
| 180 | The Anne Francis | 90 | Christopher Lyster |
| 200 | The George Bonaventure | 90 | Eleazer Hickman |
| 100 | The Jane Bonaventure | 50 | Thomas Hallwood |
| 160 | The Vineyard | 80 | Benjamin Cooke |
| 140 | The Samuel | 70 | John Vassall |
| 150 | The George Noble | 80 | Henry Bellingham, Esq. |
| 110 | The Anthony | 60 | George Harper |
| 140 | The Toby Junior | 70 | John Vassal, Christopher |
| | | | Pigott |
| 120 | The Salamander | 60 | Samforde |
| 110 | The Rose Lion | 60 | Barnaby Acton |
| 120 | The Antelope | 60 | Dennison |
| 120 | The Jewel | 60 | Rowell |
| 160 | The Pawnses [? Pansies] | 80 | William Butler |
| 130 | The Providence | 70 | Richard Chester |
| 160 | The Dolphin | 70 | William Hare |
+----------+-------------------------+------+--------------------------+
| 6130 | 38 | 3020 | |
+----------+-------------------------+------+--------------------------+

_Coasters with the Lord Admiral._

+--------+--------------------------+----+-------------------+
|Tonnage.| Ships. |Men.| Captains. |
+--------+--------------------------+----+-------------------+
| 80 | The Bark Webbe | 40 | Nicholas Webbe |
| 150 | The John Trelawney | 70 | Thomas Meeke |
| 60 | The Hart of Dartmouth | 30 | James Haughton |
| 180 | The Bark Pottes | 80 | Anthony Pottes |
| 40 | The Little John | 20 | Lawrence Clayton |
| 130 | The Bartholomew | 70 | Nicholas Wright |
| 110 | The Rose of Apsam | 60 | Thomas Sandie |
| 25 | The Gift of Apsam | 20 | |
| 90 | The Jacob of Lyme | 40 | |
| 60 | The Revenge of Lyme | 30 | Richard Bedscodge |
| 70 | The Win of Bridgewater | 40 | John Smith |
| 140 | The Cresset of Dartmouth | 70 | |
| 100 | The Galleon of Weymouth | 50 | Richard Wheeler |
| 66 | The Katherine ditto | 30 | |
| 70 | The John of Chichester | 40 | John Young |
| 60 | The Hearty Anne | 30 | John Wynnal |
| 230 | The Minion of Bristol |100 | John Sachfield |
| 80 | The Handmaid of ditto | 40 | James Langton |
| 60 | The Aid of ditto | 30 | Christopher Pitt |
| | The Unicorn of ditto | 70 | William Wreger |
+--------+--------------------------+----+-------------------+
| 1930 | 20 |960 | |
+--------+--------------------------+----+-------------------+

_Coasters with the Lord Henry Seymour._

+--------+---------------------------+----+---------------------------+
|Tonnage.| Ships. |Men.| Captains. |
+--------+---------------------------+----+---------------------------+
| 160 | The Daniel | 70 | Robert Johnson |
| 150 | The Galleon Hutchins | 70 | Thomas Tucker |
| 150 | The Bark Lane | 70 | Leonard Harwell |
| 60 | The Fancy | 30 | Richard Fearne |
| 70 | The Griffin | 40 | John Thompson |
| 50 | The Little Hare | 30 | Matthew Railston |
| 75 | The Handmaid | 40 | John Gattenbury |
| 150 | The Marygold | 70 | Francis Johnson |
| 35 | The Matthew | 20 | Richard Mitchel |
| 40 | The Susan | 20 | John Musgrave |
| 140 | The William of Ipswich | 70 | Barnaby Lowe |
| 125 | The Katherine | 60 | Thomas Grimble |
| 120 | The Primrose | 60 | John Cordwell |
| 60 | The Anne Bonaventure | 30 | John Conny |
| 80 | The William of Rye | 40 | William Coxon |
| 50 | The Grace of God | 20 | William Fordred |
| 120 | The Ellnatchen of Dover | 70 | John Lydgen |
| 110 | The Robin | 60 | William Cripps |
| 38 | The Hazard | 20 | Nicholas Tornor [? Turner]|
| 150 | The Grace of Yarmouth | 70 | William Musgrave |
| 150 | The May Flower | 70 | Alexander Musgrave |
| 100 | The William of Bricklesey | 50 | Thomas Lambert |
| 60 | The John Young | 30 | Reynold Veazey |
+--------+---------------------------+----+---------------------------+
| 2248 | 23 |
+--------+---------------------------+----+---------------------------+

