Chapter XVIII (6)

It appeared likewise by the evidence of Captain Jo. Trahern, Tho. Castel, and others, who had been taken by the pirates, and thence had opportunities of observing the prisoner’s conduct, that he seemed thoroughly satisfied with that way of life, and was particularly intimate with Roberts; they often scoffing at the mention of a man-of-war, and saying, if they should meet with any of the turnip-man’s ships, they would blow up and go to h--l all together. Yet setting aside these silly freaks to recommend himself, his laziness had got him many enemies; even Roberts told him, on the complaint of a wounded man, whom he had refused to dress, that he was a double rogue to be there a second time, and threatened to cut his ears off.

The evidence further assured the court, from Captain Thomas Tarlton, that the prisoner was taken out of his brother’s ship, some months before, a first time, and being forward to oblige his new company, had presently asked for the pirates’ boat to fetch the medicine-chest away, when the wind and current proving too hard to contend with, he was drove on shore at Cape Montzerado.

The prisoner called for William Darling and Samuel Morwel (acquitted), and Nicholas Butler.

William Darling deposed, the first time the prisoner fell into their hands Roberts mistook him for Jo. Tarlton, the master, and being informed it was the surgeon who came to represent him (then indisposed) he presently swore he should be his messmate, to which Wilson replied, he hoped not, he had a wife and child, which the other laughed at; and that he had been two days on board before he went in that boat, which was drove on shore at Cape Montzerado. And at his second coming, in the _Elizabeth_, he heard Roberts order he should be brought on board in the first boat.

Samuel Morwel says that he has heard him bewail his condition while on board the pirate, and desired one Thomas to use his interest with Roberts for a discharge, saying, his employ and the little fortune he had left at home would, he hoped, exempt him the further trouble of seeking his bread at sea.

Nicholas Butler, who had remained with the pirates about forty-eight hours, when they took the French ships at Whydah, deposes that in this space the prisoner addressed him in the French language several times, deploring the wretchedness and ill-fortune of being confined in such company.

The prisoner, desiring liberty of two or three questions, asked whether or no he had not expostulated with Roberts, for a reason of his obliging surgeons to sign their Articles, when heretofore they did not; whether he had not expressed himself glad of having formerly escaped from them; whether he had not said, at taking the ships in Whydah road, that he could like the sport, were it lawful; and whether if he had not told him, should the Company discharge any surgeon, that he would insist on it as his turn? The deponent answered yes to every question separately; and farther, that he believes Scudamore had not seen Wilson when he first came and found him out of the _Elizabeth_.

He added in his own defence, that, being surgeon with one John Tarlton, of Liverpool, he was met a first time on this coast of Guinea by Roberts the pirate, who, after a day or two, told him, to his sorrow, that he was to stay there, and ordered him to fetch his chest (not medicines, as asserted), which opportunity he took to make his escape; for the boat’s crew happening to consist of five French and one Englishman, all as willing as himself, they agreed to push the boat on shore and trust themselves with the negroes of Cape Montzerado. Hazardous, not only in respect of the dangerous seas that run there, but the inhumanity of the natives, who sometimes take a liking to human carcases. Here he remained five months, till Thomas Tarlton, brother to his captain, chanced to put into the road for trade, to whom he represented his hardships and starving condition; but was, in an unchristian manner, both refused a release of this captivity, or so much as a small supply of biscuit and salt meat, because, as he said, he had been among the pirates. A little time after this the master of a French ship paid a ransom for him and took him off; but, by reason of a nasty leprous indisposition he had contracted by hard and bad living, was, to his great misfortune, set ashore at Sestos again, when Captain Sharp met him and generously procured his release in the manner himself has related, and for which he stands infinitely obliged. That ill-luck threw him a second time into the pirates’ hands, in this ship _Elizabeth_, where he met Thomas Tarlton, and thoughtlessly used some reproaches of him for his severe treatment at Montzerado; but protests without design his words should have had so bad a consequence; for Roberts took upon him, as a dispenser of justice, the correction of Mr. Tarlton, beating him unmercifully; and, he hopes it will be believed, contrary to any intention of his it should so happen, because, as a stranger, he might be supposed to have no influence, and believes there were some other motives for it. He cannot remember he expressed himself glad to see Roberts this second time, or that he dropped those expressions about Comry, as are sworn; but if immaturity of judgment had occasioned him to slip rash and inadvertent words, or that he had paid any undue compliments to Roberts, it was to ingratiate himself, as every prisoner did, for a more civil treatment, and in particular to procure his discharge, which he had been promised, and was afraid would have been revoked, if such a person as Comry did not remain there to supply his room; and of this, he said, all the gentlemen (meaning the pirates) could witness for him.

He urged also his youth in excuse for his rashness. The first time he had been with them (only a month in all), and that in no military employ; but in particular the service he had done in discovering the design the pirates had to rise in their passage on board the _Swallow_. Guilty.

But execution respited till the King’s pleasure be known, because the commander of the _Swallow_ had declared the first notice he received of this design of the pirates to rise was from him.

