Chapter XIII: Part 13

"Under the faith of the laws, they have embarked their capital
in the production of one of the great necessaries of life, and
in support of a national system, which they understood it was
the object of the government to establish. They have opened a
new and extensive field of agricultural industry; directed
labour to more profitable employment; maintained the value of
slaves; and increased the internal commerce of the country.
They have contributed their full share to all the duties paid
on other articles. They came into this Union, charged with _an
immense public debt_, which was greatly increased by the war,
in which they suffered in common: they have freely contributed
their portion to its payment."

He proceeds to show that the value of lands and slaves "is predicated upon the value of the sugar, and that depends upon the rate of duty established by the laws." The effects of a reduction of the duty is thus detailed.

"The present price of sugar, at 5-1/2 cents, is sustained by a
duty of 3 cents a pound. If that duty was removed, foreign
sugar would be sold 3 cents less, and ours would fall in the
same proportion. That reduction would bring sugar below the
actual cost, and therefore it could not be made, even if slaves
and lands cost nothing. A reduction of 2 cents would bring the
price to the exact amount of 3-1/2 cents a pound, the precise
cost of the sugar, independent of the capital, and therefore
would yield nothing to the cultivator. A reduction of 1 cent
would bring sugar to 4-1/2 cents, which would leave only 1 cent
profit to pay for the capital--that is, the lands and slaves.
That would diminish the present profit one half, and the value
of the slaves in the same proportion. This reduction of duty
operates entirely upon the _profit_; and a reduction of
one-third of the duty operates a reduction of one-half of the
profit, and thereby one-half of the value of the capital, and
one-half of the slaves. Capital has been invested in Louisiana
by the present standard of value. A reduction in that standard
would produce a corresponding reduction in the value of all
property. A reduction of one-third of the duty would sink half
the value of property in the state, and ruin all those who have
made engagements upon the faith of the laws."

The writer subsequently presents very precise and satisfactory statements, to show the capital required for this branch of agriculture, and the prices which are necessary to sustain it; with some calculated anticipations of its increase, if not crushed by foreign competition. Should it be asked, what interest have the other states of the Union in this concern? It may be a very profitable employment of the money and slaves of the rich planters of Louisiana; but is this a fair reason for imposing heavy duties on a necessary of life, thus enhancing its cost to those who consume it? To meet this inquiry, and remove the objection contained in it; to show that the citizens of the states who consume the sugar have an immediate participation in the profits of its cultivator, Mr. Johnston says--

"It is said that this is a local concern, interesting only to
Louisiana. The slaves are taken, as beforementioned, from
cotton and tobacco, and are furnished by the Southern States.

"The provisions and animals come from the Western States.

"The clothing from the North.

"The engines, machinery, &c. come from the different foundries
in the United States--principally from the West.

"One-third of the capital comes from the South--and more than
three-fifths of the whole production goes either in sugar or
money to the other states, as their portion of the contribution
in making it. The remaining two-fifths, being the profit on
the capital, goes back chiefly to Virginia and Maryland, to
purchase more slaves.

"There are estimated now, 35,000 slaves: it will require 26,000
more to supply the consumption of 1835.

"There are estimated 725 plantations, which, when brought into
operation, will yield an average of 300 hogsheads, sufficient
for the consumption of 1836.

"These have required 725 mills for grinding, as many sets of
kettles, &c. There are now about 100 steam engines--there will
be required in addition, upwards of 600 steam engines.

"These plantations require also a large amount of horses,
mules, and oxen; carts, wagons, ploughs, tools, iron, &c.

"The present consumption for the slaves, is 35,000 barrels of
pork.

"Which will be increased in 1835 to--say 60,000 " "

"They purchase now about ... 50,000 barrels of corn.

"Each mill, with steam engine and kettles, &c. will cost
$5,000.

"There are employed on the sugar plantations (independent of
the cotton estates) 22,000 horses--value $1,500,000. These are
to be renewed every seven years, or it will require $200,000 a
year to supply the market. There were purchased in 1827-8,
2,500 horses--in 1828-9, 2,800--in 1829-30, 3,000 horses.

"Of the 100,000 hogsheads of sugar made in Louisiana, 50,000
hogsheads are transported up the Mississippi in steam-boats,
for the supply of the Western States, who obtain it in exchange
for their productions. Here, then, there is an internal trade
of five millions, created in the Western States.

"The remainder of the sugar is transported coastwise by our
vessels, to the North, to restore the balance of trade with
that quarter, as well as with foreign nations.

"Thus every interest of agriculture, manufactures, commerce,
and navigation, connects itself intimately with this object.

"The sugar is indeed made in Louisiana, but a portion of the
money on which the establishments are founded, the whole of the
labour by which it is produced, the chief supply of food, and
the entire amount of clothing, and the transportation of the
article, are furnished from the different states."

A prospect is reasonably held out of the reduction of the price of the article, by continuing the protection, to a point as low as need be desired, or could be obtained if we were to depend upon a foreign supply.

"When the estates are paid for, and the general diminution of
value in other things takes place, with the improvements in
machinery and other causes, sugar will be profitably made at 4
cents, and that is about the price at which we purchase it now
in the islands: at that price we can, after supplying this
country, enter into the general market of the Baltic,
Mediterranean, and Black Seas."

