Chapter XII: Conclusion

THE STATE OF PUBLIC OPINION UPON THE QUESTION OF ANGLO-SAXON ALLIANCE

BEFORE the Spanish-American War a discussion of the subjects embraced in this book would have been premature. Professor Dicey, appealing through a magazine article, in April, 1897 (hereafter quoted), for a "common citizenship" for all Englishmen and Americans, was compelled to acknowledge a year later that his proposal "fell flat," and that for his disinterested efforts he received a few friendly but discouraging letters!

The times have changed, and the buds of great political and international questions, which have hung so long upon the trees of history, green and immature, have suddenly ripened.

The Spanish War peeped "through the blanket of the dark" and luminously lit up the American nation to the gaze of an astonished world. The problem which agitates the powers and the press of continental Europe is the future of the so-called "Anglo-Saxon" race, and the necessity and possibility of combining the nations of the world against it.

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The immature subject of an English-American alliance, which a few years ago could not awaken the interest of the people of the two nations, and was looked upon as an impracticable theory of visionary men, is now become momentous by reason of grim facts.

The courage and boldness which a writer must possess to open to public gaze new and untrodden fields of thought are no longer indispensable qualities to the present task. All that is now required is a substantial and satisfactory method of accomplishing the desired end.

It is interesting, if not essential, to explore the state of public opinion upon this subject. How far has public thought progressed in this direction? What view is entertained of it by the four great organs of public opinion of the two nations: the Press, the Pulpit, the Bar, the Stage?

Notwithstanding a somewhat diligent search for all literature bearing upon the subject, I have doubtless overlooked many, perhaps some of the best, contributions. From most of those I have seen, I will now give extracts. The newspaper articles it is impossible to quote from--they are too numerous. Besides, quotations from them in most cases would be unjust and unsatisfactory.

The Press of England and the United States has only treated this great question in a desultory and superficial way, because there has been no definite question before the two nations for discussion. So far as I can judge, however, a fair majority of the newspapers favour the general suggestion of a {211} "closer bond of sympathy," a "better understanding," and an utter renunciation of an appeal to arms to settle disputes between the United States and Great Britain. How these things will be accomplished they do not consider, except that a majority of the newspapers favour the adoption of an arbitration treaty.

The Bar, yet representing, shall I say, the serious, sober, best thought of the two nations, takes no combined action upon public questions. Its organisation, so far as matters are involved which do not directly affect its members or its _esprit du corps_, is merely formal. Its views can be gathered from individual sources only, and from articles which individual members contribute to the literature of the day. Those I have found and quote from, favour an alliance.

The Pulpit has been outspoken and enthusiastic from the commencement in its advocacy of an alliance.

The Stage, always ready to catch the sentiments of the hour, has, with its usual aptness and scenic skill, entwined England and the United States together in friendly embrace; and grotesque and exaggerated allusions to a coalition "to whip all the world," have been liberally and vociferously applauded.

I now give the quotations promiscuously. The italics are my own. They are made to show the very gist of the author's opinion.

The first article that came under my notice is, strangely enough, the most definite in its purpose {212} and conclusion, and was published in April, 1897, by Professor Dicey, under the title of "A Common Citizenship for the English Races."[1]

Professor Dicey states that his "aim is to establish the possibility and advocate the policy of instituting a common citizenship for all Englishmen and Americans." He says:

"My proposal is summarily this: That England and the United States should, by concurrent and appropriate legislation, create such a common citizenship, or, to put the matter in a more concrete and therefore in a more intelligible form, that an act of the Imperial Parliament should make every citizen of the United States, during the continuance of peace between England and America, a British subject, and that simultaneously an act of Congress should make every British subject, during the continuance of such peace, a citizen of the United States. . . .

"Common citizenship, or isopolity, has no necessary connection whatever with national or political unity. My proposal is not designed to limit the complete national independence either of England or of the United States. _It would be not only an absurdity, but almost an act of lunacy, to devise or defend a scheme for turning England and America into one state_. It is as impossible, as, were it possible, it would be undesirable, that Washington should be ruled by a government in London, or that London should be ruled by a government in Washington.

". . . _What my proposal does aim at is, in short, not political unity, but, in strictness, common citizenship_. Were it carried into effect, the net result would be that every American citizen would, on landing at Liverpool, possess the same civil and political rights as would, say, an inhabitant of Victoria who landed at the same moment from the same boat; and that an Englishman who stepped for the first time on American soil would possess there all the civil and political rights which would necessarily belong to an American citizen who, having been born abroad, had for the first time entered the United States."

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Mr. James Bryce, in an article favouring any proper means to establish an alliance between the two countries, says[2]:

"Meantime there are things which may be done at once to cement and perpetuate the good relations which happily prevail. One is the conclusion of a general arbitration treaty providing for the amicable settlement of all differences which may hereafter arise between the nations. Another is the agreement to render services to each other; such, for instance, as giving to a citizen of either nation the right to invoke the good offices of the diplomatic or consular representatives of the other in a place where his own government has no representative; or [following the proposition of Professor Dicey, heretofore referred to] _such as the recognition of a common citizenship, securing to the citizens of each in the country of the other, certain rights not enjoyed by other foreigners._"

Mr. Joseph Chamberlain, England's Secretary for the Colonies,[3] states his views upon the subject as follows:

"So far as the United Kingdom is concerned, it may be taken as a fact that the British nation would welcome any approach to this conclusion, _that there is hardly any length to which they would not go in response to American advances_, and that they would not shrink even from an alliance _contra mundum_, if the need should ever arise, in defence of the ideals of the Anglo-Saxon race--of humanity, justice, freedom, and equality of opportunity.

"It must not be supposed, however, that in accepting an alliance as a possible and welcome contingency, _anything in the nature of a permanent or general alliance is either desirable or practicable_.

"Any attempt to pledge the two nations beforehand to combine defensive and offensive action in all circumstances must {214} inevitably break down and be a source of danger instead of strength. All therefore that the most sanguine advocate of an alliance can contemplate is _that the United States and Great Britain should keep in close touch with each other, and that whenever their policy and their interests are identical they should be prepared to concert together the necessary measures for their defence_.

"It is to such a course of action that Washington seems to point when he says: 'Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable establishments, in a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies.'"