_Benjamin Jeffreys._

By the depositions of Glasby and Lillburn (acquitted) against this prisoner, it appeared that his drunkenness was what at first detained him from going away in his proper ship, the _Norman_ galley; and next morning, for having been abusive in his drink, saying to the pirates there was not a man amongst them, he received for a welcome six lashes from every person in the ship, which disordered him for some weeks, but on recovery was made boatswain’s mate; the serving of which, or any office on board a pirate, is at their own option (though elected), because others are glad to accept what brings an additional share in prize.

The deponents further say that at Sierra Leone every man had more especially the means of escaping, and that this prisoner, in particular, neglected it, and came off from that place after the ship was under sail and going out of the river.

The prisoner, in his defence, protests he was at first forced, and that the office of boatswain’s mate was imposed on him, and what he would have been glad to have relinquished. That the barbarous whipping he had received from the pirates at first was for telling them that none who could get their bread in an honest way would go on such an account. And he had certainly taken the opportunity which presented at Sierra Leone of ridding himself from so distasteful a life, if there had not been three or four of the old pirates on shore at the same time who, he imagined, must know of him, and would doubtless have served him the same, if not worse, than they since had done William Williams, who, for such a design, being delivered up by the treacherous natives, had received two lashes through the whole ship’s company.

The Court observed the excuses of these pirates about want of means to escape, was oftentimes as poor and evasive as their pleas of being forced at first; for here, at Sierra Leone, every man had his liberty on shore, and, it was evident, might have kept it, if he, or they, had so pleased. And such are further culpable, who having been introduced into the society by such uncivil methods as whipping, or beating, neglect less likely means of regaining liberty; it shows strong inclinations to dishonesty, and they stand inexcusably. Guilty.

_Jo. Mansfield._

It was proved against this prisoner, by Captain Trahern and George Fenn, that he was one of those volunteers who was at the attack and robbery of the Company’s ship called the _King Solomon_. That he bullied well among them who dared not make any reply, but was very easy with his friends, who knew him; for Moody on this occasion took a large glass from him, and threatened to blow his brains out (a favourite phrase with these pirates) if he muttered at it.

From others acquitted it likewise appeared that he was at first a volunteer among them, from an island called Dominico, in the West Indies, and had, to recommend himself, told them he was a deserter from the _Rose_ man-of-war, and, before that, had been on the highway; he was always drunk, they said, and so bad at the time they met with the _Swallow_, that he knew nothing of the action, but came up vapouring with his cutlass, after the _Fortune_ had struck her colours, to know who would go on board the prize; and it was some time before they could persuade him into the truth of their condition.

He could say little in defence of himself, acknowledged this latter part of drunkenness; a vice, he says, that had too great a share in ensnaring him into this course of life, and had been a greater motive with him than gold. Guilty.

_William Davis._

William Allen deposed he knew this prisoner at Sierra Leone, belonging to the _Ann_ galley; that he had a quarrel with, and beat, the mate of that ship, for which, as he said, being afraid to return to his duty, he consorted to the idle customs and ways of living among the negroes, from whom he received a wife, and ungratefully sold her one evening for some punch to quench his thirst. After this, having put himself under the protection of Mr. Plunket, governor there for the Royal African Company, the relations and friends of the woman applied to him for redress, who immediately surrendered the prisoner, and told them he did not care if they took his head off; but the negroes wisely judging it would not fetch so good a price, they sold him in his turn again to Seignior Jessee, a Christian black, and native of that place, who expected and agreed for two years’ service from him, on consideration of what he had disbursed for the redemption of the woman. But long before the expiration of this time Roberts came into Sierra Leone river, where the prisoner, as Seignior Jessee assured the deponent, entered a volunteer with them.

The deponent further corroborates this part of the evidence, in that he being obliged to call at Cape Mount, in his passage down hither, met there with two deserters from Roberts’s ship, who assured him of the same, and that the pirates did design to turn Davis away the next opportunity as an idle, good-for-nothing fellow.

From Glasby and Lillburn it was evident, that every pirate, while they stayed at Sierra Leone, went on shore at discretion. That Roberts had often assured Mr. Glynn and other traders at that place, that he would force nobody; and, in short, there was no occasion for it; in particular, the prisoner’s row-mate went away, and thinks he might have done the same if he had pleased.

The prisoner alleged his having been detained against his will, and says that, returning with elephants’ teeth for Sierra Leone, the pirates’ boat pursued and brought him on board, where he was kept on account of his understanding the pilotage and navigation of that river.

It was obvious to the court, not only how frivolous excuses of constraint and force were among these people, at their first commencing pirates, but also it was plain to them, from these two deserters, met at Cape Mount, and the discretional manner they lived in at Sierra Leone, through how little difficulty several of them did, and others might have escaped afterwards, if they could but have obtained their own consents for it. Guilty.

* * * * *

This is the substance of the trials of Roberts’s crew, which may suffice for others that occur in this book. The foregoing lists show, by a * before the names, who were condemned; those names with a + were referred for trial to the Marshalsea, and all the rest were acquitted.