_Voluntary Ships with the Lord Admiral._

+--------+-------------------------+----+------------------+
|Tonnage.| Ships. |Men.| Captains. |
+--------+-------------------------+----+------------------+
| 140 |The Francis of Fowey | 70| John Rashley |
| 300 |The Sampson | 120| John Wingfield |
| 60 |The Heathen of Weymouth | 30| |
| 120 |The Golden Ryal ditto | 70| |
| 70 |The Bark Sutton ditto | 30| Hugh Preston |
| 50 |The Carouse | 30| |
| 250 |The Samaritan | 100| |
| 120 |The William of Plymouth | 60| |
| 30 |The Galego ditto | 20| |
| 60 |The Bark Hawlfe | 30| Grinfield Hawlfe |
| 76 |The Unicorn of Dartmouth | 30| |
| 100 |The Grace of Apsam | 50| Walter Edney |
| 60 |The Thomas Bonaventure | 30| John Pentyre |
| 80 |The Rat | 40| Gilbert Ley |
| 60 |The Margaret | 30| William Hubbard |
| 40 |The Elizabeth | 20| |
| 40 |The Raphael | 20| |
| 60 |The Flyboat | 40| |
+--------+-------------------------+----+------------------+
| 1716 | 18 | 820| |
+--------+-------------------------+----+------------------+

_Fifteen Ships that transported Victuals Westward._

+--------+--------------------------+----+-------------------+
|Tonnage.| Ships. |Men.| Captains. |
+--------+--------------------------+----+-------------------+
| 119 |The Elizabeth Bonaventure | 30| Richard Startoppe |
| 112 |The Pelican | 30| John Clarke |
| 107 |The Hope | 30| John Skinner |
| 110 |The Unity | 30| John Moore |
| 114 |The Pearl | 30| Lawrence Mower |
| 115 |The Elizabeth of Lee | 30| William Bower |
| 100 |The John of London | 25| Richard Rose |
| 110 |The Bersabee | 22| Edward Bryan |
| 80 |The Marygold | 30| Robert Bowers |
| 130 |The White Hind | 30| Richard Browne |
| 120 |The Gift of God | 30| Robert Harrison |
| 115 |The Jonas | 30| Edward Bell |
| 160 |The Salomon | 40| George Streat |
| 120 |The Richard Duffylde | 25| William Adams |
| 180 |The Mary Rose | 40| William Parker |
+--------+--------------------------+----+-------------------+
| 1795 | 15 | 455| 15 |
+--------+--------------------------+----+-------------------+

_An Abstract of this Book in Total._

+----------------------------------------+------+--------+-----+---------+
| |Ships.|Tonnage.| Men.|Captains.|
+----------------------------------------+------+--------+-----+---------+
|Ships and vessels of her Majesty’s | 34 | 12190 | 6225| 34 |
|Ships serving by tonnage with the Lord | | | | |
| Admiral | 10 | 756 | 248| |
|Ships with Sir Francis Drake | 33 | 5220 | 2334| 33 |
|Ships sent out by the City of London | 33 | 6130 | 3020| 38 |
|Coasters with the Lord Admiral | 20 | 1930 | 960| |
|Coasters with the Lord Henry Seymour | 23 | 2248 | 1210| 23 |
|Ships that transported Victuals Westward| 15 | 1795 | 455| 15 |
|Voluntary Ships with the Lord Admiral | 18 | 1716 | 820| |
+----------------------------------------+------+--------+-----+---------+
| Summa Totalis | 191 | 31985 |15272| |
+----------------------------------------+------+--------+-----+---------+

THE LAST FIGHT OF THE REVENGE (1591).

=Source.=--Richard Hakluyt: _The Principal Navigations, Voiages,
Traffiques, and Discoveries of the English Nation_ ... _within the
compass of these 1500 years_. 1598-1600. Vol. ii., part ii., p.
169.

A report of the truth about the fight about the Isles of Azores, the last of August, 1591, betwixt the Revenge, one of her Majesty’s ships, and an Armada of the King of Spain; penned by the honourable Sir Walter Raleigh knight.

* * * * *

The Lord Thomas Howard with six of her Majesty’s ships, six victuallers of London, the Bark Raleigh and two or three other pinnaces, riding at anchor near unto Flores, one of the westerly Islands of the Azores, the last of August in the afternoon, had intelligence by one Captain Middleton of the approach of the Spanish Armada. Which Middleton being in a very good sailer, had kept them company three days before, of good purpose, both to discover their forces the more, as also to give advice to my Lord Thomas of their approach. He had no sooner delivered the news but the fleet was in sight: many of our ship’s companies were on shore in the island, some providing ballast for their ships, others filling of water and refreshing themselves from the land with such things as they could either for money or by force recover. By reason whereof our ships being all pestered,[52] and rummaging, everything out of order, very light for want of ballast, and that which was most to our disadvantage, the one half part of the men of every ship sick and utterly unserviceable; for in the Revenge there were ninety men diseased, in the Bonaventure not so many in health as could handle her mainsail. For had not twenty been taken out of a bark of Sir George Carey’s, his being commanded to be sunk, and those appointed to her, she had hardly ever recovered England. The rest for the most part were in little better state. The names of her Majesty’s ships were these as followeth: the Defiance, which was Admiral, the Revenge Vice-admiral, the Bonaventure commanded by Captain Cross, the Lion by George Fenner, the Foresight by M. Thomas Vavasour, and the Crane by Duffild, the Foresight and the Crane being but small ships, only the other were of middle size, the rest, besides[53] the Bark Ralegh, commanded by Captain Thin, were victuallers, and of small force or none. The Spanish fleet, having shrouded their approach by reason of the island, were now so soon at hand as our ships had scarce time to weigh their anchors, but some of them were driven to let slip their cables and set sail. Sir Richard Grenville was the last that weighed, to recover the men that were upon the island, which otherwise had been lost. The Lord Thomas with the rest very hardly recovered the wind, which Sir Richard Grenville not being able to do was persuaded by the master and others to cut his mainsail and cast about, and to trust to the sailing of the ship, for the squadron of Seville were on his weather-bow. But Sir Richard utterly refused to turn from the enemy, alleging that he would rather choose to die than to dishonour himself, his country and her Majesty’s ship, persuading his company that he would pass through the two squadrons in despite of them, and enforce those of Seville to give him way. Which he performed upon divers of the foremost, who, as the mariners term it, sprang their luff, and fell under the lee of the Revenge. But the other course had been the better, and might right well have been answered in so great an impossibility of prevailing. Notwithstanding, out of the greatness of his mind, he could not be persuaded. In the meanwhile as he attended[54] those which were nearest him, the great San Philip, being in the wind of him and coming towards him, becalmed his sails in such sort as the ship could neither make way nor feel the helm: so huge and high carried was the Spanish ship, being of a thousand and five hundred tons. Who after laid the Revenge aboard. When he was thus bereft of his sails, the ships that were under his lee also luffing up laid him aboard, of which the next was the Admiral of the Biscayans, a very mighty and puissant ship commanded by Brittandona. The said Philip carried three tier of ordnance on a side, and eleven pieces in every tier. She shot eight forth right out of her chase,[55] besides those of her stern ports.