On this part of the case a more satisfactory ground is taken; and it is made manifest, by authentic documents, that since the production of sugar in Louisiana, with the duties by which it is protected, a reduction has taken place in the price of the article, of _one-half_. The results of the tables annexed to the letter are thus given.

"The protecting duty on sugar, besides opening a new field of
industry, diverting a large portion of labour from other
objects, maintaining the value of all the slave property in the
country, and supplying the people with an article of general
use and prime necessity, has actually diminished the price
one-half in twelve years.

"In paper A, it will be seen that the prices in 1818 ranged
from $14 to 15, and that in 1829 they had fallen to $7.50.

"In paper marked B, it will be seen, that the brown of Havana
has fallen 3 cents in 6 years, from 10 to 7 cents, while the
sugar of Louisiana has varied from 8-1/2 to 6-1/2. The price
of sugar has in that time depreciated more than the duty, and
will produce still greater effect. The general average of
Havana brown, for six years, is 9-3/4, which now sells at from
7 to 8. The general average of Louisiana for the same period is
8-1/4; the present price ranges from 6-1/2 to 7-1/2. The sugar
of Louisiana now sells in New-Orleans at 5-1/2; freight, &c.
will bring it to 6-1/2 in the Atlantic ports."

Mr. Johnston has no doubt of the capacity of the sugar region of the United States to supply all our demands for it, for a long period to come.

"Without entering into any exact calculation, I can with
confidence assure you, that Louisiana alone can produce enough
for the consumption of the country for twenty-five or thirty
years, and including Mississippi, Alabama, Florida, and Georgia
south of the 32d degree, will supply it for twice that period.

"It thus appears, that the people of Louisiana, under a
confidence in the permanency of the policy of the government,
have embarked their fortunes in the production of an article of
extensive use; that they are now in the course of successful
experiment, which promises, in a few years, to supply the
consumption of the country; that they have opened a new field
of agricultural industry and enterprise, requiring a vast
amount of labour and capital; that they have actually reduced
the price of the article one-half, and have saved the country
an expense of six or seven millions a-year, and will reduce the
price still lower, when the experiment is complete."

Having found in our "History of Louisiana," the feeble commencement of the culture of the sugar cane in that country, we thought it not beside our purpose, and likely to be agreeable to our readers, to trace it to its present strong and flourishing condition; to show the causes of its increase, and its immense value to those who have embarked their fortunes in it; to those by whom its produce is consumed, and finally to the revenue of the government. All these matters, doubtless, will be carefully examined and considered by the public councils whose right and duty it is to decide upon them.

We return to our history; the colony seems now to have attracted the attention of the mother country, and liberal assistance was given to advance its population.

"The ships landed also sixty poor girls, who were brought over
at the king's expense. They were the last succour of this kind,
which the mother country supplied. They were given in marriage
to such soldiers whose good conduct entitled them to a
discharge. Land was allotted to each couple, with a cow and
calf, a cock and five hens; a gun, axe, and hoe. During the
three first years, rations were allowed them, with a small
quantity of powder, shot, and grain for seed."

This was in 1751.

An anecdote is recorded, exhibiting at once a feature of aboriginal justice, and the strength of parental affection in the "poor Indian."

"In a quarrel between a Choctaw and a Colapissa, the former
told the latter his countrymen were the dogs of the
French--meaning their slaves. The Colapissa, having a loaded
musket in his hands, discharged its contents at the Choctaw,
and fled to New-Orleans. The relations of the deceased came to
the Marquis de Vaudreuil to demand his surrender: he had in the
mean while gone to the German coast. The Marquis, having vainly
tried to appease them, sent orders to Renaud, the commandant
of that post, to have the murderer arrested; but he eluded the
pursuit. His father went to the Choctaws and offered himself a
willing victim: the relations of the deceased persisted in
their refusal to accept any compensation in presents. They at
last consented to allow the old man to atone, by the loss of
his own life, for the crime of his son. He stretched himself on
the trunk of an old tree, and a Choctaw severed his head from
the body, at the first stroke. This instance of paternal
affection was made the subject of a tragedy by Leblanc de
Villeneuve, an officer of the troops lately arrived from
France. This performance is the only dramatic work which the
republic of letters owes to Louisiana."

In the same year the white men furnished a subject for a tragedy far more cruel and vindictive than the self-immolation of an Indian father, and far less just and amiable.

"During the summer, some soldiers of the garrison of Cat
Island, rose upon and killed Roux, who commanded there. They
were exasperated at his avarice and cruelty. He employed them
in burning coal, of which he made a traffic, and for trifling
delinquencies had exposed several of them, naked and tied to
trees in a swamp, during whole nights, to the stings of
musquetoes. Joining some English traders in the neighbourhood
of Mobile, they started in the hope of reaching Georgia,
through the Indian country. A party of the Choctaws, then about
the fort, was sent after and overtook them. One destroyed
himself; the rest were brought to New-Orleans, where two were
broken on the wheel--the other, belonging to the Swiss regiment
of Karrer, was, according to the law of his nation, followed by
the officers of the Swiss troops in the service of France,
sawed in two parts. He was placed alive in a kind of coffin, to
the middle of which two sergeants applied a whip saw. It was
not thought prudent to make any allowance for the provocation
these men had received."