Walter Charles Copeland, favouring the proposed Anglo-American Alliance, says:

"_Nor ought we to remain satisfied with the moral alliance which is, and always will be, and probably always would have been, formed at a Pinch between the branches of the Anglo-Saxon race_. True, it may be considered by our statesmen in their wisdom that the common interest will be served best by a secret alliance, or a more subtle understanding. Anyway, there is ample scope for the work of a league or association, or for more than one, devoted to the great purpose of correcting misapprehensions and moulding public opinion on both sides."[4]

Sir Charles Dilke sympathises with the movement, but believes there is no chance of a permanent alliance with the United States as matters now stand:

"I have seen," he says, "no inclination expressed across the Atlantic by the responsible leaders of political opinion pointing towards the conclusion of any instrument consecrating so startling a departure from the American policy of the past."[5]

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The same author concludes an article[6] entitled "The Future Relations of Great Britain and the United States" as follows:

"The issue which lies behind this interesting, but perplexing, study of the future relations of our countries is no less than the decision whether in the second half of the next century the dominant interest in the world is to be Anglo-American or Russian. When I say Anglo-American, I in no way forget the position in the southern hemisphere of our own great colonies; but I include them under the first half of my compound name, Germans may be inclined to take offence at the above hint of prophecy. It is certain that for a long time to come the Prussian army must be an enormous factor in the Continental politics of the Old World. On the other hand, considered as a World-Power, Germany can hardly rank, even in the time of our remote descendants, on a level with the Russian Empire, or with the Anglo-Saxon combination, should the latter come into existence and survive.

"The matter which I have discussed in this article is no new one for me. Writing on Europe in 1886-87, I said, referring to what I had written in 1866-67:

"In 'Greater Britain' the doctrine which I attempted to lay down was that ... the English-speaking ... lands should attract a larger share of the attention of the inhabitants of the United Kingdom; that in all these, whether subject or not subject to the British rule, the English race was essentially the same in its most marked characteristics; that in the principal English-speaking country not subject to the Queen--the United States--England had imposed her tongue and laws upon the offshoots of Germany, Scandinavia, Spain, and I might now add, Russia; and that the dominance of our language throughout this powerful and enormous country . . . must produce in the future political phenomena to which our attention ought more persistently to be called.

"The prophecy has come true. _It is for the Americans of the United States to decide how far toward firm alliance what I {216} called 'the tie of blood and tongue and history and letters' shall be carried_."

Mr. A. W. Tourgee, in an article entitled "The Twentieth Century Peacemakers,"[7] discussed with great power the subject involved here. _Inter alia_ he says:

"So well known and universally acknowledged is this characteristic of the Anglo-Saxon family, that one wonders how so much stress should have been laid on community of origin and identity of civilisation by the advocates of a better understanding between its two branches, and so little attention given to the one thing needful to efficient co-operation between political organisms--to wit, _a common aim and purpose_. Especially is this notable when we reflect that conditions not difficult to define clearly demonstrate that some closer relation between Great Britain and the United States _is not only a desirable possibility, but an inevitable and quick-coming necessity_. Instead of requiring advocacy at the hands of any party or individuals, the public sentiment of two great nations has outrun the sagacity of leaders, and with that curious instinct which often controls what seems to be a blind emotion, has truly forecast world-conditions, that must, in a very brief time, compel the two countries to strike hands for the preservation of the peace of the world, and the maintenance of those ideals which the Anglo-Saxon holds above any consideration of material or political advantage. For despite his enterprise and greed, the Anglo-Saxon, more willingly than any other stock, lends ear to Ruskin's 'strange people who have other loves than those of wealth, and other interests than those of commerce.' . . .

"The Anglo-Saxon alone offers to the semi-civilised peoples that come under his control the advantages of intellectual and material development. The schoolhouse, the free press, agricultural and commercial development, are inseparable incidents of Anglo-Saxon sway. Political and material betterment are {217} the prizes it offers to the laggards in civilisation who come beneath its rule. This is what England offers in India, Egypt, and the Soudan; what the United States offers in the West Indies and the Philippines."

In speaking of the possibility of a combination of other powers against the Anglo-Saxon race, the same author says:

"Eliminate the United States from the problem, guarantee her neutrality, and there is little doubt that before the dawn of the twentieth century the civilised world would be arrayed in arms against Great Britain."

"Whether they desire it or not, the necessities of the world's life, the preservation of their own political ideals, and the commercial and economic conditions which they confront must soon compel a _closer entente_ between these two great peoples. They are the peacemakers of the twentieth century, the protectors of the world's liberty, of free economic development, and of the weak nationalities of the earth. With nations as with men, peace is usually the result of apprehension of consequences that might ensue from conflict. A free people, a government based on public opinion, a people whose interests demand commercial opportunity, is always in favour of peace. They may be stirred to war by injustice or oppression or in assertion of the rights and liberties of others, but are rarely moved to a war of aggression or for mere national aggrandisement. Commercial character is the surest guarantee of peaceful purpose, and the closer union of the two greatest commercial nations of the world is the strongest possible security for the world's peace."

Sir Richard Temple, in an article[8] entitled "An Anglo-American _vs._ a European Combination," makes an interesting analysis of the physical and {218} material elements which would enter into such a struggle. He concludes as follows:

"To us who believe in the superior power of the two English-speaking nations in comparison with other races taken together, the question may be put whether such a condition is morally and intellectually beneficial to us. I am not concerned, however, here to attempt any answer to such a question, which is wholly a matter of opinion. This article relates not at all to opinion, but only to facts.

"I will conclude the Anglo-American case with a metaphor. Britain is like a Grand Old Dame, well preserved and still maintaining the vigour and activity of her youth. Her eye is not dimmed by age; her strong hand is not weakened by the lapse of centuries. She has been the mother of many children, and has sometimes had troubles in her family. But in recent times she has been on good terms with all her offspring, all over the world. She would not suffer them to be beaten in the race of nations. If any of them were to fall into danger, she would bring out her stores, collected through many generations, in their support. If, on the other hand, she were to be hard pressed by any hostile combination, then her stalwart sons would gather round her."

Hon. David Mills, Canadian Minister of Justice,[9] under the title of "Which Shall Dominate--Saxon or Slav?", makes a very intelligent analysis of the question of the relative position of the Anglo-Saxon race against the continental powers of Europe. He says:

"In the highest sense the United States has not, and cannot have, an independent existence. Her fortune is inseparably associated with the race to which she belongs, in which her future is wrapt up, and in which she lives and moves and has her being. The unity between the United States and the {219} British Empire is a matter both of race and growth. They touch each other, and as peoples unite and great states rise, they must be, for all great international purposes, one people. They are parts of the same race, whose extension is being pushed more and more rapidly forward by the sleepless energy of individual men, under the protection of the United Kingdom, into barbarous regions where they are acquiring new standing-room for the formation of new states. In science, in literature, in government, in religion, in industrial pursuits, and in the conception of human rights and of human duties, they are one people, having common aims, a common origin, and from their necessary relations a common destiny. . . .

_"The interests of the world call for Anglo-Saxon alliance_. Let not the British Empire and the United States revive, after the lapse of centuries, the old contest of Judah and Ephraim; but, remembering that their interests are one, as the race is one, _let them stand together_, to maintain the ascendency which they will hold as long as Providence fits them to lead; which will be as long as, in their dealings with those beneath them, they are actuated by principles of justice and truth."