After the Revenge was entangled with this Philip, four others boarded her, two on her larboard, and two on her starboard. The fight thus beginning at three o’clock in the afternoon, continued very terrible all that evening. But the great San Philip, having received the lower tier of the Revenge, discharged with crossbar-shot, shifted herself with all diligence from her sides, utterly misliking her first entertainment. Some say that the ship foundered, but we cannot report it for true, unless we were assured. The Spanish ships were filled with companies of soldiers, in some two hundred besides the mariners, in some five, in others eight hundred. In ours there were none at all besides the mariners but the servants of the Commanders and some few voluntary gentlemen only. After many interchanged volleys of great ordnance and small shot, the Spaniards deliberated to enter the Revenge, and made divers attempts, hoping to force her by the multitudes of their armed soldiers and musketeers, but were still repulsed again and again, and at all times beaten back into their own ships or into the seas. In the beginning of the fight the George Noble of London, having received some shot through her by the Armadas, fell under the lee of the Revenge, and asked Sir Richard what he would command him, being but one of the victuallers and of small force: Sir Richard bade him save himself and leave him to his fortune. After the fight had thus without intermission continued while the day lasted and some hours of the night, many of our men were slain and hurt, and one of the great galleons of the Armada and the Admiral of the hulks both sunk, and in many other of the Spanish ships great slaughter was made. Some write that Sir Richard was very dangerously hurt almost in the beginning of the fight and lay speechless for a time ere he recovered. But two of the Revenge’s own company, brought home in a ship of Lime from the Islands, examined by some of the Lords and others, affirmed that he was never so wounded as that he forsook the upper deck, till an hour before midnight, and then being shot into the body with a musket as he was addressing, was again shot into the head, and withal his Chirurgeon wounded to death. This agreeth also with an examination taken by Sir Francis Godolphin of four other mariners of the same ship being returned, which examination the said Sir Francis sent unto master William Killigrew of her Majesty’s Privy Chamber.

But to return to the fight, the Spanish ships which attempted to board the Revenge, as they were wounded and beaten off, so always others came in their places, she having never less than two mighty galleons by her sides and aboard her; so that ere the morning, from three of the clock the day before, there had fifteen several Armadas assailed her, and all so ill approved their entertainment, as they were by the break of day far more willing to hearken to a composition than hastily to make any more assaults or entries. But as the day increased, so our men decreased, and as the light grew more and more, by so much more grew our discomforts. For none appeared in sight but enemies, saving one small ship called the Pilgrim, commanded by Jacob Whiddon, who hovered all night to see the success,[56] but in the morning bearing with the Revenge, was hunted like a hare among many ravenous hounds, but escaped.