The removal of the Acadians from their country; stripping them of their lands and goods; permitting them to carry nothing away but their household furniture and money, of which they had but little; laying waste their fields and their dwellings, and consuming their fences by fire, was another awful tragedy performed by civilized man upon the weak and defenceless, upon the pretences of policy. It was an act of British inhumanity; the sufferings of these miserable outcasts and wanderers are described by our author.

"Thus beggared, these people were, in small numbers and at
different periods, cast on the sandy shores of the southern
provinces, among a people of whose language they were ignorant,
and who knew not theirs, whose manners and education were
different from their own, whose religion they abhorred, and who
were rendered odious to them, as the friends and countrymen of
those who had so cruelly treated them, and whom they considered
as a no less savage foe, than he who wields the tomahawk and
the scalping knife.

"It is due to the descendants of the British colonists, to say,
that their sires received with humanity, kindness, and
hospitality, those who so severely smarted under the calamities
of war. In every province the humane example of the legislature
of Pennsylvania was followed, and the colonial treasury was
opened to relieve the sufferers; and private charity was not
outdone by the public. Yet but a few accepted the proffered
relief, and sat down on the land that was offered them.

"The others fled westerly, from what appeared to them a hostile
shore--wandering till they found themselves out of sight of any
who spoke the English language. They crossed the mighty spine,
and wintered among the Indians. The scattered parties, thrown
off on the coast of every colony from Pennsylvania to Georgia,
united, and trusting themselves to the western waters, sought
the land on which the spotless banner waved, and the waves of
the Mississippi brought them to New-Orleans."

The practice of _shipping off_ individuals who were obnoxious to the dominant party, seems to have obtained in Louisiana at a very early period; and, as we shall see, became a favourite process in the administration of justice. A pretty strong case of this employment of physical force, without any consultation with the officers of the law, or any regard to the civil rights of the people, occured in 1759. We shall give it to our readers.

"Diaz Anna, a Jew from Jamaica, came to New-Orleans, on a
trading voyage. We have seen, that by an edict of the month of
March, 1724, that of Louis the Thirteenth, of the 13th of
April, 1615, had been extended to Louisiana. The latter edict
declared, that Jews, as enemies of the Christian name, should
not be allowed to reside in Louisiana; and if they staid in
spite of the edict, their bodies and goods should be
confiscated: Rochemore had the vessel of the Israelite and her
cargo seized. Kerlerec sent soldiers to drive away the guard
put on board the vessel, and had her restored to the Jew.
Imagining he had gone too far to stop there, he had Belot,
Rochemore's secretary, and Marigny de Mandeville, de Lahoupe,
Bossu, and some other officers, whom he suspected to have
joined the ordonnateur's party, arrested, and a few days after
shipped them for France."

Thus far we have seen this province under the dominion of France, and gradually ameliorating its condition under her government. We come now to the period when a new master was to be given to it, or rather, when it was to be given to a new master. It is thus that kings have used territories and their people, their industry and their wealth, as subjects of diplomatic traffic and political accommodation. "On the 3d of November 1763, a secret treaty was signed between the French and Spanish kings, by which the former ceded to the latter the part of the province of Louisiana which lies on the western side of the Mississippi, with the city of New-Orleans, and the island on which it stands." When the rumours of this cession reached the colonists, it produced the deepest distress; they had a dread of passing "under the yoke of Spain." Official intelligence of the event was not received until October 1764, when an order came from the king to deliver possession of the ceded territory to the governor of the Catholic king. "This intelligence plunged the inhabitants in the greatest consternation;" especially as it estranged them from their kindred and friends in the eastern part of the province--transferring them to a foreign potentate. Every effort was made by meetings and memorials to avert the calamity. The actual delivery was delayed; and a hope was entertained that the cession might be rescinded, for two years had elapsed since the direction had been given to surrender the province to Spain. In the summer of 1766, intelligence was received that Don Ulloa had arrived at Havana, to take the possession, for Spain, of Louisiana. Soon after he landed at New-Orleans, and was received "with dumb respect." He declined exhibiting his powers, and of course delayed to receive the possession of the country. In 1768 the council insisted that Don Ulloa should produce his powers or depart from the province; he chose the latter alternative, and sailed for Havana, and from thence to Spain. In the following year a governor of a different temperament was sent from Spain, attended by a strong military force, with a large supply of arms and ammunition. On the 24th of July, Don Alexander O'Reilly landed on the levee. "The inhabitants immediately came to a resolution to choose three gentlemen to wait on him, and inform him that the people of Louisiana were determined to abandon the colony, and had no other favour to ask from him, but that he would allow them two years to remove themselves and their effects." O'Reilly received the deputies with great politeness; made professions of his desire to promote the interests of the colonists, and said every thing he thought would flatter the people. At this time the Spanish armament had not reached the city; it cast anchor on the 16th of August. In the afternoon of the 18th, the Spaniards disembarked; the French flag was lowered, and the Spanish was seen flying in its place in the middle of the square. We have been thus particular in narrating these events, because they were the precursors of a proceeding of military violence, astonishing _even for that day_, and under circumstances of open disaffection and opposition to the government; for some of the planters had taken up arms on the arrival of O'Reilly.

One of the first acts of O'Reilly's administration was to take a census of the inhabitants of New-Orleans. The aggregate population was 3190, of every age, sex, and colour; of these 1902 were free; 1225 slaves, and sixty domesticated Indians; the number of houses was 468; the whole province contained but 13,538 inhabitants.