Rear-Admiral Lord Charles Beresford, in an article entitled "An Anglo-American Alliance,"[10] exclaims:

"Much has been said for an Anglo-American alliance. Perhaps 'alliance' is not the right word. We are already of the same blood, the same feeling, the same religion, and the same language. Now all that is necessary is to know each other better. England and America could form the most powerful alliance possible, because they are the two most patriotic countries in the world; because they alone, of all the nations, have an army and navy without conscription. . . . With the United States and England combined, we could well afford to smile at our enemies."

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An article which deserves to be carefully read is that by Prof. George Burton Adams[11] entitled "A Century of Anglo-Saxon Expansion."

"The simple truth is," says this writer, "that, great as have been the demands upon the race to create the history of the past in which we rejoice, the demands of the future will be even greater. It is the result of this history, the proper and fitting result, that we are now brought to the supreme test of racial ability. The nineteenth century, truly considered, is but an age of preliminary and introductory expansion. If the genius of the race fail not; if calm submission to the law, unwavering devotion to the task in hand, steady refusal to follow glittering allurements or hasty choices, may still be our leading traits; if we may trust our sons to equal our fathers' deeds of self-devotion without the hope of fame, then is the achievement of the nineteenth century but a preparing of the way for the vaster expansion of the twentieth,--for the founding, not of the empire of the race, but of the united commonwealth of all nations.

"But if these things fail us, if this so rapid growth has exhausted the moral stamina of the race, if by its unsettling hurry it has destroyed our power of patient self-control, then shall we repeat the history of other empires. This great fabric of ours, which, as far as human judgment can discern, _needs but closer union to be secure against the shock of every danger from without_, will in that case break asunder and fall, from its own inner decay. History will then record that the nineteenth century was our greatest but our final era of expansion."

Mr. Carl Schurz[12] ends an article upon the subject as follows:

"As to the manner in which the friendly feeling now existing can be given a tangible expression, Mr. Bryce has made {221} some valuable suggestions. The first thing to be accomplished is the conclusion of an arbitration treaty covering all kinds of differences, and thus recognising that no quarrels can possibly arise between the two nations which would not be capable of amicable composition, and that under no circumstances will any less pacific method of settlement be desired on either side. In fact, the amendments disfiguring beyond recognition the arbitration treaty which two years ago was before the Senate, and its final defeat, were the last effective stroke of the old anti-British jingoism, for which amends should now be made by a prompt resumption of negotiations for the accomplishment of that great object. In this way the Anglo-American friendship will signalise itself to the world by an act that will not only benefit the two countries immediately concerned, but set an example to other nations which, if generally followed, will do more for the peace and happiness of mankind and the progress of civilisation than anything that can be effected by armies and navies."

"The Proposed Anglo-American Alliance" is strongly advocated by Charles A. Gardiner, Esq., of the New York Bar, in a forcibly written pamphlet[13] in which he says:

"_An alliance between England and America to adjust their controversies by means of enlightened arbitration has already been introduced into practical politics_. The time is opportune for its re-introduction. If the friendly sentiments at Westminster and Washington should be promptly utilised to enact a treaty of arbitration, such an alliance would be justified on every ground of common and reciprocal interests, would have the moral and political support of both nations, would establish a most beneficent precedent for the international adjustment of the affairs of mankind, and would do more than any other single act to make possible the disarmament of nations and the maintenance of universal peace. . . .

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"The grandest thought of the century is this convergence of the Anglo-Saxon race. What more ennobling conception can engage the attention of any association of scholars and thinkers? As citizens and individuals our duties ally us with this beneficent movement. Let us promote a unity already begun; let us encourage the common interests and sentiments of the nations; let us, so far as in us lies, consummate in our day that alliance of kin predicted by the wise and good of three generations, as the 'noblest, most beneficial, most peaceful primacy ever presented to the heart and understanding of man.'"

In an article called "The English-speaking Brotherhood," Professor Charles Waldstein,[14] after summarising the elements that exist in common between the two countries, says:

"Now, when any group of people have all these eight elements in common, _they ought of necessity to form a political unity_; and when a group of people have not the first of these factors [the same country], but are essentially kin in the remaining seven, they ought to develop some close form of lasting amity. In the case of the people of Great Britain and of the United States, seven of these leading features are actively present.

"It may even be held that the first condition, a common country, which would make of the two peoples one nation, in some sense exists for them. At all events, a country is sufficiently common to them to supply sentimental unity in this direction. . . .

"Leaving the question of a common country, the bond of union becomes closer the further we proceed with the other essential influences which make for unity, when once we drop the misleading and wholly illusory ethnological basis of nationality, and take into account the process of real history. We then must acknowledge that the people of Great Britain and of the United States are of one nationality."

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"The Basis of an Anglo-American Understanding," by the Rev. Lyman Abbott,[15] concludes as follows:

"Thus far I have suggested only 'a good understanding,' because this is immediately practicable, yet I have in my imagination an ideal toward which such a good understanding might tend, but which would far transcend anything suggested by that somewhat vague phrase. Let us suppose, then, that Great Britain and the United States were to enter into _an alliance_ involving these three elements: first, _absolute reciprocity of trade; second, a tribunal to which should be referred for settlement, as a matter of course, all questions arising between the two nations_, as now all questions arising between the various states of this Union are referred to the Supreme Court of the United States; _third, a mutual pledge that an assault on one should be regarded as an assault on both, so that as towards other nations these two would be united as the various states of this Union stand united towards all other states. Such an alliance would include not only our own country and the British Isles, but all the colonies and dependencies of Great Britain--Canada_, Australasia, and in time such provinces in Asia and Africa as are under British domination and administration. It would unite in the furtherance of a Christian civilisation all the Anglo-Saxon peoples, and all the peoples acting under the guidance and controlling influence of Anglo-Saxon leaders, it would gradually draw into itself all other peoples of like minds, though of foreign race, such as, in the far east, the people of Japan. It would create _a new confederation_ based on principles and ideas not on tradition, and bounded by the possibilities of human development not by geographical lines. It would give a new significance to the motto _E Pluribus Unum_, and would create a new United States of the World of which the United States of America would be a component part."

Mr. Julian Ralph ends an article,[16] in which he {224} closely examines the causes of the present prejudice existing between the two countries, with this sentence:

"As a last word upon the subject of the _mooted alliance_, my own belief is that it _is not as practicable or as advisable as the good understanding_ that seems to have already been brought about without too suspicious a show of anxiety on either side, without elaborate discussion, and without formal agreement, I agree with the wisest American to whom I have spoken on the subject, and who said a year ago, when there was no such roseate outlook as this of to-day, 'It may be delayed, and we may even quarrel with England before it is brought about, but, nevertheless, the certain destiny of the two peoples _is to stand together for the maintenance of order, justice, and humanity, and for the extension of a higher form of civilisation than any other nations stand for_."