All the powder of the Revenge to the last barrel was now spent, all her pikes broken, forty of her best men slain, and the most part of the rest hurt. In the beginning of the fight she had but one hundred free from sickness, and fourscore and ten sick, laid in hold upon the ballast. A small troop to man such a ship, and a weak garrison to resist so mighty an army. By those hundred all was sustained, the volleys, boardings and enterings of fifteen ships of war, besides those which beat her at large. On the contrary the Spanish were always supplied with soldiers brought from every squadron; all manner of arms and powder at will. Unto ours there remained no comfort at all, no supply either of ships, men, or weapons, the masts all beaten overboard, all her tackle cut asunder, her upper work altogether razed, and in effect evened she was with the water, but the very foundation or bottom of a ship, nothing being left overhead either for flight or defence. Sir Richard, finding himself in this distress, and unable any longer to make resistance, having endured in this fifteen hours fight the assault of fifteen several Armadas, all by turns aboard him, and by estimation eight hundred shot of great artillery, besides many assaults and entries; and that himself and the ship must needs be possessed by the enemy, who were now all cast in a ring round about him (the Revenge not able to move one way or other, but as she was moved with the waves and billow of the sea) commanded the master gunner, whom he knew to be a most resolute man, to split and sink the ship, that thereby nothing might remain of glory or victory to the Spaniards: seeing in so many hours fight and with so great a navy they were not able to take her, having had fifteen hours’ time, above ten thousand men, and fifty-and-three sail of men-of-war to perform it withal; and persuaded the company, or as many as he could induce, to yield themselves unto God and to the mercy of none else; but as they had, like valiant resolute men, repulsed so many enemies, they should not now shorten the honour of their nation, by prolonging their own lives for a few hours or a few days. The master gunner readily condescended, and divers others; but the Captain and the Master were of another opinion, and besought Sir Richard to have care of them: alleging that the Spaniard would be as ready to entertain a composition as they were willing to offer the same: and that there being divers sufficient and valiant men yet living, and whose wounds were not mortal, they might do their country and prince acceptable service hereafter. And whereas Sir Richard had alleged that the Spaniards should never glory to have taken one ship of Her Majesty, seeing they had so long and so notably defended themselves, they answered, that the ship had six foot water in hold, three shot under water, which were so weakly stopped as with the first working of the sea she must need sink, and was besides so crushed and bruised as she could never be removed out of the place.

And as the matter was thus in dispute, and Sir Richard refusing to hearken to any of those reasons, the Master of the Revenge (while the Captain won unto him the greater party) was convoyed aboard the General Don Alfonso Baçan. Who (finding none over hasty to enter the Revenge again, doubting lest Sir Richard would have blown them up and himself, and perceiving by the report of the Master of the Revenge his dangerous disposition) yielded that all their lives should be saved, the company sent for England, and the better sort to pay such reasonable ransom as their estate would bear, and in the mean season to be free from galley or imprisonment. To this he so much the rather condescended, as well, as I have said, for fear of further loss and mischief to themselves, as also for the desire he had to recover Sir Richard Grenville, whom for his notable valour he seemed greatly to honour and admire.

When this answer was returned, and that safety of life was promised, the common sort being now at the end of their peril, the most drew back from Sir Richard and the master gunner, being no hard matter to dissuade men from death to life. The master gunner, finding himself and Sir Richard thus prevented and mastered by the greater number, would have slain himself with a sword, had he not been by force withheld and locked into his cabin. Then the General sent many boats aboard the Revenge, and divers of our men, fearing Sir Richard’s disposition, stole away aboard the General and other ships. Sir Richard, thus overmatched, was sent unto by Alfonso Baçan to remove out of the Revenge, the ship being marvellous unsavoury, filled with blood, and bodies of dead, and wounded men, like a slaughter house. Sir Richard answered that he might do with his body what he list, for he esteemed it not, and as he was carried out of the ship he swounded, and reviving again desired the company to pray for him. The General used Sir Richard with all humanity, and left nothing unattempted that tended to his recovery, highly commending his valour and worthiness, and greatly bewailing the danger wherein he was, being unto them a rare spectacle and a resolution seldom approved[57] to see one ship turn towards so many enemies, to endure the charge and boarding of so many huge Armadas, and to resist and repel the assaults and entries of so many soldiers. All which and more is confirmed by a Spanish captain of the same Armada, and a present actor in the fight, who, being severed from the rest in a storm, was by the Lion of London a small ship taken, and is now prisoner in London....

The Admiral of the Hulks and the Ascension of Seville were both sunk by the side of the Revenge; one other recovered the Road of St. Michael and sunk also there; a fourth ran herself with the shore to save her men. Sir Richard died, as it is said, the second or third day aboard the General, and was by them greatly bewailed. What became of his body, whether it were buried in the sea or on the land we know not: the comfort that remaineth to his friends is that he hath ended his life honourably in respect to the reputation won to his nation and country, and of the same to his posterity, and that, being dead, he hath not overlived his own honour....

A few days after the fight was ended, and the English prisoners dispersed into the Spanish and Indy ships, there arose so great a storm from the West and North-west, that all the fleet was dispersed, as well the Indian fleet which were then come unto them, as the rest of the Armada that attended their arrival, of which fourteen sail, together with the Revenge, were cast away upon the Isle of S. Michael. So it pleased them to honour the burial of that renowned ship the Revenge, not suffering her to perish alone, for the great honour she achieved in her life-time.

THE EARL OF ESSEX: HIS APOLOGY TO THE LORDS OF HER MAJESTY’S
COUNCIL, AFTER HE HAD BEEN PRISONER IN THE LORD KEEPER’S HOUSE
(1600).

=Source.=--Carew MSS. (Record Commission). Vol. iii., p. 518.

If it be objected that I came away and left my charge contrary to her Majesty’s express commandment, so accompanied as it made my intent suspected, leaving the government of the Kingdom unsettled, whereupon great inconveniences have grown, and the whole State of Ireland was hazarded, I answer first that (thanks be to God) no dangerous consequence hath followed of it. For during nine or ten weeks after my coming hither the whole kingdom was quiet; and since, even to this day, no important loss hath been received, but only the defeating of a convoy in an open champion[58] country, where our men had safe and near retreats both before them and behind them. So as since the declination of that State I think there will be hardly found so long a time wherein the rebel did less mischief or the subject received less loss; which I must impute to the providence of God Almighty in his mercy, who, foreseeing the unjust imputations and malicious inferences that would be brought against me, hath disfurnished my enemies of that they thought should have been their greatest advantage, which was charging me with the loss of Ireland, though it happened long after my coming over, and though I had remained close prisoner, while they had time to prevent the mischief.