The following pirates were executed, according to their sentence, without the gates of Cape Corso Castle, within the flood-marks, viz.:--William Magnes, 35, Minehead; Richard Hardy, 25, Wales; David Simpson, 36, North Berwick; Christopher Moody, 28; Thomas Sutton, 23, Berwick; Valentine Ashplant, 32, Minories; Peter de Vine, 42, Stepney; William Philips, 29, Lower Shadwell; Philip Bill, 27, St. Thomas’s; William Main, 28; William Mackintosh, 21, Canterbury; William Williams, 40, near Plymouth; Robert Haws, 31, Yarmouth; William Petty, 30, Deptford; John Jaynson, 22, near Lancaster; Marcus Johnson, 21, Smyrna; Robert Crow, 44, Isle of Man; Michael Maer, 41, Ghent; Daniel Harding, 26, Groomsbury in Somersetshire; William Fernon, 22, Somersetshire; Jo. More, 19, Meer, in Wiltshire; Abraham Harper, 23, Bristol; Jo. Parker, 22, Winfred, in Dorsetshire; Jo. Philips, 28, Jersey; James Clement, 20, Bristol; Peter Scudamore, 35, Wales; James Skyrm, 44, Somersetshire; John Walden, 24, Whitby; Jo. Stephenson, 40, Orkneys; Jo. Mansfield, 30, Bristol; Israel Hynde, 30, Aberdeen; Peter Lesley, 21, Exeter; Charles Bunce, 26, Other St. Mary’s, Devonshire; Robert Birtson, 30, Cornwall; Richard Harris, 45, Sadbury, in Devonshire; Joseph Nositer, 26 (speechless at execution); William Williams, 30, Holland; Agge Jacobson, 30, Bristol; Benjamin Jeffreys, 21, Topsham; Cuthbert Goss, 21, Plymouth; John Jessup, 20, Plymouth; Edward Watts, 22, Dunmore; Thomas Giles, 26, Minehead; William Wood, 27, York; Thomas Armstrong, 34, London (executed on board the _Weymouth_); Robert Johnson, 32, at Whydah; George Smith, 25, Wales; William Watts, 23, Ireland; James Philips, 35, Antegoa; John Coleman, 24, Wales; Robert Hays, 20, Liverpool; William Davis, 23, Wales.

The remainder of the pirates, whose names are undermentioned, upon their humble petition to the court, had their sentence changed from death to seven years’ servitude, conformable to our sentence of transportation. The petition is as follows:--

“_To the Honourable the President and Judges of the Court of
Admiralty, for trying of pirates, sitting at Cape Corso
Castle, the 20th day of April, 1722._

“The humble petition of Thomas How, Samuel Fletcher, &c.

“Humbly showeth--

“That your petitioners being unhappily, and unwarily drawn
into that wretched and detestable crime of piracy, for which
they now stand justly condemned, they most humbly pray the
clemency of the court, in the mitigation of their sentence,
that they may be permitted to serve the Royal African
Company of England, in this country for seven years, in such
a manner as the court shall think proper; that by their just
punishment, being made sensible of the error of their former
ways, they will for the future become faithful subjects,
good servants, and useful in their stations, if it please
the Almighty to prolong their lives.

“And your petitioners, as in duty, &c.”

The resolution of the court was--

“That the petitioners have leave by this Court of Admiralty,
to interchange indentures with the Captain-General of the
Gold Coast, for the Royal African Company, for seven years’
servitude, at any of the Royal African Company’s settlements
in Africa, in such manner as he, the said Captain-General,
shall think proper.

“On Thursday, the 26th day of April, the indentures being
all drawn out, according to the grant made to the
petitioners, by the court held on Friday the 20th of this
instant, each prisoner was sent for up, signed, sealed and
exchanged them in the presence of--

Captain MUNGO HEARDMAN, President,
JAMES PHIPPS, Esq.,
Mr. EDWARD HYDE,
Mr. CHARLES FANSHAW, and
Mr. JOHN ATKINS, Registrar.”

_A Copy of the Indenture._

The Indenture of a person condemned to serve abroad, for piracy,
which, upon the humble petition of the pirates therein
mentioned, was most mercifully granted by his Imperial Majesty’s
Commissioners and Judges appointed to hold a Court of Admiralty,
for the trial of pirates, at Cape Corso Castle, in Africa, upon
condition of serving seven years, and other conditions, are as
follows, viz.:--

“This Indenture, made the twenty-sixth day of April, Anno
Regni Regis Georgii magnæ Britanniæ, &c. Septimo, Domini
Millessimo, Sepcentessimo viginti duo, between Roger Scot,
late of the City of Bristol, mariner, of the one part, and
the Royal African Company of England, their Captain-General
and Commander-in-chief, for the time being, on the other
part, witnesseth, That the said Roger Scot doth hereby
covenant, and agree, to, and with, the said Royal African
Company, their Captain-General, and Commander-in-chief for
the time being, to serve him, or his lawful successors, in
any of the Royal African Company’s settlements on the coast
of Africa, from the day of the date of these presents, to
the full term of seven years, from hence next ensuing, fully
to be complete and ended; there to serve in such employment
as the said Captain-General or his successors shall employ
him, according to the custom of the country in like kind.

“In consideration whereof, the said Captain-General, and
Commander-in-chief, doth covenant and agree to, and with,
the said Roger Scot, to find and allow him meat, drink,
apparel, and lodging, according to the custom of the
country.

“In witness whereof, the parties aforesaid, to these
presents, have interchangeably put their hands and seals,
the day and year first above written.