Mr. James K. Hosmer, in an article entitled "The American Evolution: Dependence, Independence, Interdependence,"[17] after presenting a number of contemporaneous English authorities,"1 to show that the American Revolution was inevitable, and in the true interests of the English people themselves, and after quoting a letter which John Bright wrote in 1887 to the Committee for the Celebration of the Centennial of the American Constitution, wherein he states--" As you advance in the second century of your national life, may we not ask _that our two nations may become one people?"_ closes as follows:

"The townships make up the county, the counties the state, the states the United States. What is to hinder a further extension of the federal principle, _so that finally we {225} may have a vaster United States, whose members shall be, as empire State, America; then the mother, England; and lastly the great English dependencies, so populous and thoroughly developed that they may justly stand co-ordinate?_ It cannot be said that this is an unreasonable or Utopian anticipation. Dependence was right in its day; but for English help colonial America would have become a province of France. Independence was and is right. It was well for us, and for Britain too, that we were split apart. Washington, as the main agent in the separation, is justly the most venerated name in our history. But _inter_dependence, too, will in its day be right; and great indeed will be that statesman of the future who shall reconstitute the family bond, conciliate the members into an equal brotherhood, found the vaster union which must be the next great step towards the universal fraternity of man, when patriotism may be merged into a love that will take in all humanity.

"Such suggestions as have just been made are sure to be opposed both in England and America. We on our side cite England's oppression of Ireland, the rapacity with which in all parts of the world she has often enlarged her boundaries, the brutality with which she has trampled upon the rights of weaker men. They cite against America her 'century of dishonour' in the treatment of the Indians, the corruption of her cities, the ruffian's knife and pistol, ready to murder on slight provocation, the prevalence of lynch law over all other law in great districts, her yellow journalism. Indeed, it is a sad tale of shortcoming for both countries. Yet in the case of each the evil is balanced by a thousand things great and good, and the welfare of the world depends upon the growth and prosperity of the English-speaking lands as upon nothing else. The welfare of the world depends upon their accord; and no other circumstance at the present moment is so fraught with hope as that, in the midst of the heavy embarrassments that beset both England and America, the long-sundered kindred slowly gravitate toward alliance."[18]

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Mr. B. O. Flower contributes an article to the discussion,[19] entitled "The Proposed Federation of the Anglo-Saxon Nations," favouring an alliance. The key-note of his views is contained in this passage[20]:

"But beyond a common blood, language, and mutual interests, rises the factor which above all others is fundamental, and which more than aught else makes such an alliance worthy of serious consideration, and that _is the common ideal or goal to which all the moral energies of both people are moving, the spirit which permeates all English-speaking nations, namely, popular sovereignty, or self-government; that is, republicanism in essence_."[21]

Mr. Richard Olney, in a convincing argument[22] on international isolation of the United States, explains the doctrine of Washington's warning to his countrymen, "It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world," as follows:

"The Washington rule of isolation, then, proves on examination to have a much narrower scope than the generally accepted versions given to it. Those versions of it may and undoubtedly do find countenance in loose and general and unconsidered statements of public men both of the Washington era and of later times, . . . Nothing can be more obvious, therefore, than that the conditions for which Washington made his rule no longer exist. . . . There is a patriotism of race as well as of country--and the Anglo-American is as little likely to be indifferent to the one as to {227} the other. Family quarrels there have been heretofore and doubtless there will be again, and the two peoples, at a safe distance which the broad Atlantic interposes, take with each other liberties of speech which only the fondest and dearest relatives indulge in. Nevertheless, they would be found standing together against any alien foe by whom either was menaced with destruction or irreparable calamity, it is not permissible to doubt. Nothing less could be expected of the close community between them in origin, speech, thought, literature, institutions, ideals--in the kind and degree of the civilisation enjoyed by both."

In an article entitled "Shall the United States be Europeanised?"[23] Mr. John Clark Ridpath violently opposes an alliance. He states:

"The time has come when the United States must gravitate rapidly _towards_ Europe or else diverge _from_ Europe as far and as fast as possible.

"This is an overwhelming alternative which forces itself upon the American people at the close of the nineteenth century; in the twentieth we shall be either Europeanised or democratized--the one or the other. There is no place of stable equilibrium between the two. This is true for the reason that there can be no such thing as a democratic monarchy; no such thing as a monarchical republic; no such thing as a popular aristocracy; no such thing as a democracy of nabobs.

"The twentieth century will bring us either to democracy unequivocal or to empire absolute. All hybrid combinations of the two are unstable; they break and pass away. Either the one type or the other must be established in our Western hemisphere. The democratic Republic which we _thought_ we had, and which we so greatly prized and fought for, must now sheer off _from_ Europe altogether, or else sail quietly back _to_ Europe and come to anchor. Shall we or shall we not go thither?"

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In another article, entitled "The United States and the Concert of Europe,"[24] he says:

"In the first place, I inquire, what is the _meaning_ of the proposed alliance between the United States and Great Britain? What _kind_ of an alliance is it that we are asked to enter? Is it an alliance of mere sympathies between the people of the United States and the people of the British Isles? Or is it a league which contemplates a union of military resources, defensive and offensive, one or both? Is it a temporary joining of forces for specific purposes in relation to the existing Spanish War? Is it a coalescence of British and American institutions? Is it a civil and political union which is contemplated? Is it a government alliance in the sense that the government of Great Britain and the government of the United States shall be and act as one? And if so, _which one_ shall it be? Under which flag is the alliance to be made? Are we, when the union shall be effected, to follow the standard of St. George, or are we to march under the star-banner of our fathers? Whose flag is to prevail? Whose institutional structure is to be accepted for both nations? Of a certainty, we cannot march under both flags. It must be under the one or the other. Which shall it be? Shall we take the flag of the British Empire, or the flag of American Democracy?"

Mr. R.E. Kingsford, in an article entitled "Roma! Cave Tibi!"[25] which he commences with a fervent declaration of love for England and Englishmen, continues:

"Do you care to be warned, or do you wish to continue in a course which will split up your Empire? It is time to speak plainly and it is time for us to understand one another. No matter how much we admire you, no matter how much we reverence you, no matter how much we are ready to submit to neglect at your hands, the time has come when the future {229} course of our relations must be settled. We feel very sore at your preference for the United States. We have been brought up to think that you are right and that they are wrong. We believe in your system of government as opposed to theirs. Both cannot be right. We have always thought that the people ruled in England, while the mob ruled in the United States. But, alas! We are beginning to think that we have been wrong. We see you Englishmen caressing the Americans, flattering them, submitting to them, backing out of declarations made as to what you were going to do until they stepped in and told you to stop. We see our public men, almost without exception, in every speech they make, allude fondly in round set terms to their 'kin beyond the seas.' Will nothing open your eyes? Will you not see that these people are not your kin? They are aliens. Will you not understand that they do not care two straws about you? Their idea is that they are the mightiest nation upon earth. They consider that they own the Continent of North America and that your presence on that continent is an anachronism and an absurdity. Surely they have told you so plainly enough. Do you think that by protesting so much admiration for them you will disarm them? If you do, you are making a huge mistake which you will bitterly pay for. . . .