And for my settling of the government before my coming away, if this will not satisfy that I ordered her Majesty’s forces, employed her ablest ministers, and gave particular instructions for every province and frontier, by advice of her Majesty’s Council there: yet I am sure in this Court this one plea will be allowed, that I so ordered all things, as you, my Lords of the Council, having received account of me when I was first committed, have not to this day altered anything of importance in that course of government which I established at my coming away, generally for the kingdom and particularly for every province.

And now, having said enough for the consequence and opportunity of my coming over, I desire to know why my coming should be suspiciously apprehended. Out of Ireland there came in the same passage with me, my Lord of Southampton that was displaced, my Lord of Dunkilline, and Sir Christopher St. Lawrence, that, in this vacancy of offers and time of truce, desired by their own presence to renew the memory of their former services; Sir Henry Davers, that was not through whole[59] of a dangerous wound; Sir Henry Dockwrey, that was before I came away ... to sue for the government of Connaught; and some other knights and captains that were discharged, besides two captains that pretended great business and long absence, and some gentlemen that were my own servants, that were out of pay by the discharging of Sir John Lee’s company. But of all these, there were not ten persons that accompanied me (from the sea’s side) any part of the way, and not above six that came to the Court, the rest taking their own courses and intending their private occasions.

But should my evil intent be?[60] It was as easy for me to do evil as to think evil when I had a kingdom in my government and an army in my hand. And the evil I did was but to myself, for I wasted both my body and state in a costly, painful and discomfortable service. And now, having stripped myself of all, and thrown myself at my Sovereign’s feet, shall enemies or accusations prevail against demonstration, to make my intent of coming over to be held suspect? Justice and charity will not allow of these constructions made of those whose religion or descent might make them suspected, except they enforce probable grounds: and shall I (without any ground) be thus censured, who have lost my father and my brother in her Majesty’s service, spent 13 of my 33 years as an officer about her Majesty’s person, and seven years as a poor councillor of her State, that am of all the subjects of England most hated by all the enemies of her Majesty’s religion and welfare, and for my services to her person and to her crown am so threatened with revenge as no place is safe for me but her kingdom, nor no time but her reign? No! I thank my God I know there doth neither good Christian nor lover of his country suspect my intent. And for the imputations of the rest, I answer them with the old rule, _ut quisque est ... bonus et sic e contra_. And now it appears that I settled the State before my coming away, and that there grew no dangerous consequence by my coming over.

QUEEN ELIZABETH’S SPEECH TO HER LAST PARLIAMENT, IN ANSWER TO THE
COMMONS’ THANKS TO HER FOR SUPPRESSING THE “ENGROSSING” OR
MONOPOLIES, NOVEMBER 30, 1601.

=Source.=--_Somers Tracts_ (from MS. of Bishop of Bangor).[61] Vol. i., p. 244.

Her Majesty being set under state in the Council Chamber at White Hall, the Speaker, accompanied with Privy Councellors, besides Knights and Burgesses of the Lower House to the number of eight score presenting themselves at her Majesty’s feet, for that so graciously and speedily she had heard and yielded to her subjects’ desires, and proclaimed the same in their hearing as followeth:

/* MR. SPEAKER, */

We perceive your coming is to present thanks unto us. Know I accept
them with no less joy than your loves can have desire to offer such
a present, and do more esteem it than any treasure or riches; for
those we know how to prize, but loyalty, love, and thanks, I
account them invaluable; and though God hath raised me high, yet
this I account the glory of my crown, that I have reigned with your
loves. This makes that I do not so much rejoice that God hath made
me to be a Queen, as to be a Queen over so thankful a people, and
to be the means under God to conserve you in safety and preserve
you from danger, yea, to be the instrument to deliver you from
dishonour, from shame, and from infamy; to keep you from out of
servitude, and from slavery under our enemies, and cruel tyranny
and vile oppression intended against us; for the better
withstanding whereof we take very acceptable their[62] intended
helps, and chiefly in that it manifesteth your loves and largeness
of hearts to your Sovereign. Of myself I must say this, I never was
any greedy scraping grasper, nor a strict fast-holding prince, nor
yet a waster, my heart was never set upon any worldly goods, but
only for my subjects’ good. What you do bestow on me I will not
hoard up, but receive it to bestow on you again; yea, mine own
properties I account yours, to be expended for your good, and your
eyes shall see the bestowing of it for your welfare.

Mr. Speaker, I would wish you and the rest to stand up,[63] for I
fear I shall yet trouble you with longer speech.

Mr. Speaker, You give me thanks, but I am more to thank you, and I
charge you thank them of the Lower House from me; for had I not
received knowledge from you, I might a’ fallen into the lapse of
an error, only for want of true information.