We have seen that the cession of the province had created the utmost discontent; and the arrival of O'Reilly was considered as a general calamity. The transfer had been impeded and resisted by all the means in the power of the colonists. Although Don Ulloa had not ventured to execute his commission with the force at his command, he had, nevertheless, "set about building forts and putting troops into them." On the other side, plans of resistance were contemplated by the people; and assistance looked for from their English neighbours in West Florida; and in the fall of 1768 Don Ulloa was, as we have seen, ordered away. By this brief retrospect, the temper of the colonists, on the arrival of O'Reilly, will be understood, and will serve as a key to his proceedings. He resolved to lose nothing by timidity and hesitation. In the reckless pride and unbridled passions of military despotism, he disdained to temporize, or endeavour to sooth the irritated feelings of the people, or to conciliate their confidence, or calm their fears. He had been accustomed to rely upon no power but that of the sword, and to respect no authority but a military commission. To him the _law_ was a subject of scorn, and the civil rights of citizens or subjects an idle tale. He looked upon his five thousand troops, with their arms and ammunition, and he saw there the only power be respected, or would condescend to use to maintain his government. Such principles led or drove him to a course of desperate violence, having then no parallel in any country pretending to a government of laws, or any civil rights. We shall give his proceedings in the language of our historian.

"Towards the last day of August, the people were alarmed by the
arrest of Foucault, the commissary-general and ordonnateur, De
Noyant and Boisblanc, two members of the superior council; La
Freniere, the attorney-general, and Braud, the king's printer.
These gentlemen were attending O'Reilly's leve, when he
requested them to step into an adjacent apartment, where they
found themselves immediately surrounded by a body of
grenadiers, with fixed bayonets, the commanding officer of whom
informed them they were the king's prisoners. The two first
were conveyed to their respective houses, and a guard was left
there: the others were imprisoned in the barracks.

"It had been determined to make an example of twelve
individuals; two from the army, and an equal number from the
bar; four planters, and as many merchants. Accordingly, Marquis
and De Noyant, officers of the troop; La Freniere, the
attorney-general, and Doucet, (lawyers,) Villere, Boisblanc,
Mazent, and Petit, (planters,) and John Milhet, Joseph Milhet,
Caresse and Poupet, (merchants,) had been selected.

"Within a few days, Marquis, Doucet, Petit, Mazant, the two
Milhets, Caresse, and Poupet, were arrested and confined.

"Villere, who was on his plantation at the German coast, had
been marked as one of the intended victims; but his absence
from the city rendering his arrest less easy, it had been
determined to release one of the prisoners on his being
secured. He had been apprized of the impending danger, and it
had been recommended to him to provide for his safety by
seeking the protection of the British flag waving at Manshac.
When he was deliberating on the step it became him to take, he
received a letter from Aubry, the commandant of the French
troops, assuring him he had nothing to apprehend, and advising
him to return to the city. Averse to flight, as it would imply
a consciousness of guilt, he yielded to Aubry's recommendation,
and returned to New-Orleans; but as he passed the gate, the
officer commanding the guard arrested him. He was immediately
conveyed on board of a frigate that lay at the levee. On
hearing of this, his lady, a grand daughter of La Chaise, the
former commissary-general and ordonnateur, hastened to the
city. As her boat approached the frigate, it was hailed and
ordered away. She made herself known, and solicited admission
to her husband, but was answered she could not see him, as the
captain was on shore, and had left orders that no communication
should be allowed with the prisoner. Villere recognised his
wife's voice, and insisted on being permitted to see her. On
his being refused, a struggle ensued, in which he fell, pierced
by the bayonets of his guards. His bloody shirt thrown into the
boat, announced to the lady that she had ceased to be a wife;
and a sailor cut the rope that fastened the boat to the
frigate.

"O'Reilly's assessors heard and recorded the testimony against
the prisoners, and called on them for their pleas.

"The prosecution was grounded on a statute of Alfonso the
eleventh, which is the first law of the seventh title of the
first partida, and denounces the punishment of death and
confiscation of property against those who excite any
insurrection against the king or state, or take up arms under
pretence of extending their liberty or rights, and against
those who give them any assistance.

"Foucault pleaded he had done nothing, except in his character
of commissary-general and ordonnateur of the king of France in
the province, and to him alone he was accountable for the
motives that had directed his official conduct. The plea was
sustained; he was not, however, released; and a few days
afterwards, he was transported to France.

"Brand offered a similar plea, urging he was the king of
France's printer in Louisiana. The only accusation against him,
was that he had printed the petition of the planters and
merchants to the superior council, soliciting that body to
require Ulloa to exhibit his powers or depart. He concluded
that he was bound, by his office, to print whatever the
ordonnateur sent to his press; and he produced that officer's
order to print the petition. His plea was sustained and he was
discharged.

"The other prisoners declined also the jurisdiction of the
tribunal before which they were arraigned: their plea was
overruled. They now denied the facts with which they were
charged, contended that if they did take place, they did so
while the flag of France was still waving over the province,
and the laws of that kingdom retained their empire in it, and
thus the facts did not constitute an offence against the laws
of Spain; that the people of Louisiana could not bear the yokes
of two sovereigns; that O'Reilly could not command the
obedience, nor even the respect of the colonists, until he made
known to them his character and powers; and that the Catholic
king could not count on their allegiance, till he extended to
them his protection.