"I warn you, Englishmen, you are treading on dangerous ground. The British Lion is hugging and slobbering over the American Eagle. But that scrawny bird is only submitting to be embraced. The situation is an illustration of the French Proverb, that there is always one who loves (England), and one who is loved (the United States.) Presently the Eagle's beak will tear the Lion's flesh, and the Eagle's talons tear the Lion's side. Then there will be a roar of astonished anger. But the mistake will have been made, the mischief will have been done. Cease this Anglo-American nonsense. Rely on your own colonies. Establish inter-Imperial tariffs. . . .

"If you persist in allowing yourselves to be cozened by your belief or trust in American good-will, so that you neglect or slight your loyal and true Canadian fellow-subjects, you will lose Canada, you will lose your West India Islands, and {230} then how long will the rest of your Empire last? Roma! Cave Tibi!"

In an editorial from the _Canadian Magazine_ for August, 1898, entitled "A Hasty Alliance," the learned editor writes as follows:

"During the past two months the proposed Anglo-American Understanding has occupied a great deal of attention in Great Britain and Canada, and a very fair amount of similar enthusiasm in the United States. The idea of an understanding which will enable both branches of the English race--if it may be called such--to work side by side, with one aim and one mission, is certainly most worthy. If it can be successfully carried into performance, it will be the most important political development of the nineteenth century.

"The officials of Great Britain have always been courteous, and kind, and considerate to the United States. These gentlemen have gone so far as to pay the United States a million dollars more for Alabama claims than was actually necessary. They gave up half the State of Maine because they did not care to remark that a certain map was a forgery. They have always used respectable language about or to the United States. When, therefore, they now say that they value United States friendship and approve of Anglo-Saxon unity, I cannot accuse them of inconsistency. Nor can I in my own mind feel that they are insincere. . . .

"Personally, I have no objection to Lord Wolseley, Lord Dufferin, Sir Wilfred Laurier, and Sir Charles Tupper expressing their appreciation of the United States, and their desire to see permanent friendly relations between the two countries. These gentlemen represent the officialdom of Great Britain and of Canada, and are speaking semi-officially. They are, without doubt, quite sincere in their desire to have the two branches of the nation act in unison. But I do object to their pushing Mr. Chamberlain's idea with too much cheap publicity. Let them say what they think and feel without descending to fulsome flattery which they may some day wish they had left unsaid."

{231}

In "Commercial Relations between Canada and the United States," by Robert McConnell, editor of the _Halifax Morning Herald_,[26] the writer states:

"We believe further that the time has gone by when American politicians can woo Canada into a political union even by a policy of friendliness and close commercial relations. Without in any way seeking to disparage the United States as a great nation, and her people as worthy of the Anglo-Saxon stock from which they sprang, the Canadian people feel that theirs is a higher national and political destiny--to be one of the great family of Anglo-Saxon nations comprising a worldwide British Empire, whose mission is to civilise, enlighten, and christianise the people who come under her sway, and by the genius of free institutions and the influence of a world-wide, peace-producing, and humanising commerce to raise strong barriers against the demon of war and promote peace and good-will among the nations. Why should not the United States come into the Anglo-Saxon family of nations, and have a share in such noble work? There is room enough and scope enough on this continent for the two Anglo-Saxon nations--Canada and the United States--daughters of a common mother, custodians of a common liberty--to work out their separate destinies without being jealous of each other or coveting each other's patrimony and birthright. They can maintain a friendly and honourable rivalry in the world of industry and commerce, and at the same time co-operate heartily in promoting the arts of peace and civilisation, and the welfare of our common humanity the world over."

In an article entitled "The Anglo-American Alliance and the Irish-Americans," by Rev. George McDermot, C.S.P.,[27] the writer opens his article with the following sentence:

"I was tempted to call the alliance proposed by certain persons between England and America 'the Chamberlain-American {232} Alliance'; but stating this thought will answer the purpose of such a heading. I take the subject up as a parable, now that the Local Government Bill for Ireland has passed the Lower House. . . .

"I ask, where is the advantage to America to spring from such an alliance? I have spoken of the subject with reference to Mr. Chamberlain; I shall discuss it in the abstract and show, if space permits, that such an alliance is based on the suggestion of an immoral compact, and is intended for the promotion of a wicked policy, the main advantage of which would be found to rest with England. The idea stated is that the United States will give to England the part of the Philippines they do not mean to retain; and the justification for this is the Pecksniffian one that 'British Civilisation and British Rule will be for the benefit of the islanders.' It is hard to avoid reference to other islanders who have had a long experience of that rule and civilisation. We are informed in this publication, which is sometimes favoured with the lucubrations of Mr. Chamberlain, and never without glosses on his high policy by faithful hands, that 'if it is any advantage to England to own a new Asiatic possession she can probably add to the Empire without much trouble.' This bid for an alliance in pursuance of Mr. Chamberlain's aims is audacious in its candour. It is made at the very moment the 'touling' of the right honourable gentleman has become the subject of dignified and regretful criticism on the part of English public men and the raillery of the Continental press. The honour of the radical section of the Liberal party is saved. It was that section which stood by America in the Civil War, when the ruling and moneyed classes were equipping privateers to prey upon her commerce and trying to compel a recognition of the independence of the Confederacy. . . . "

The author closes with the following sentence:

"However, to pull the chestnuts out of the fire in China is one of the advantages America is to obtain by the proposed alliance; and to me, indeed, the putting of it forward {233} affords the clearest indication that the Secretary for the Colonies, notwithstanding debating talents of no common order, is incapable of forming a policy, wider than the area of a borough, and unable to take the measure of relations and interests, difficulties and complications, larger than those which surround a scheme for lighting or paving a prosperous municipality in England."

Then I must not forget two quotations from articles by Mr. A. Maurice Low, "America's Debt to England"[28] where he says:

"An Anglo-American alliance--not merely an 'understanding,' but formal, definite alliance--I hope to see in the near future. It would mark an epoch in the world's history; it would mean the elevation, the happiness, the advancement of the whole world; it would bring us one step nearer the ideal. In the language of the British Secretary of State for Colonial affairs:

"'Our imagination must be fired when we contemplate the possibility of such a cordial understanding between the seventy million people of the United States and our fifty million Britons, an understanding which would guarantee peace and civilisation to the world.'"