“Signed, sealed, and delivered, in the presence of us, at
Cape Corso Castle, in Africa, where no stamped paper was to
be had.
MUNGO HEARDMAN, President,}
}_Witnesses_.”
JOHN ATKINS, Registrar, }

In like manner was drawn out and exchanged the indentures of Thomas How, of Barnstaple, in the county of Devon; Samuel Fletcher, of East Smithfield, London; John Lane, of Lombard Street, London; David Littlejohn, of Bristol; John King, of Shadwell parish, London; Henry Dennis, of Bideford; Hugh Harris, of Corf Castle, Devonshire; William Taylor, of Bristol; Thomas Owen, of Bristol; John Mitchel, of Shadwell parish, London; Joshua Lee, of Liverpool; William Shuren, of Wapping parish, London; Robert Hartley, of Liverpool; John Griffin, of Blackwall, Middlesex; James Cromby, of London, Wapping; James Greenham, of Marshfield, Gloucestershire; John Horn, of St. James’s parish, London; John Jessup, of Wisbech, Cambridgeshire; David Rice, of Bristol.

But two or three of whom, I hear, are now living; two others, viz., George Wilson and Thomas Oughterlaney, were respited from execution till his Majesty’s pleasure should be known; the former died abroad, and the latter came home, and received his Majesty’s pardon; the account of the whole stands thus:--Acquitted, 74; executed, 32; respited, 2; to servitude, 20; to the Marshalsea, 17; killed in the _Ranger_, 10; killed in the _Fortune_, 3; died in the passage to Cape Corso, 13; died afterwards in the Castle, 4; negroes in both ships, 70: total, 276.

I am not ignorant how acceptable a relation of the behaviour and dying words of malefactors are to the generality of our countrymen, and therefore shall deliver what occurred worthy of notice in the deportment of these criminals.

The first six that were called to execution were Magnes, Moody, Simpson, Sutton, Ashplant, and Hardy; all of them old standers and notorious offenders. When they were brought out of the hold, on the parade, in order to break off their fetters, and fit the halters, none of them, it was observed, appeared the least dejected, unless Sutton, who spoke faint, but it was rather imputed to a flux that had seized him two or three days before than fear. A gentleman, who was surgeon of the ship, was so charitable at this time, to offer himself in the room of an ordinary, and represented to them, as well as he was able, the heinousness of their sin, and necessity which lay on them of repentance; one particular part of which ought to be acknowledging the justice they had met with. They seemed heedless for the present, some calling for water to drink, and others applying to the soldiers for caps; but when this gentleman pressed them for an answer, they all exclaimed against the severity of the court, and were so hardened as to curse, and wish the same justice might overtake all the members of it as had been dealt to them. “They were poor rogues,” they said, “and so must be hanged, while others, no less guilty in another way, escaped.”

When he endeavoured to compose their minds, exhorting them to die in charity with all the world, and would have diverted them from such vain discourse by asking them their country, age, and the like, some of them answered, “What was that to him? They suffered the law, and should give no account but to God.” They walked to the gallows without a tear in token of sorrow for their past offences, or showing as much concern as a man would express at travelling a bad road; nay, Simpson, at seeing a woman that he knew, said, “He had lain with that b----h three times, and now she was come to see him hanged.” And Hardy, when his hands were tied behind him (which happened from their not being acquainted with the way of bringing malefactors to execution), observed, “That he had seen many a man hanged, but this way of the hands being tied behind them he was a stranger to and never saw before in his life.” I mention these two little instances to show how stupid and thoughtless they were of their end, and that the same abandoned and reprobate temper that had carried them through their rogueries, abided with them to the last.

Samuel Fletcher, another of the pirates ordered for execution, but reprieved, seemed to have a quicker sense of his condition; for when he saw those he was allotted with go to execution, he sent a message by the Provost-Marshal to the court, to be “informed of the meaning of it, and humbly desired to know whether they designed him mercy or not? If they did, he stood infinitely obliged to them, and thought the whole service of his life an incompetent return for so great a favour; but that if he was to suffer, the sooner the better, he said, that he might be out of his pain.”

There were others of these pirates the reverse of this, and though destitute of ministers or fit persons to represent their sins and assist them with spiritual advice, were yet always employing their time to good purposes, and behaved with a great deal of seeming devotion and penitence; among these may be reckoned Scudamore, Williams, Philips, Stephenson, Jeffreys, Lesly, Harper, Armstrong, Bunce, and others.

Scudamore too lately discerned the folly and wickedness of the enterprise, that had chiefly brought him under sentence of death, from which, seeing there was no hopes of escaping, he petitioned for two or three days’ reprieve, which was granted; and for that time applied himself incessantly to prayer and reading the Scriptures. He seemed to have a deep sense of his sins, of this in particular, and desired, at the gallows, they would have patience with him, to sing the first part of the thirty-first Psalm; which he did by himself throughout.

Armstrong, having been a deserter from his Majesty’s service, was executed on board the _Weymouth_ (and the only one that was); there was nobody to press him to an acknowledgment of the crime he died for, nor of sorrowing in particular for it, which would have been exemplary, and made suitable impressions on seamen; so that his last hour was spent in lamenting and bewailing his sins in general, exhorting the spectators to an honest and good life, in which alone they could find satisfaction. In the end he desired they would join with him in singing two or three latter verses of the 140th Psalm; and that being concluded, he was, at the firing of a gun, triced up at the fore-yard-arm.