"It had been determined at first, to proceed with the utmost
rigour of the law against six of the prisoners; but, on the
death of Villere, it was judged sufficient to do so against
five only. The jurisprudence of Spain authorizing the
infliction of a less severe punishment than that denounced by
the statute, when the charge is not proved by two witnesses to
the same act, but by one with corroborating
circumstances.--Accordingly two witnesses were produced against
De Noyant, La Freniere, Marquis, Joseph Milhet, and Caresse.
They were convicted; and O'Reilly, by the advice of his
assessor, condemned them to be hanged, and pronounced the
confiscation of their estates.

"The most earnest and pathetic entreaties were employed by
persons in every rank of society, to prevail on O'Reilly to
remit or suspend the execution of his sentence till the royal
clemency could be implored. He was inexorable; and the only
indulgence that could be obtained, was, that death should be
inflicted by shooting, instead of hanging. With this
modification, the sentence was carried into execution on the
twenty-eighth of September.

"On the morning of that day, the guards, at every gate and post
of the city, were doubled, and orders were given not to allow
any body to enter it. All the troops were under arms, and
paraded the streets or were placed in battle array along the
levee and on the public square. Most of the inhabitants fled
into the country. At three o'clock of the afternoon, the
victims were led, under a strong guard, to the small square in
front of the barracks, tied to stakes, and an explosion of
musketry soon announced to the few inhabitants who remained in
the city, that their friends were no more.

"Posterity, the judge of men in power, will doom this act to
public execration. No necessity demanded, no policy justified
it. Ulloa's conduct had provoked the measures to which the
inhabitants had resorted. During nearly two years, he had
haunted the province as a phantom of dubious authority. The
efforts of the colonists, to prevent the transfer of their
natal soil to a foreign prince, originated in their attachment
to their own, and the Catholic king ought to have beheld in
their conduct a pledge of their future devotion to himself.
They had but lately seen their country severed, and a part of
it added to the dominion of Great Britain; they had bewailed
their separation from their friends and kindred; and were
afterwards to be alienated, without their consent, and
subjected to a foreign yoke. If the indiscretion of a few of
them needed an apology, the common misfortune afforded it.

"A few weeks afterwards, the proceedings against the six
remaining prisoners were brought to a close. One witness only
deposing against any of them, and circumstances corroborating
the testimony, Boisblanc was condemned to imprisonment for
life; Doucet, Mazent, John Milhet, Petit, and Poupet, were
condemned to imprisonment for various terms of years. All were
transported to Havana, and cast into the dungeons of the Moro
Castle."

O'Reilly was not satisfied with this bloody vengeance on the individuals who had incurred his resentment and offended his pride. The "Superior council" in a body must be prostrated by his power.

"A proclamation of O'Reilly, on the twenty-first of November,
announced to them that the evidence received during the late
trials, having furnished full proof of the part the superior
council had in the revolt during the two preceding years, and
of the influence it had exerted in encouraging the leaders,
instead of using its best endeavours to keep the people in the
fidelity and subordination they owed to the sovereign, it had
become necessary to abolish that tribunal, and to establish, in
Louisiana, that form of government and mode of administering
justice prescribed by the laws of Spain, which had long
maintained the Catholic king's American colonies in perfect
tranquillity, content, and subordination."

A year after these deeds of military heroism, O'Reilly took passage for Europe. But what said his royal master, the King of Spain, for such outrages upon the lives and liberty of his newly acquired subjects? We are told in one short paragraph--"Charles III. _disapproved_ of O'Reilly's conduct, and he received on his landing at Cadiz, an order prohibiting his appearance at court." Well, it is something that his conduct was _disapproved_ of, and not rewarded with new honours and powers. Some _sovereigns_ might have done this.

We pass from these distressing and disgraceful scenes, and find nothing of peculiar interest in our History, until we come to the period of our revolution. Although in 1778, the people of Louisiana could have had no prophetic vision to warn them that they would become a member of the American Republic, they felt and manifested a friendly disposition toward us, and rendered us efficient aid in the struggle then carrying on for our independence.

"During the month of January, Captain Willing made a second
visit to New-Orleans. Oliver Pollock now acted openly as the
agent of the Americans, with the countenance of Galvez, who
now, and at subsequent periods, afforded them an aid of upwards
of seventy thousand dollars out of the royal treasury. By this
means, the posts occupied by the militia of Virginia on the
Mississippi, and the frontier inhabitants of the state of
Pennsylvania, were supplied with arms and ammunition."

Now that we have become one people, and our Independence has made the independence of Louisiana, it is gratifying to recall to our recollection every testimony that may draw us closer together in our affections, as we are in our interests and common welfare. We take pleasure also in presenting an instance of American enterprise and gallantry, which ought not to be forgotten.