In another article, entitled "Russia, England and the United States,"[29] he writes:

"In language, in thought, in habits, in manners, in morals, in religion there is nothing in common between the great mass of the people of the United States and the great mass of the people of the Czar's dominions. Our law is based on the common law of England; our literature is derived from the same inspiration; even when we have been foes our common blood has made our deeds and heroism soften the bitterness of war. Perry's victory on Lake Erie thrills the English boy as much as the recital of Broke's capture {234} of the _Chesapeake_ does the American. Only the other day American and British naval officers, fighting a common foe, fell side by side; and this was not the first time the blood of the two races had mingled facing the enemy; in fact, the Russian and the American are antagonistic. It is, as Senator Lodge points out, the conflict of the Slav and the Saxon--a conflict which has been waging for centuries, and must eventually be fought to the bitter end, until the freedom of the Saxon is so firmly planted that it can never be assailed, or the militarism of the Slav crushes the world under its iron heel and, for a second time, the 'Scourge of God' dominates."

Last in time, but not in strength and eloquence of language, comes Mr. Stead, with a perfect torrent of ideas in favour of the quick nationalisation of the Anglo-Saxon peoples. His book must be read as a whole, and cannot be adequately portrayed by short quotations.[30]

I have now finished what I know to be an imperfect attempt to bring this great subject adequately before the mind of the reader. I must be satisfied merely to open it. The aim of the book is to show that the unification of the English-speaking peoples means the elevation and enlightenment of mankind, the mitigation of suffering, and the opening of new roads to human happiness. This is the mission of the race, and the twentieth century--the Anglo-Saxon Century--should behold its accomplishment.

To aid Anglo-Saxon union I appeal to philosophers, historians, and all other writers to espouse a cause which calls into exercise the best instincts and noblest impulses of mind and soul; I appeal {235} to lawyers to combine in favour of a union which preserves and enlarges a system of jurisprudence, which, properly administered, means exact justice and true equality to all men; I appeal to individual priests and preachers everywhere to advocate a text which will draw men nearer to true religion; I appeal to all the Churches, whose holy mission is peace and good-will to the world; and I finally appeal to the organs of public opinion, individually and collectively: the Pulpit, the Press, the Bar, and the Stage, to help the great Anglo-Saxon peoples consummate their destiny in one combined effort to perform the duty with which God has charged them.

"All power
I give thee; reign for ever, and assume
Thy merits; under thee, as Head Supreme, Thrones, Princedoms,
Powers, Dominions,
I reduce,"[31]

[1] _Contemporary Review_, April, 1897.

[2] _Atlantic Monthly_, July, 1898.

[3] _Scribner's Magazine_, December, 1898.

[4] _Westminster Review_, August, 1898.

[5] _Pall Mall Magazine_, September, 1898.

[6] _Forum_, January, 1899.

[7] _Contemporary Review_, June, 1899.

[8] _North American Review_, September, 1898.

[9] _North American Review_, June, 1898.

[10] _The Independent_, February 23, 1899.

[11] _Atlantic Monthly_, April, 1897.

[12] _Ibid._, October, 1898.

[13] _Questions of the Day_, No. XCII., p. 27. published by G. P. Putnam's Sons.

[14] _North American Review_, August, 1898.

[15] _North American Review_, May, 1898.

[16] _Harper's New Monthly Magazine_, February, 1899.

[17] _Atlantic Monthly_, July, 1898.

[18] See, also, by the same author, _A Short History of Anglo-Saxon Freedom_, 1890.

[19] _Arena_, August, 1898.

[20] Pp. 225, 226.

[21] See, also, "The Anglo-American Future," by Frederick Greenwood, _The Nineteenth Century_, July, 1898.

[22] _Atlantic Monthly_, May, 1898.

[23] _Arena_, December, 1897.

[24] _Arena_, August, 1898.

[25] _Canadian Magazine_, January, 1899

[26] _Canadian Magazine_, January, 1899.

[27] _Catholic World_, October, 1898.

[28] _Anglo-American Magazine_, March, 1899.

[29] _Forum_, October, 1899.

[30] _The Americanization of the World_, W.T. Stead.

[31] Paradise Lost, Book III.

{236}

{237}

Index

A

Abbott, Rev. Lyman, article "The Basis of an Anglo-American Understanding," 223

Act of Congress, April 20, 1898, 45

Adams, Prof. George Burton, article "A Century Anglo-Saxon Expansion," 22

Adams, John, is descent, 105

Adams, John Quincy, his descent, 105

Adams, Samuel, his descent, 100

Alfred the Great, his millennium, 73, 74; his work, 75

Anglo-American League, resolution of same, 57; its officers, 57; its brief history, 152

Anglo-Saxon alliance, origin of suggestion, 48; first limited to an offensive and defensive treaty, 54; growth of alliance, 54, 55; indefiniteness of same, 55, 58, 59; motive of alliance, 57, 58; present condition of subject, 59; first step in the movement, 59, 60; how the subject will be treated by politicians, 60, 61; impracticability of defensive and offensive treaty, 61, 62, 152; basis of alliance, 67, 68; commemorated by some instrument, 68; Revolution of 1776 said to be a barrier to alliance, 84; past should be forgotten, 94, 95; England has changed since 1776, 95, 96; alliance is natural as to time, 100; alliance is natural as to people, 100, 101; first place ought to be given to family nationality, 102; same language, 108-112; same literature, 116; same political institutions, 124; same laws, legal customs, general modes of judicial procedure, 133, 134; same tendency of religious thought, 137, 138; value of intermarriage, 138; value of a common drama, 139, 140; natural community in everything important, 141; commercial reasons, 143, 144; self-preservation leads to same, 145, 146; effect of recent years upon the two nations, 153; state of public opinion, 209, 210; majority of newspapers favour alliance, 210; pulpit favours same, 210; the stage favours same, 210; quotations favouring alliance, 212 _et seq._; _see_ Methods of union; _see_ Subjects of treaty

Anglo-Saxon race, European combination _vs._ same, 50; accusations against, 51; its striking characteristic, 63, 76, 77; corroborations by eminent authority, 63, 64; all of one family, 101, 102; vigour due to admixture of blood, 103; another characteristic, 147; its ideals have never been destroyed, 148; its unselfish progress, 148, 149; duty of race, 150

Arbitration court, 207, 208

Arthur, Chester A., his descent, 100

B

Bacon, Lord, importance of commercial freedom, 203, 204

Bainbridge, William, his descent, 107

{238}

Beresford, Lord Charles, article "An Anglo-American Alliance," 219

Bright, John, his wish for unity, 224

Bryce, James, advocating common citizenship, 188, 213

Buchanan, James, his descent, 106 Burke, Edmund, commends English colonial government, 88

C

Calhoun, John C., his descent, 106 Canada, bond with England merely sentimental, 100; her present relation to England, 100; her constitution, 163; effect of same, 163; her value to England, 164; England formal sovereign and actual champion, 165, 166; how affected by war between England and United States, 166, 167; relation to United States, 172, 173; lesson from Scotch history, 173-175; originally embraced in plan of American Republic, 175; attempts towards annexation, 176, 177; apathy in United States, 177; benefits of union, 195