Bunce was a young man, not above twenty-six years old, but made the most pathetic speech of any at the gallows. He first declaimed against the gilded baits of Power, Liberty, and Wealth, that had ensnared him among the pirates, his inexperienced years not being able to withstand the temptation; but that the briskness he had shown, which so fatally had procured him favour amongst them, was not so much a fault in principle as the liveliness and vivacity of his nature. He was now extremely afflicted for the injuries he had done to all men, and begged their’s and God’s forgiveness, very earnestly exhorting the spectators to remember their Creator in their youth, and guard betimes, that their minds took not a wrong bias, concluding with this apt similitude, “That he stood there as a beacon upon a rock” (the gallows standing on one) “to warn erring mariners of danger.”

IV.

CAPTAIN AVERY AND HIS CREW.

Romantic reports of his greatness--His birth--Is mate of a
Bristol man--For what voyage designed--Tampers with the
seamen--Forms a plot for carrying off the ship--Executes
it, and how--The pirates take a rich ship belonging to
the Great Mogul--The Great Mogul threatens the English
settlements--The pirates steer their course back for
Madagascar--Call a council--Put all the treasure on
board of Avery’s ship--Avery and his crew treacherously
leave his confederates--Go to the Isle of Providence in
the West Indies--Sell the ship--Go to North America in
a sloop--They disperse--Avery goes to New England--From
thence to Ireland--Avery afraid to expose his diamonds
for sale--Goes over to England--Puts his wealth into
merchant’s hands of Bristol--Changes his name--Lives at
Bideford--The merchants send him no supplies--Importunes
them--Goes privately to Bristol--They threaten to discover
him--Goes over to Ireland--Solicits them from thence--Is
very poor--Works his passage over to Plymouth--Walks
to Bideford--Dies a beggar--An account of Avery’s
confederates--Their settlement at Madagascar--They meet
other pirates--An account of them--The pirates deposed, and
why--Marooned on the Island Mauritius--Some account of that
island--The adventures of the company continued--Angria,
an Indian pirate--His strength by land and sea--The East
India Company’s wars with him--The pirates go the island
of Melinda--Their barbarous behaviour there--Hear of
Captain Mackra’s designs against them--Their reflections
thereupon--Sail for Cochin, a Dutch settlement--The
pirates and the Dutch very good friends--Mutual presents
made between the pirates and the Governor--The pirates
in a fright--Almost starved--Take a prize of an immense
value--Take an Ostend East Indiaman--A short description
of Madagascar--A prodigious dividend made by the
pirates--A fellow’s way of increasing his diamonds--Some
of the pirates quit, and join the remains of Avery--The
proceedings of the men-of-war in those parts--Some Dutchmen
petition to be among the pirates--The pirates divided in
their measures--Break up--What became of them.

None of these bold adventurers were ever so much talked of for a while as Avery: he made as great a noise in the world as Meriveis does now, and was looked upon to be a person of as great consequence; he was represented in Europe as one that had raised himself to the dignity of a king, and was likely to be the founder of a new monarchy, having, as it was said, taken immense riches and married the Great Mogul’s daughter, who was taken in an Indian ship which fell into his hands; and that he had by her many children, living in great royalty and state; that he built forts, erected magazines, and was master of a stout squadron of ships, manned with able and desperate fellows of all nations; that he gave commissions out in his own name to the captains of his ships and to the commanders of his forts, and was acknowledged by them as their prince. A play was written upon him, called “The Successful Pirate”; and these accounts obtained such belief that several schemes were offered to the Council for fitting out a squadron to take him, while others were for offering him and his companions an Act of Grace and inviting them to England, with all their treasure, lest his growing greatness might hinder the trade of Europe to the East Indies.

Yet all these were no more than false rumours, improved by the credulity of some and the humour of others who love to tell strange things; for while, it is said, he was aspiring at a crown he wanted a shilling, and at the same time it was given out he was in possession of such prodigious wealth in Madagascar he was starving in England.

No doubt but the reader will have a curiosity of knowing what became of this man, and what were the true grounds of so many false reports concerning him; therefore I shall, in as brief a manner as I can, give his history.

He was born in the West of England near Plymouth, in Devonshire; being bred to the sea, he served as a mate of a merchantman in several trading voyages. It happened before the Peace of Ryswick, when there was an alliance between Spain, England, Holland, &c. against France, that the French in Martinico carried on a smuggling trade with the Spaniards on the continent of Peru, which by the law of Spain is not allowed to friends in time of peace, for none but native Spaniards are permitted to traffic in those parts or set their feet on shore, unless at any time they are brought as prisoners; wherefore they constantly keep certain ships cruising along the coast, whom they call Guarda del Costa, who have the orders to make prizes of all ships they can light of within five leagues of land. Now the French, growing very bold in trade, and the Spaniards being poorly provided with ships, and those they had being of no force, it often fell out that when they light of the French smugglers they were not strong enough to attack them, therefore it was resolved in Spain to hire two or three stout foreign ships for their service, which being known at Bristol, some merchants of that city fitted out two ships of thirty odd guns, and one hundred and twenty hands each, well furnished with provision and ammunition, and all other stores; and the hire being agreed for by some agents for Spain, they were commanded to sail for Corunna--the Groine--there to receive their orders, and to take on board some Spanish gentlemen who were to go passengers to New Spain.