"Colonel Hamilton, who commanded at the British post at
Detroit, came this year to Vincennes, on the Wabash, with about
six hundred men, chiefly Indians, with a view to an expedition
against Kaskaskia, and up the Ohio as far as Fort Pitt, and the
back settlements of Virginia. Colonel Clark heard, from a
trader who came down from Vincennes to Kaskaskia, that
Hamilton, not intending to take the field until spring, had
sent most of his force to block up the Ohio, or to harass the
frontier settlers, keeping at Vincennes sixty soldiers only,
with three pieces of cannon and some swivels. The resolution
was immediately taken to improve the favourable opportunity for
averting the impending danger; and Clark accordingly despatched
a small galley, mounting two four pounders and four swivels, on
board of which he put a company of soldiers, with orders to
pursue her way up the Wabash, and anchor a few miles below
Vincennes, suffering nothing to pass her. He now sat off with
one hundred and twenty men, the whole force he could command,
and marched towards Vincennes. They were five days in crossing
the low lands of the Wabash, in the neighbourhood of Vincennes,
after having spent sixty in crossing the wilderness, wading for
several nights up to their breasts in water. Appearing suddenly
before the town, they surprised and took it. Hamilton for a
while defended the fort, but was at last compelled to
surrender."

We now approach a period in the History of Louisiana when her direct communication and commerce with the United States began; and from this moment she became an object of great and growing interest to us. The commencement of this intercourse is of a singular character, and was conducted with singular address.

"The foundation was now laid of a commercial intercourse,
through the Mississippi, between the United States and
New-Orleans, which has been continued, with but little
interruption, to this day, and has increased to an immense
degree; and, to the future extent of which, the imagination can
hardly contemplate any limit. Hitherto, the boats of the
western people, venturing on the Mississippi, were arrested by
the first Spanish officer who met them; and confiscation
ensued, in every case; all communication between the citizens
of the United States and the Spaniards being strictly
prohibited. Now and then, an emigrant, desirous of settling in
the district of Natchez, by personal entreaty and the
solicitations of his friends, obtained a tract of land, with
permission to settle on it with his family, slaves, farming
utensils, and furniture. He was not allowed to bring any thing
to sell without paying an enormous duty. An unexpected incident
changed the face of affairs in this respect.

"The idea of a regular trade was first conceived by General
Wilkinson, who had served with distinction as an officer in the
late war, and whose name is as conspicuous in the annals of the
west, as any other. He had connected with it a scheme for the
settlement of several thousand American families in that part
of the present state of Louisiana, now known as the parishes of
East and West Feliciana, and that of Washita, and on White
river, and other streams of the present territory of Arkansas.
For these services to the Spanish government, he expected to
obtain the privilege of introducing, yearly, a considerable
quantity of tobacco into the Mexican market.

"With a view to the execution of his plan, Wilkinson descended
the Mississippi, with an adventure of tobacco, flour, butter,
and bacon. He stopped at Natchez while his boat was floating
down the stream to New-Orleans, the commandant at the former
place having been induced to forbear seizing it, from an
apprehension that such a step would be disapproved by Miro, who
might be desirous of showing some indulgence to a general
officer of a nation with whom his was at peace--especially as
the boat and its owner were proceeding to New-Orleans, where he
could act towards them as he saw fit.

"Wilkinson having stopped at a plantation on the river, the
boat reached the city before him. On its approaching the levee,
a guard was immediately sent on board, and the revenue officers
were about taking measures for its seizure, when a merchant,
who was acquainted with Wilkinson, and had some influence with
Miro, represented to him that the step Navarro was about to
take might be attended with unpleasant consequences; that the
people of Kentucky were already much exasperated at the conduct
of the Spaniards in seizing all the property of those who
navigated the Mississippi, and if this system was pursued, they
would probably, in spite of Congress, take means themselves to
open the navigation of the river by force. Hints were, at the
same time, thrown out, that the general was a very popular
character among those who were capable of inflaming the whole
of the western people, and that, probably, his sending a boat
before him, that it might be seized, was a scheme laid by the
government of the United States, that he might, on his return,
influence the minds of his countrymen; and, having brought them
to the point he wished, induce them to choose him for their
leader, and, spreading over the country, carry fire and
desolation from one part of Louisiana to the other.

"On this, Miro expressed his wish to Navarro that the guard
might be removed. This was done; and Wilkinson's friend was
permitted to take charge of the boat, and sell the cargo,
without paying any duty.

"On his first interview with Miro, Wilkinson, that he might not
derogate from the character his friend had given him, by
appearing concerned in so trifling an adventure as a boat-load
of tobacco, flour, &c. observed that the cargo belonged to
several of his fellow-citizens in Kentucky, who wished to avail
themselves of his visit to New-Orleans to make a trial of the
temper of the colonial government. On his return he could then
inform the United States government, of the steps taken under
his eye; so that, in future, proper measures might be adopted.
He acknowledged with gratitude the attention and respect
manifested towards himself, and the favour shown to the
merchant who had been permitted to take care of the boat;
adding, he did not wish that the intendant should expose
himself to the anger of the court, by forbearing to seize the
boat and cargo, if such were his instructions, and he had no
authority to depart from them when circumstances might require
it.

"Miro supposed, from this conversation, that Wilkinson's object
was to produce a rupture rather than to avoid one. He became
more and more alarmed. For two or three years before,
particularly since the commissioners of the state of Georgia
came to Natchez to claim the country, he had been fearful of an
invasion at every rise of the water; and the rumour of a few
boats having been seen together on the Ohio, was sufficient to
excite his apprehensions. At his next interview with Wilkinson,
having procured further information of the character, number,
and disposition of the western people, and having revolved, in
his mind, what measures he could take, consistently with his
instructions, he concluded that he could do no better than to
hold out a hope to Wilkinson, in order to secure his influence
in restraining his countrymen from an invasion of Louisiana,
till further instructions could be received from Madrid. The
general sailed in September for Philadelphia."