Since I was Queen, yet did I never put my pen to any grant but upon
pretext and semblance made me that it was for the good and avail of
my subjects generally, though a private profit to some of my
ancient servants, who have deserved well; but that my grants shall
be made grievances to my people, and oppressions to be privileged
under colour of our patents, our princely dignity shall not suffer
it.

When I heard it, I could give no rest unto my thoughts until I had
reformed it, and those varlets, lewd persons, abusers of my bounty,
shall know I will not suffer it. And, Mr. Speaker, tell the House
from me, I take it exceeding grateful that the knowledge of these
things are come unto me from them. And tho’ amongst them the
principal members are such as are not touched in private, and
therefore need not speak from any feeling of the grief, yet we have
heard that other gentlemen also of the House, who stand as free,
have also spoken as freely in it; which gives us to know that no
respects or interests have moved them, other than the minds they
bear to suffer no diminution of our honour and our subjects’ love
unto us. The zeal of which affection, tending to ease my people and
knit their hearts unto us, I embrace with a princely care far above
all earthly treasures. I esteem my people’s love, more than which I
desire not to merit: and God, that gave me here to sit, and placed
me over you, knows that I never respected myself but as your good
was conserved in me; yet what dangers, what practices,[64] and what
perils I have passed, some if not all of you know; but none of
these things do move me, or ever made me fear but it’s God that
hath delivered me.

And in my governing this land I have ever set the last judgment day
before mine eyes, and so to rule as I shall be judged and answer
before a higher Judge, to whose judgment seat I do appeal, in that
never thought was cherished in my heart that tended not to my
people’s good.

And if my princely bounty have been abused, and my grants turned to
the hurt of my people contrary to my will and meaning, or if any in
authority under me have neglected or converted what I have
committed unto them, I hope God will not lay their culps[65] to my
charge.

To be a King and wear a crown, is a thing more glorious to them
that see it than it’s pleasant to them that bear it: for myself, I
never was so much enticed with the glorious name of a king, or the
royal authority of a queen, as delighted that God hath made me his
instrument to maintain his truth and glory, and to defend this
kingdom from dishonour, damage, tyranny and oppression. But should
I ascribe any of these things to myself or my sexly weakness, I
were not worthy to live, and of all most unworthy of the mercies I
have received at God’s hands, but to God only and wholly all is
given and ascribed.

The cares and troubles of a crown I cannot more fitly resemble than
to the drugs of a learned physician, perfumed with some aromatical
savour, or to bitter pills gilded over, by which they are made more
acceptable or less offensive, which indeed are bitter and
unpleasant to take; and for my own part, were it not for conscience
sake to discharge the duty that God hath laid upon me and to
maintain His glory and keep you in safety, in mine own disposition
I should be willing to resign the place I hold to any other, and
glad to be freed of the glory with the labours, for it is not my
desire to live nor to reign longer than my life and reign shall be
for your good. And though you have had and may have many mightier
and wiser princes sitting in this seat, yet you never had nor shall
have any that will love you better.

Thus, Mr. Speaker, I commend me to your loyal loves, and yours to
my best care and your further councils; and I pray you, Mr.
Controuler and Mr. Secretary, and you of my Council, that before
these gentlemen depart into their countries, you bring them all to
kiss my hand.

QUEEN ELIZABETH’S DEATH AND NOMINATION OF KING JAMES VI. OF
SCOTLAND AS HER SUCCESSOR (1603).

“The quiet end of that long-living Queen.”--DRAYTON.

=Source.=--Somers, _Tracts_ (MS. source not specified). Vol. i., p. 246.

About the Friday sevennight after Christmas last, being about the 14th of January, 1602 [1603], in the 45th year of her reigne, the late queen about two days before sickened of a colde (being ever forewarned by Doctor Dee to beware of White-hall), and the said 14th day removed to Richmond; but a little before her going, even the same morning, the Earl of Nottingham, High Admiral of England, coming to her, partly to speak with her as concerning her removal, and partly touching other matters wherein her pleasure and direction was to be known, they fell into some speech of the succession; and then she told him that her seat had ever been the throne of kings, and none but her next heir of blood and descent should succeed her. After falling into other matters, they left that speech, and she departed to Richmond; where she was well amended of the cold. But on Monday the 20th of February she began to sicken again, and so continued till Monday the 7th of March, at which time notice was given to the Lords of the Council that she was sick of a cold, and so she continued sick till Tuesday the 15th of March following; after which day she began somewhat to amend. But the 18th of March following, being Friday, she began to be very ill, whereupon the Lords of the Council were sent for to Richmond, and there continued till Wednesday the 24th of March, about three of the clock in the morning (being our Lady even) at which time she died; but on Tuesday before her death, being the 23rd of March, the Lord Admiral being on the right side of the bed, the Lord Keeper at the left, and Mr. Secretary Cecil (after Earl of Salisbury) at the bed’s feet, all standing;

The Lord Admiral put her in mind of her speech concerning the succession, had at White-hall, and that they, in the name of all the rest of her Council, came unto her to know her pleasure who should succeed. Whereunto she thus replied: “I told you my seat had been the seat of Kings, and I will have no rascal to succeed me, and who should succeed me but a King?”