Carlyle, Thomas, the power of literature, 124

Chamberlain, Joseph, article favouring alliance, 213, 214

Chase, Salmon P., his descent, 100 China, commercial relations to Western Powers, 16; policy of Western Powers towards China, 17, 20; her internal condition, 18-20; conduct of Powers in late difficulty, 21, 22

Choate, Rufus, his descent, 107 Christianity, introduction into England, 72; its relation to government, 72; its part in England, 73; first step in English progress, 73

Civilisation, its primary meaning, 64; its secondary meaning, 65, 66; third meaning, 66

Clay, Henry, his descent, 100 Cleveland, Grover, his descent, 106

Commercial relations of England and America, an early glimpse, 143; one business community, 144; statistics of imports and exports, 144; advantages of free commercial relations, 202-204; two benefits from commercial reciprocity, 205

Common citizenship, scheme of same, 180-182; effects of same, 182, 189, 199, 200; Constitution to be amended, 183; rights and duties resulting from establishment of common citizenship, 183, 184; advocacy of same, 188, 189; _see_ Naturalisation Laws

Constitution of United States, comparison with Magna Charta, 127-131; for the people, 128; agreement between thirteen independent States, 128; the legislative power regulated, 128; distinction between it and English charters, 130, 131; source of inspiration, 132; Bill of Rights copied from English charters, 132; new matter in same, 132; Gladstone's eulogy, 133

Copeland, Walter Charles, article favouring alliance, 214

Cuba, short-sighted policy of United States towards Cuba, 45

D

Davis, Jefferson, his descent, 100 Decatur, Stephen H., his descent, 107

De Tocqueville, language the strongest tie, 110

Dewey, George, his descent, 107 Dicey, Professor, advocating common citizenship, 188; article, "A Common Citizenship for the English Races," 212

Dilke, Sir Charles, article on alliance, 214; article, "The Future Relations of Great Britain and the United States," 215, 216

E

Egbert, union brought about by, 74

Ellsworth, Oliver, his descent, 107

Emerson, Ralph Waldo, quotation from _English Traits_, 73; his descent, 108

England, predictions of decline, 5; predictions refuted, 5, 6; amelioration of society in nineteenth century, 8; checking Russia in the East, 12, 13; conduct in late {239} Chinese difficulty, 21; future policy towards China, 22; her aid to United States in Spanish-American War, 49. 50, 52, 53; accused of leading United States into Imperialism, 54;--History: commencement of national life:, 71, 72; Christianity in England, first step in her progress, 72, 73; consolidation of kingdoms, second step in her progress, 74; drift towards unity arrested, 75, 76; causes which finally resulted in alliance, 76; comparison with Grecian cities, 76, 77; influence of Roman law, third step in her progress, 77, 78; the Great Charter, the Petition of Right, the Habeas Corpus Act, the Bill of Rights, the Act of Settlement, fourth span in English development, 79, 80; union with Scotland, fifth span in English development, '80; opposition in Scotland to union, 81; discovery of America, sixth span in English development, 81, 82; independence in the colonies, seventh great span in English development, 83, 84; England has changed since 1776, 95, 96; English welcome to American literature, 123; English political development, 124-131; time of Alfred, 125; seeds of parliamentary birth, 125, 126; germs of Magna Charta, 126; the grants of Henry I. and Stephen, 127; origin of House of Commons, 129; separation from Church of Rome, 130; despotism under Tudors, 130; reforms in reign of William III., 130;--state of religion, 137, 138; her position in Europe, 145, 146; her relation to Canada, 163, 164; formal sovereign and actual champion, 165-167; _see_ Revolutionary War; _see_ Magna Charta

English race, _see_ England

Evarts, William M., his descent, 107

Evolution, definition of, 48, 49

F

Farragut, David Glascoe, his descent, 107

Fillmore, Millard, his descent, 106

Flower, B. O., article., The Proposed Federation of the Anglo-Saxon Nations," 226

Foote, Andrew Hull, his descent, 107

France, her internal decay, 22, 23; mistakes in government, 23; incongruous position of French Cabinet, 24; deplorable condition of Republicanism, 25, 29; effect of Franco-Prussian War, 26, 27; origin of alliance with Russia, 27; hurtful effect of alliance, 28; her true policy, 28, 30; potency of militarism, 29, 30

Franco-Russian alliance, origin of, 27; effect of, 28

Franklin, Benjamin, his descent, 106 Freeman, Professor, nation defined by language, 113; system of separate free cities, 170; his hope for common citizenship, 188

G

Gallatin, Albert, his descent, 108

Gardiner, Charles A., article "The Proposed Anglo-American Alliance," 221, 222

Garfield, James A., his descent, 106 Gibbon, Edward, narrow policy of preserving, without mixture, pure blood of the ancient citizens, 103

Gladstone, William E., eulogy on American Constitution, 133

Government, its primary ends, 62; the ideal commonwealth, 62, 63; government has character like individual, 69, 70; isolation is unnatural, 147; government is made for man, 200; distinction between democracy and republic, 201, 202

Grant, U. S., his descent, 106

Grecian states, deficient in political unity, 187; Roman policy compared, 187

Greene, Nathanael, his descent, 107

Grote, language a tie among the Greeks, 113

H

Hamilton, Alexander, his descent, 108; neighbouring nations natural enemies of each other, 171

{240}

Harrison, Benjamin, his descent, 106 Harrison, William H., his descent, 106

Hawthorne, Nathaniel, his descent, 108

Hayes, Rutherford B., his descent, 106

Henry, Patrick, his descent, 106 History, its underlying forces, 46, 47

Holmes, Oliver Wendell, descent of, 108

Hosmer, James K., article, "Dependence, Independence, Interdependence," 224, 225

I

Immigration, sentiment against, 194; sentiment not against English-speaking peoples, 194, 195

Ireland, common citizenship a benefit to, 190

Irving, Washington, his descent, 108

Isopolity, description of same, 185, 186; _see_ Common citizenship

J

Jackson, Andrew, his descent, 106 Jackson, Thomas Jonathan, his descent, 107

Jay, John, his descent, 107 Jefferson, Thomas, his descent, 105 Johnson, Andrew, his descent, 106

Johnston, Joseph E., his descent, 107

K

Kent, James, descent of, 107

Kingsford, R. E., article "Roma! Cave Tibi!" 228-230; "A Hasty Alliance," 230

L

Language, power of, 109, 110; bond of sympathy, III; tie among the Greeks, 113-115

Laurier, Sir Wilfred, interview with same concerning Canadian question, 171

Law, similarity of laws in United States and England, 133-135; differences in same, 136

Lea, Charles Henry, article. "The Decadence of Spain," 35

Lecky, the dream of many English and Americans, 154, 155; sentiment of nationality, 100