In 1788, Don Martin Navarro, the intendant, left the province for Spain, and we cannot deny him the credit of sagacity, in his last communication to the king.

"Navarro's last communication to the king was a memorial which
he had prepared, by order of the minister, on the danger to be
apprehended by Spain, in her American colonies, from the
emancipation of the late British provinces on the Atlantic. In
this document, he dwells much on the ambition of the United
States, and their thirst for conquest; whose views he states to
be an extension of territory to the shores of the Pacific
ocean; and suggests the dismemberment of the western country,
by means of pensions and the grant of commercial privileges, as
the most proper means, in the power of Spain, to arrest the
impending danger. To effect this, was not, in his opinion, very
difficult. The attempt was therefore strongly recommended, as
success would greatly augment the power of Spain, and forever
arrest the progress of the United States to the west.

"It would not have been difficult for the King of Spain, at
this period, to have found, in Kentucky, citizens of the United
States ready to come into his views. The people of that
district met, this year, in a second convention, and agreed on
a petition to congress for the redress of their grievances--the
principal of which was, the occlusion of the Mississippi. Under
the apprehension that the interference of congress could not be
obtained, or might be fruitless, several expedients were talked
of, no one of which was generally approved; the people being
divided into no less than five parties, all of which had
different, if not opposite, views.

"The first was for independence of the United States, and the
formation of a new republic, unconnected with them, who was to
enter into a treaty with Spain.

"Another party was willing that the country should become a
part of the province of Louisiana, and submit to the admission
of the laws of Spain.

"A third desired a war with Spain, and the seizure of
New-Orleans.

"A fourth plan was to prevail on congress, by a show of
preparation for war, to extort from the cabinet of Madrid, what
it persisted in refusing.

"The last, as unnatural as the second, was to solicit France to
procure a retrocession of Louisiana, and extend her protection
to Kentucky."

We think the Don's scheme, for preventing the evils he anticipated, altogether chimerical; but our author has more faith in it, and believes "it would not have been difficult for the King of Spain, at this period, to find, in Kentucky, citizens of the United States ready to come into his views." We trust this is a mistake. The occlusion of the Mississippi was the grievance they deplored. It is, however, worthy of our special attention, that at the period when these matters were agitated in our western country, our states were held together by the weak and inefficient bonds of the old confederation, under which, state selfishness and state pride, now called _state rights_, predominated over the great and general interests of the Union; and the weaker members were neglected, having no superintending, supreme federal power to give an equal care and protection to every part. Our author distinctly says, that "it was in the western part of the United States that the inefficacy of the power of Congress was most complained of." The present strength and prosperity of the west, are the fruits of our "more perfect union," and the wisdom and gratitude of the west will forever make it the friend and support of that Union.

We are now introduced to the Baron de Carondelet, a name which afterwards became conspicuous in the History of Louisiana, and familiar to the citizens of the United States. He was appointed governor of the province, and entered upon his duties in 1792. "The sympathies and partialities of the people of Louisiana began to manifest themselves strongly in favour of the French patriots, principally in New-Orleans." The Baron thought it to be his duty, especially as he was a native of France, "to restrain excesses against monarchical government." He began by stopping "the exhibition of certain martial dances and revolutionary airs" at the theatre. He afterwards thought it necessary to adopt stronger measures to suppress the growing inclination to popular doctrines, and betook himself to the _custom of the country_, the New-Orleans _common law_, or rather the law of its governors, _to ship off the obnoxious persons_, without any form of trial or condemnation. He caused six individuals to be arrested and confined in the fort, and soon afterwards, "shipped them for Havana, where they were detained a twelve month." This may be a very pretty military mode of getting rid of disagreeable or troublesome people--the summary arrest--the fort--the ship and banishment; but we cannot reconcile it to our notions of liberty and law.

We pass over, as matters well known, the plans of _Genet_ at this period, and the proceedings of the Baron to defeat them.--The Baron also followed up, with great perseverance, "his favourite plan for the separation of the western people from the Union," and he continued to do so, subsequent to the ratification of the treaty between the United States and Spain. The report made by _Power_, the Baron's agent, of the dispositions of the western people, was altogether unpropitious to his design. He, however, delayed the delivery of the posts, to which the United States were entitled, under various pretences; still having the separation in view. His proceedings to effect this object are detailed, and will be read with interest. It is needless to say, that no ray of success shone upon his enterprise. Power, the active agent of the mischief, came very near to be tarred and feathered at Louisville, and was afterwards arrested by General Wilkinson, at Detroit. The Baron must have opened his eyes in astonishment at his egregious miscalculation of the dispositions of the West, when Wilkinson informed him, "that the people of Kentucky had proposed to him to raise an army of ten thousand men to take New-Orleans in case of a rupture with Spain."

Our author gives a concise account of the cession of Louisiana by Spain to France, and again by France to the United States. The negotiator by whom the latter transfer was conducted, on the part of France, was M. Marbois, and his work is the most satisfactory authority for the curious details of that extraordinary proceeding. The general character of the transaction, and the terms of purchase, are sufficiently known; but M. Marbois lets us into some of the secrets of the negotiation, and of the reasons which induced the first consul to part with this valuable territory as soon as he had acquired it. We will be brief with them.