Of one of these ships, which I take to be called the _Duke_, Captain Gibson, commander, Avery was first mate, and being a fellow of more cunning than courage, he insinuated himself into the good will of several of the boldest fellows on board the other ship as well as that which he was on board of. Having sounded their inclinations before he opened himself, and finding them ripe for his design, he at length proposed to them to run away with the ship, telling them what great wealth was to be had upon the coast of India. It was no sooner said than agreed to, and they resolved to execute their plot at ten o’clock the night following.

It must be observed the captain was one of those who are mightily addicted to punch, so that he passed most of his time on shore in some little drinking ordinary; but this day he did not go on shore as usual; however, this did not spoil the design, for he took his usual dose on board, and so got to bed before the hour appointed for the business. The men also who were not privy to the design turned into their hammocks, leaving none upon deck but the conspirators, who, indeed, were the greatest part of the ship’s crew. At the time agreed on the _Duchess’s_ long-boat appeared, which, Avery hailing in the usual manner, was answered by the men in her, “Is your drunken boatswain on board?” which was the watchword agreed between them, and Avery replying in the affirmative the boat came aboard with sixteen stout fellows and joined the company.

When our gentry saw that all was clear they secured the hatches, so went to work; they did not slip the anchor, but weighed it leisurely, and so put to sea without any disorder or confusion, though there were several ships then lying in the bay, and among them a Dutch frigate of forty guns, the captain of which was offered a great reward to go out after her; but Mynheer, who perhaps would not have been willing to have been served so himself, could not be prevailed upon to give such usage to another, and so let Mr. Avery pursue his voyage whither he had a mind to.

The captain, who by this time was awakened, either by the motion of the ship or the noise of working the tackles, rung the bell. Avery and two others went into the cabin. The captain, half asleep, and in a kind of fright, asked, “What was the matter?” Avery answered coolly, “Nothing.” The captain replied, “Something’s the matter with the ship. Does she drive? What weather is it?” thinking nothing less than that it had been a storm and that the ship was driven from her anchors. “No, no,” answered Avery, “we’re at sea, with a fair wind and good weather.” “At sea!” says the captain; “how can that be?” “Come,” says Avery, “don’t be in a fright, but put on your clothes, and I’ll let you into a secret. You must know that I am captain of this ship now, and this is my cabin, therefore you must walk out. I am bound to Madagascar, with a design of making my own fortune, and that of all the brave fellows joined with me.”

The captain having a little recovered his senses began to apprehend the meaning. However, his fright was as great as before, which Avery perceiving, bade him fear nothing; “for,” says he, “if you have a mind to make one of us we will receive you, and if you’ll turn sober and mind your business, perhaps in time I may make you one of my lieutenants; if not, here’s a boat alongside, and you shall be set ashore.”

The captain was glad to hear this, and therefore accepted of his offer; and the whole crew being called up, to know who was willing to go on shore with the captain and who to seek their fortunes with the rest, there were not above five or six who were willing to quit this enterprise. Wherefore they were put into the boat with the captain that minute and made their way to the shore as well as they could.

They proceeded on their voyage to Madagascar; but I do not find they took any ships in their way. When they arrived at the north-east part of that island they found two sloops at anchor, who, upon seeing them, slipped their cables and run themselves ashore, the men all landing and running into the woods. These were two sloops which the men had run away with from the West Indies, and seeing Avery, they supposed him to be some frigate sent to take them, and therefore not being of force to engage him they did what they could to save themselves.

He guessed where they were, and sent some of his men on shore to let them know they were friends, and to offer they might join together for their common safety. The sloops’ men were well armed, and had posted themselves in a wood, with sentinels just on the outside to observe whether the ship landed her men to pursue them, and they observing only two or three men to come towards them without arms, did not oppose them; but having challenged them, and they answering that they were friends, they led them to their body, where they delivered their message. At first they apprehended it was a stratagem to decoy them on board, but when the ambassadors offered that the captain himself and as many of the crew as they should name would meet them on shore without arms, they believed them to be in earnest, and they soon entered into a confidence with one another, those on board going on shore and some of those on shore going on board.

The sloops’ men were rejoiced at the new ally, for their vessels were so small that they could not attack a ship of any force, so that hitherto they had not taken any considerable prize; but now they hoped to fly at high game. And Avery was as well pleased at this reinforcement to strengthen them for any brave enterprise, and though the booty must be lessened to each by being divided into so many shares, yet he found out an expedient not to suffer by it himself, as shall be shown in its place.