Lee, Robert Edward, his descent, 107

Lincoln, Abraham, his descent, 100

Literature, its function, 116, 117; its imperishableness, 117; universal medium of communication, 118; English literature compared, 118; consequences of its development, 119; derivation of English literature, 120; its native quality, 121, 122; English welcome to American literature, 123

Longfellow, Henry W., his descent, 108

Low, A. Maurice, article "America's Debt to England," 233; "Russia, England, and the United States," 233,234

Lowell, James Russell, his descent, 108

M

McConnell, Robert, article "Commercial Relations between Canada and the United States," 231

McDermot, Rev. George, article "The Anglo-American Alliance and the Irish-Americans," 231-233

McFadden, Theodore, article on William Penn, 73

McKinley, William, his descent, 100 Madison, James, his descent, 105

Magna Charta, comparison with Constitution of United States, 127-131; enacted in a single day. 127; brief summary of its provisions, 127; parties to charter, 127; Deed of Confirmation, 128; rights of persons and things, 128; limitation of kingly power, 129

Marshall, John, his descent, 107 Methods of union, impracticability of one nation for all Englishmen and Americans, 154; impracticability of federation, 154, 155; treaty binding upon all a feasible method of union, 155-157; contents of treaty, 157

Mexico, her peculiar position, 42; power of President Diaz, 42; incapability of people for republican government, 43

{241}

Miles, Nelson A., his descent, 107

Mills, Hon. David, article, _North American Review_, "Which Shall Dominate, Saxon or Slav?" 13-16

Mommsen, admission with reference to English, 63; sins of fathers not visited upon children, 95; common citizenship in Grecian communities, 180; Hellenic system of common money, 200

Money, influence of common standard, 205. 206

Monroe Doctrine, application to confederation of Spanish-speaking countries, 40, 41

Monroe, James, his descent, 105 Montesquieu, quotation from _Spirit of Laws_, 63

Morgan, J. Pierpont, his descent, 108

Morris, Robert, his descent, 108

N

Naturalisation laws, their general policy, 191; history of, in United States, 191, 192; object of same, 193; laxity of their enforcement, 196; objections to curtailment answered, 196; foreigners cannot interfere, 197, 198; _see_ Common citizenship

O

Olney, Richard, article explaining Washington's policy of isolation, 226, 227

P

Perry, Oliver H., his descent, 107

Peter the Great, his dream of conquest, 13

Pierce, Franklin, his descent, 106

Poe, Edgar Allan, his descent, 108

Polk, James K., his descent, 106

Preble, Edward, his descent, 107

R

Ralph, Julian, article favouring alliance, 224

Randolph, John, his descent, 100

Revolutionary War, natural result of existing conditions, 85, 86; apology for same, 86, 87; antecedent conditions prior to same justified, 88, 89; war a blessing to the United States, 90; England fought for union with us, 93

Ridpath, John Clark, article "Shall the United States be Europeanised?" 227; article "The United States and the Concert of Europe," 228

Roman law, third span in English civilisation, 77; influence in England, 77, 78; comparison with common law, 78; instrument of despotism, 78

Roosevelt, Theodore, his descent, 106

Russia, internal condition, II; external policy, 11,12,14,15; her adaptability to govern China, 15: her Chinese policy, 17

S

Schurz, Carl, article advocating alliance, 220, 221

Scotland, union with England, 80; opposition to same, 81; wisdom of union, 174, 175; Bacon's advocacy of same, 179

Scott, Winfield, his descent, 107 Self-preservation, nature of, explained, 145

Semmes, Raphael, his descent, 107

Seward, William H., his descent, 106

Sheridan, Philip H., his descent, 107

Sherman, William Tecumseh, his descent, 107

Smith, Goldwin, union of Canada with United States, 176

South American republics, condition of same, 41

Spain, financial depletion, 37; dissatisfaction with government, 38; natural advantages, 39; strong monarchical tendency, 39, 40

Spanish-American War, its significance, 2, 3; England's aid to the United States, 49, 50, 52, 53: importance of war, 55

Spanish, and Portuguese people, number of persons who speak language, 31-33; territory occupied by same, 31-33; absence of political unity, 33; their past history contrasted with present, 34, 35; {242} individual characteristics, 35; comparison with Anglo-Saxons, 35, 36; difficulties of establishing federation between Spanish-speaking countries, 39-41; _see_ Spain

Stead, W, T., the Americanisation of the world, 234

Story, Joseph, his descent, 107 Subjects of treaty, Canada to come into the United States, 159, 160; union must be voluntary, 161; interest plus sentiment, 162; treaty of common citizenship sustainable, 198; proviso to treaty under certain conditions, 199; free commercial relations between English-speaking countries, 202, 203; same gold, silver, nickel, and copper money, 205, 200; uniform standard of weights and measures, 207; arbitration court, 207, 208; _see_ common citizenship

Sumner, Charles, his descent, 106

Sympolity, meaning of same, 185, 186

T

Taney, Roger Brooke, his descent, 107

Taylor, Zachary, his descent, 100

Temple, Sir Richard, article "An Anglo-American _vs._ a European Combination," 218

Thomas, George Henry, his descent, 107

Thucydides, quotation from, 162

Tilden, Samuel J., his descent, 107

Tourgee, A. W., article "The Twentieth Century Peacemakers," 216, 217

Tyler, John, his descent, 100

U

United States, effect of Spanish War upon, 3, 4; conduct in late Chinese difficulty, 21; future policy towards China, 22; assent to federation of Spanish-speaking countries, 40, 41; weak policy towards Cuba, 45; England's support to United Slates in Spanish-American War, 49, 50,52, 53; population is heterogeneous, 103, 104; foreign element quickly assimilated, 104; loyalty of these new citizens to the Republic, 104, 105; predominant element is of English, Scotch, and Irish descent, 105; statement illustrated, 105-108; English welcome to American literature, 123; colossal development explained, 134; barrier to creation of Republic, 134; similarity between English laws and laws of United States, 135-137; state of religion, 137, 138; English financial support built up the country, 143; Canada bone of contention between England and United States, 172; Canada's relation to United States, 172, 173; indifference in United States towards union with Canada, 177; history of naturalisation laws, 191; _see_ Canada; _see_ Revolutionary War; _see_ Constitution of the United States

V

Van Buren, Martin, his descent, 106

W

Waldstein, Prof. Charles, article "The English-Speaking Brotherhood" 222

Washington, George, his descent, 105

Wealth, its true meaning, 6; its relation to the State, 7

Webster, Daniel, speech at Plymouth, 63, 64; his descent, 106; speech at Oxford, 122; speech at public dinner of New England Society of New York, 149, 150

Whittier, John Greenleaf, his descent, 108

[Transcriber's Note: All spellings have been preserved as printed. Footnotes have been re-numbered to convert them to chapter endnotes.]

End of Project Gutenberg's The Anglo-Saxon Century, by John Dos Passos