The cession of Louisiana by France to Spain in 1763, was not only, as we have seen, a cause of violent discontent to the inhabitants of that province, but was considered in all the maritime and commercial cities of France, as impolitic and injurious; and a general wish prevailed to recover the colony. This did not escape Bonaparte, who did not delay to renew with the court of Madrid, a negotiation on the subject; having also in view a diminution of the power of England, which was never out of his mind. Profiting by the ascendancy he acquired by the victory of Marengo, he easily persuaded the Prince of Peace to restore Louisiana to France. This was done by a treaty made in October 1800. It was stipulated that the surrender should be made six months after. The treaty of 21st March 1801, renews these dispositions; but Louisiana continued for some time longer under the dominion of Spain. The differences between the United States and the French republic were terminated by a convention at Paris, on 30th of September 1800; and on the next day the treaty above mentioned with Spain was concluded at St. Ildephonso. As the war between France and England still continued, the cession of Louisiana to France was not made public; nor was possession taken. This difficulty was not removed for some time. In October 1801, preliminaries of peace were signed at London, followed up by the treaty of Amiens in March 1802. In the following September General Victor was appointed governor general of Louisiana; and Laussat the prefect sailed for New-Orleans in January.

The retrocession of the province to France created much uneasiness and alarm in the United States. The free navigation of the Mississippi became daily of more importance, and it was apprehended that the French would not be found as peaceable neighbours as the Spaniards. Every one remembers the short and uneasy existence of the insincere peace of Amiens. A renewal of the war was seen to be inevitable, and the American cabinet perceived that, in such an event, France would postpone the occupation of Louisiana. This state of things was justly thought to be favourable to an arrangement with France on the subject of the deposit at New-Orleans and the navigation of the river. Mr. Monroe was sent to that country for this purpose, where Mr. Livingston, our minister, had been pursuing it for many months; his overtures received little or no attention. The debates in our senate are not forgotten, on the motion of Mr. Ross; nor the prospect then in view of our taking by force of arms what it was believed would never be gained by treaty. In the spring of 1803, war was clearly inevitable between France and England; and Bonaparte knew that Louisiana, in that event, would be at the mercy of his enemy. He at once determined to change his policy in regard to that province, and to part with it, as the only means of saving it from England. On the 10th of April 1803, he entered upon the execution of his design, and called two counsellors to him, and addressed them "with that vehemence and passion which he particularly manifested in political affairs." He said he knew the full value of Louisiana, and had been desirous of repairing the fault by which it was lost--that "a few lines of a treaty have restored it to me, and I have scarcely recovered it when I must expect to lose it." Looking to the strength it would give to the United States, he said: "But if it escapes from me, it shall one day cost dearer to those who oblige me to strip myself of it, than to those to whom I wish to deliver it." After some remarks upon the naval strength in the Gulf of Mexico, and the ease with which they might take Louisiana, he added;--

"I think of ceding it to the United States. I can scarcely say
that I cede it to them, for it is not yet in our possession.
If, however, I leave the least time to our enemies, I shall
only transmit an empty title to those republicans whose
friendship I seek. They only ask of me one town in Louisiana,
but I already consider the colony as entirely lost, and it
appears to me that in the hands of this growing power, it will
be more useful to the policy and even to the commerce of
France, than if I should attempt to keep it."

The counsellors differed in their opinions, diametrically, each giving his reasons at large. The first consul decided the question immediately; he promptly declared, that

"Irresolution and deliberation are no longer in season. I
renounce Louisiana. It is not only New-Orleans that I will
cede, it is the whole colony without any reservation. I know
the price of what I abandon, and I have sufficiently proved the
importance that I attach to this province, since my first
diplomatic act with Spain had for its object the recovery of
it. I renounce it with the greatest regret. To attempt
obstinately to retain it would be folly. I direct you to
negotiate this affair with the envoys of the United States. Do
not even await the arrival of Mr. Monroe: have an interview
this very day with Mr. Livingston."

We hope and believe that one of the predictions of this luminous mind will not be fulfilled, although we have lately seen some appearances of its accomplishment.

"Perhaps it will also be objected to me, that the Americans may
be found too powerful for Europe in two or three centuries: but
my foresight does not embrace such remote fears. Besides, we
may hereafter expect rivalries among the members of the Union.
The confederations, that are called perpetual, only last till
one of the contracting parties finds it to its interest to
break them, and it is to prevent the danger, to which the
colossal power of England exposes us, that I would provide a
remedy."

"The conferences began the same day between Mr. Livingston and M. Barbe Marbois, to whom the first consul confided the negotiation." Pending the preliminary discussions, Mr. Monroe arrived at Paris; but even then Mr. Livingston despaired of success, and said to Mr. Monroe, "I wish that the resolution offered by Mr. Ross in the senate had been adopted. Only force can give us New-Orleans; we must employ force; let us first get possession of the country and negotiate afterwards." Mr. Livingston, however, was happily mistaken. "The first difficulties," says M. Marbois, "were smoothed by a circumstance which is rarely met with in congresses and diplomatic conferences. The plenipotentiaries having been long acquainted, were disposed to treat each other with confidence." The negotiation, under such auspices, proceeded rapidly, but not without some distrust on our part.