The Lords not understanding this dark speech, and looking the one on the other, at length Mr. Secretary boldly asked her what she meant by these words, “That no rascal should succeed her?” Whereunto she replied, “That her meaning was, that a King should succeed her, and who,” quoth she, “should that be, but our cousin of Scotland?”

They asked her whether that were her absolute resolution? Whereunto she answered, “I pray you trouble me no more, I’ll have none but him.”

Notwithstanding, after again, about four a’clock in the afternoon, the next day, being Wednesday (after the Archbishop of Canterbury and other divines had been with her and left her in a manner speechless), the three Lords aforesaid repaired unto her again, asking her if she remained in her former resolution, and who should succeed her; but she not being able to speak, was asked by Mr. Secretary in this sort, “We beseech your Majesty, if you remain in your former resolution, and that you would have the King of Scots to succeed you in your kingdom, shew some sign unto us;” whereat suddenly heaving herself upwards in the bed, she held both her hands jointly together over her head in manner of a crown, whereby as they guessed she signified that she did not only wish him the kingdom, but desired the continuance of his estate, after which they departed.

And the next morning, as is aforesaid, she died. Immediately after her death, as well of the Council as other noblemen that were at the Court, came from Richmond to White-hall by six o’clock in the morning, where other noblemen that were at London met them; but as they began to sit in council in the privy chamber at White-hall, the Lord Keeper, Sir Thomas Egerton, and the rest of the Council that were no barons, offered to sit at the lower end of the council table, and not above any of the meanest nobility; but the noblemen, in respect of their former authority, called them to the higher end of the table, and wished them to keep their places, whereunto the Lord Keeper answered, viz. “If it be your Lordships’ pleasures, we will do so; but that is more of your courtesies than we can demand of duty”; and so they sat down, every man according to his degree in Council; touching the succession, where after some speech had of divers competitors and matters of State, at length the Lord Admiral rehearsed all the aforesaid premisses, which the late Queen had spoken to him and to the Lord Keeper and Mr. Secretary, with the manner thereof; which they, being asked, did affirm to be true upon their honours.

APPENDIX

THE ENTERTAINMENT OF QUEEN ELIZABETH (1575).

=Source.=--_The Princely Pleasures at the Courte at Kenelwoorth._
Imprinted at London by Richard Jhones, 1576. Reprinted in Nichols’
_Progresses of Queen Elizabeth_, vol. i. These revels were also
described, more vividly, but at greater length, in West Country
dialect, by Laneham in his _Letter_, reprinted by Nichols and also
by the Early English Text Society.

A brief Rehearsal, or rather, a true Copy of as much as was presented before her Majesty at Kenilworth during her last abode there, as followeth:

Her Majesty came thither, as I remember, on Saturday, being the ninth of June last past: On which day there met her on the way, somewhat near the Castle, Sibylla, who prophesied unto Her Highness the prosperous reign that she should continue, according to the happy beginning of the same. The order thereof was this: Sibylla being placed in an arbour in the park, near the highway where the Queen’s Majesty came, did step out, and pronounced as followeth:

“All hail, all hail, thrice happy Prince, I am Sibylla she,
Of future chance and after hap foreshewing what shall be.

* * * * *

And so pass forth in peace, O Prince of high and worthy praise:
The God that governs all in all increase your happy days!”

This device was invented, and the verses also written, by Mr. Hunnis, Master of her Majesty’s Chapel.

Her Majesty passing on to the first gate, there stood in the leads and battlements thereof six trumpeters hugely advanced[66] much exceeding the common stature of men in this age, who had likewise huge and monstrous trumpets counterfeited, wherein they seemed to sound: and behind them were placed certain trumpeters, who sounded indeed at Her Majesty’s entry. And by this dumb show it was meant that in the days and reign of King Arthur men were of that stature; so that the Castle of Kenilworth should seem still to be kept by Arthur’s heirs and their servants. And when her Majesty entered the gate, there stood Hercules for Porter who, seeming[67] to be amazed at such a presence upon such a sudden, proffered to stay them. And yet at last, being overcome by view of the rare beauty and princely countenance of Her Majesty, yielded himself and his charge, presenting the keys unto her Highness, with these words: [Verses.]

These verses were devised and pronounced by Master Badger of Oxenford, Master of Art and Bedell in the same University.

When Her Majesty was entered the gate, and come into the base court, there came unto her a Lady attended with two Nymphs, who came all over the pool, being so conveyed that it seemed she had gone upon the water. This Lady named herself the Lady of the Lake, who spake to her Highness as followeth: [Verses, ending:]

“Passe on Madam, you need no longer stand:
The Lake, the Lodge, the Lord, are yours for to command.”

These verses were devised and penned by M. Ferrers, sometime Lord of Misrule in the Court.

Her Majesty, proceeding towards the inward court, passed on a bridge, the which was railed in on both sides. And in the tops of the posts thereof were set sundry presents and gifts of provision, as wine, corn, fruits, fishes, fowls, instruments of music and weapons for martial defence. All which were expounded by an Actor, clad like a Poet, who pronounced these verses in Latin: [Hexameters.]