Having consulted what was to be done, they resolved to sail out together upon a cruise--the galley and two sloops. They therefore fell to work to get the sloops off, which they soon effected, and steered towards the Arabian coast. Near the River Indus the man at the masthead spied a sail, upon which they gave chase, and as they came nearer to her they perceived her to be a tall ship, and fancied she might be a Dutch East Indiaman homeward bound; but she proved a better prize. When they fired at her to bring to she hoisted Mogul’s colours, and seemed to stand upon her defence. Avery only cannonaded at a distance, and some of his men began to suspect that he was not the hero they took him for. However, the sloops made use of their time, and coming one on the bow and the other on the quarter of the ship, clapped her on board and entered her, upon which she immediately struck her colours and yielded. She was one of the Great Mogul’s own ships, and there were in her several of the greatest persons of his Court, among whom it was said was one of his daughters, who were going on a pilgrimage to Mecca, the Mahometans thinking themselves obliged once in their lives to visit that place; and they were carrying with them rich offerings to present at the shrine of Mahomet. It is known that the Eastern people travel with the utmost magnificence, so that they had with them all their slaves and attendants, their rich habits and jewels, with vessels of gold and silver, and great sums of money to defray the charges of their journey by land; wherefore the plunder got by this prize is not easily computed.

Having taken all the treasure on board their own ships, and plundered their prize of everything else they either wanted or liked, they let her go; she not being able to continue her voyage, returned back. As soon as the news came to the Mogul, and he knew that they were English who had robbed them, he threatened loud, and talked of sending a mighty army with fire and sword to extirpate the English from all their settlements on the Indian coast. The East India Company in England were very much alarmed at it; however, by degrees they found means to pacify him, by promising to do their endeavours to take the robbers and deliver them into his hands; however, the great noise this thing made in Europe as well as in India, was the occasion of all these romantic stories which were formed of Avery’s greatness.

In the meantime our successful plunderers agreed to make the best of their way back to Madagascar, intending to make that place their magazine or repository for all their treasure, and to build a small fortification there, and leave a few hands always ashore to look after it and defend it from any attempts of the natives; but Avery put an end to this project, and made it altogether unnecessary.

As they were steering their course as has been said, he sends a boat on board of each of the sloops desiring the chief of them to come on board of him in order to hold a council; they did so, and he told them he had something to propose to them for the common good, which was to provide against accidents; he bade them consider the treasure they were possessed of would be sufficient for them all if they could secure it in some place on shore, therefore all they had to fear was some misfortune in the voyage; he bade them consider the consequences of being separated by bad weather, in which case the sloops, if either of them should fall in with any ships of force, must be either taken or sunk, and the treasure on board her lost to the rest, besides the common accidents of the sea; as for his part he was so strong he was able to make his party good with any ship they were likely to meet in those seas; that if he met with any ship of such strength, and could not take her, he was safe from being taken, being so well-manned, besides, his ship was a quick sailor, and could carry sail when their sloops could not, wherefore he proposed to them to put the treasure on board his ship, to seal up each chest with three seals, whereof each was to keep one, and to appoint a rendezvous in case of separation.

Upon considering this proposal it appeared so reasonable to them that they readily came into it, for they argued to themselves that an accident might happen to one of the sloops and the other escape, wherefore it was for the common good. The thing was done as agreed to, the treasure put on board of Avery, and the chests sealed; they kept company that day and the next, the weather being fair, in which time Avery tampered with his men, telling them they now had sufficient to make them all easy, and what should hinder them from going to some country where they were not known and living on shore all the rest of their days in plenty. They understood what he meant, and, in short, they all agreed to bilk their new allies, the sloops’ men; nor do I find that any of them felt any qualms of honour rising in his stomach to hinder them from consenting to this piece of treachery. In fine, they took advantage of the darkness that night, steered another course, and by morning lost sight of them.

I leave the reader to judge what swearing and confusion there was among the sloops’ men in the morning when they saw that Avery had given them the slip, for they knew by the fairness of the weather and the course they had agreed to steer, that it must have been done on purpose. But we leave them at present to follow Mr. Avery.

Avery and his men, having consulted what to do with themselves, came to a resolution to make the best of their way towards America, and, none of them being known in those parts, they intended to divide the treasure, to change their names, to go ashore, some in one place some in another, to purchase some settlements and live at ease. The first land they made was the island of Providence, then newly settled; here they stayed some time, and having considered that when they should go to New England the greatness of their ship would cause much inquiry about them, and possibly some people from England who had heard the story of a ship’s being run away with from the Groine might suspect them to be the people, they therefore took a resolution of disposing of their ship at Providence. Upon which Avery, pretending that the ship being fitted out upon the privateering account and having had no success, he had received orders from the owners to dispose of her to the best advantage. He soon met with a purchaser, and immediately bought a sloop.

In this sloop he and his companions embarked. They touched at several parts of America, where no person suspected them, and some of them went on shore, and dispersed themselves about the country, having received such dividends as Avery would give them, for he concealed the greatest part of the diamonds from them, which in the first hurry of plundering the ship they did not much regard, as not knowing their value.

At length he came to Boston, in New England, and seemed to have a desire of settling in those parts, and some of his companions went on shore there also, but he changed his resolution, and proposed to the few of his companions who were left to sail for Ireland, which they consented to. He found out that New England was not a proper place for him, because a great deal of his wealth lay in diamonds, and should he have produced them there he would have certainly been seized on suspicion of piracy.