These verses were devised by Master Muncaster.[68] ... This speech being ended, she was received into the inner court with sweet music. And so alighting from her horse, the drums, fifes and trumpets sounded: wherewith she mounted the stairs and went to her lodging.

On the next day, being Sunday, there was nothing done until the evening, at which time there were fireworks shewed upon the water, the which were both strange and well executed: as sometimes, passing under the water a long space, when all men had thought they had been quenched, they would rise and mount out of the water again, and burn very furiously until they were utterly consumed.

And to make some plainer declaration and rehearsal of all these things before Her Majesty, on the 10 of July there met her in the Forest, as she came from hunting, one clad like a Savage man, all in ivy, who, seeming to wonder at such a presence, fell to quarrelling with Jupiter, as followeth: [Dialogue in verse with Echo. The wild man inquires what the reason for all the strange shews he sees may be, and being informed, answers, that he will “make glee with sundry gladsome games” on Thursday.]

These verses were devised, penned and pronounced by Master Gascoigne,[69] and that (as I have heard credibly reported), upon a very great sudden.

The next thing that was presented before Her Majesty was the delivery of the Lady of the Lake; whereof the Sum was this. Triton, in likeness of a mermaid, came towards the Queen’s Majesty as she passed over the bridge, returning from hunting, and to her declared that Neptune had sent him to her Highness, to declare the woful distress wherein the poor Lady of the Lake did remain; the cause whereof was this. Sir Bruse sauns pitie, in revenge of his cousin Merlin the prophet, whom for his inordinate lust she had enclosed in a rock, did continually pursue the Lady of the Lake, and had long sithens surprised her, but that Neptune, pitying her distress, had environed her with waves. Whereupon she was enforced to live always in that pool, and was thereby called the Lady of the Lake. Furthermore affirming that by Merlin’s prophecy it seemed she could never be delivered but by the presence of a better maid than herself. Wherefore Neptune had sent him right humbly to beseech Her Majesty, that she would no more but shew herself, and it should be sufficient to make Sir Bruse withdraw his forces. Furthermore commanding both the waves to be calm and the Fishes to give their attendance. And this he expressed in verse as followeth: [Verses by Triton and the Lady of the Lake.]

From thence Her Majesty passing yet further on the bridge, Proteus appeared, sitting on a dolphin’s back. And the dolphin was conveyed upon a boat, so that the oars seemed to be his fins. Within the which dolphin a concert of music was secretly placed, the which sounded: and Proteus, clearing his voice, sang this song of congratulation.... [Verses.]

This song being ended, Proteus told the Queen’s Majesty a pleasant tale of his delivery, and the fishes which he had in charge. The device of the Lady of the Lake was also Master Hunnis’....

And now you have as much as I could recover hitherto of the devices executed there; the country shews excepted and the merry marriage, the which were so plain as needeth no further explication. To proceed then: there was prepared a show to have been presented before Her Majesty in the Forest; the argument whereof was this:

Diana, passing in chase with her nymphs, taketh knowledge of the country, and thereby calleth to mind how, near seventeen years past, she lost in those coasts one of the best beloved nymphs, named Zabeta.[70] She describeth the rare virtues of Zabeta. One of her nymphs confirmeth the remembrance therof, and seemeth to doubt that dame Juno hath won Zabeta to be a follower of hers. Diana confirmeth the suspicion; but yet, affirming herself much in Zabeta’s constancy, giveth charge to her Nymphs that they diligently hearken and espy in all places to find or hear news of Zabeta: and so passeth on.

To entertain intervallum temporis, a man clad all in moss cometh in lamenting, and declaring that he is the wild man’s son, which not long before had presented himself before Her Majesty; and that his father (upon such words as her Highness did then use to him) lay languishing like a blind man, until it might please her Highness to take the film from his eyes.

The Nymphs return one after another in quest of Zabeta; at last Diana herself, returning and hearing no news of her, invoketh the help of her father Jupiter. Mercury cometh down in a cloud, sent by Jupiter, to recomfort Diana, and bringeth her unto Zabeta. Diana rejoiceth, and after much friendly discourse departeth: affying herself in Zabeta’s prudence and policy. She and Mercury being departed, Iris cometh down from the rainbow, sent by Juno; persuading the Queen’s Majesty that she be not carried away by Mercury’s filed[71] speech nor Diana’s fair words; but that she consider all things by proof, and then she shall find much greater cause to follow Juno than Diana. [The text of the Shew, in two Acts.]

This Shew was devised and penned by M. Gascoigne; and being prepared and ready (every Actor in his garment) two or three days together, yet never came to execution. The cause whereof I cannot attribute to any other thing than to lack of opportunity and seasonable weather.[72]

The Queen’s Majesty hasting her departure from thence, the Earl commanded Master Gascoigne to devise some farewell worth the presenting; whereupon he himself, clad like unto Silvanus, God of the Woods, and meeting her as she went on hunting, spake ex tempore as followeth: [Prose Allegory, with songs, ending:]

“Whereat your Highness may rest assured, that heaven will smile, the earth will quake, men will clap their hands, and I will always continue an humble beseecher for the flourishing estate of your royal person, whom God now and ever preserve, to his good pleasure and our great comfort. Amen.”

LONDON IN THE PLAGUE (ABOUT 1593).