In their voyage to Ireland they avoided St. George’s Channel, and sailing north about, they put into one of the northern ports of that kingdom; there they disposed of their sloop, and coming on shore they separated themselves, some going to Cork, and some to Dublin, eighteen of whom obtained their pardons afterwards of King William. When Avery had remained some time in this kingdom he was afraid to offer his diamonds for sale, lest an inquiry into his manner of coming by them should occasion a discovery; therefore, considering with himself what was best to be done, he fancied there were some persons at Bristol whom he might venture to trust; upon which he resolved to pass over into England; he did so, and, going into Devonshire, he sent one of these friends to meet him at a town called Bideford. When he had communicated himself to his friends, and consulted with them about the means of his effects, they agreed that the safest method would be to put them in the hands of some merchants, who, being men of wealth and credit in the world, no inquiry would be made how they came by them. This friend telling him he was very intimate with some who were very fit for the purpose, and if he would but allow them a good commission would do the business very faithfully. Avery liked the proposal, for he found no other way of managing his affairs, since he could not appear in them himself; therefore his friend going back to Bristol and opening the matter to the merchants they made Avery a visit at Bideford, where, after some protestations of honour and integrity, he delivered them his effects, consisting of diamonds and some vessels of gold; they gave him a little money for his present subsistence, and so they parted.

He changed his name and lived at Bideford without making any figure, and therefore there was no great notice taken of him; yet let one or two of his relations know where he was, who came to see him. In some time his little money was spent, yet he heard nothing from his merchants. He wrote to them often, and after much importunity they sent him a small supply, but scarce sufficient to pay his debts; in fine, the supplies they sent him from time were so small that they were not sufficient to give him bread, nor could he get that little without a great deal of trouble and importunity; wherefore, being weary of his life, he went privately to Bristol to speak to the merchants himself, where, instead of money he met a most shocking repulse, for when he desired them to come to an account with him they silenced him by threatening to discover him, so that our merchants were as good pirates on land as he was on sea.

Whether he was frightened by these menaces, or had seen somebody else he thought knew him, is not known; but he went immediately over to Ireland, and from thence solicited his merchants very hard for a supply, but to no purpose, for he was even reduced to beggary. In this extremity he was resolved to return and cast himself upon them, let the consequences be what it would. He put himself on board a trading vessel, and worked his passage over to Plymouth, from whence he travelled on foot to Bideford, where he had been but a few days before he fell sick and died, not being worth as much as would buy him a coffin.

Thus have I given all that could be collected of any certainty concerning this man, rejecting the idle stories which were made of his fantastic greatness, by which it appears that his actions were more inconsiderable than those of other pirates since him, though he made more noise in the world.

Now we shall turn back and give our readers some account of what became of the two sloops.

We took notice of the rage and confusion which must have seized them upon their missing of Avery. However, they continued their course, some of them still flattering themselves that he had only outsailed them in the night, and that they should find him at the place of rendezvous. But when they came there, and could hear no tidings of him there was end of hope. It was time to consider what they should do with themselves; their stock of sea provision was almost spent, and though there was rice and fish, and fowl to be had ashore, yet these would not keep for sea without being properly cured with salt, which they had no conveniences of doing; therefore, since they could not go a-cruising any more, it was time to think of establishing themselves on land; to which purpose they took all things out of the sloops, made tents of the sails, and encamped themselves, having a large quantity of ammunition and abundance of small arms.

Here they met with several of their countrymen, the crew of a privateer sloop which was commanded by Captain Thomas Tew; and, since it will be but a short digression, we will give an account how they came here.

Captain George Dew and Captain Thomas Tew having received commissions from the then Governor of Bermudas to sail directly for the river Gambia in Africa, there, with the advice and assistance of the agents of the Royal African Company, to attempt the taking the French factory at Goorie, lying upon that coast. In a few days after they sailed out, Dew, in a violent storm, not only sprung his mast, but lost sight of his consort; Dew therefore returned back to refit, and Tew, instead of proceeding on his voyage, made for the Cape of Good Hope, and doubling the said Cape, shaped his course for the Straits of Babel Mandel, being the entrance into the Red Sea. Here he came up with a large ship, richly laden, bound from the Indies to Arabia, with three hundred soldiers on board, besides seamen; yet Tew had the hardiness to board her, and soon carried her; and it is said by this prize his men shared near three thousand pounds a-piece. They had intelligence from the prisoners of five other rich ships to pass that way, which Tew would have attacked, though they were very strong, if he had not been overruled by the quartermaster and others. This differing in opinion created some ill blood amongst them, so that they resolved to break up pirating, and no place was so fit to receive them as Madagascar; hither they steered, resolving to live on shore and enjoy what they got.

As for Tew himself, he, with a few others, in a short time went off to Rhode Island, from whence he made his peace.

Thus have we accounted for the company our pirates met with here.

It must be observed that the natives of Madagascar are a kind of negroes; they differ from those of Guinea in their hair, which is long, and their complexion is not so good a jet; they have innumerable little princes among them, who are continually making war upon one another; their prisoners are their slaves, and they either sell them or put them to death as they please. When our pirates first settled amongst them their alliance was much courted by these princes, so they sometimes joined one, sometimes another, but wheresoever they sided they were sure to be victorious, for the negroes here had no firearms, nor did they understand their use; so that at length these pirates became so terrible to the negroes that if two or three of them were only seen on one side when they were going to engage, the opposite side would fly without striking a blow.