Chapter XVII: Part 17

MARGAM ABBEY,

<g>Glamorganshire</g>.

“How many hearts have here grown cold,
That sleep these mouldering stones among!
How many beads have here been told--
How many <g>Matins</g> here been sung!”

<g>Of</g> this renowned Abbey the existing remains convey but a very inadequate idea. The parish church is formed out of part of the original abbey-church; of the chapter-house the walls only remain; and of the ruins scattered around, the original use, size, and distribution have not yet been ascertained. That it was an extensive edifice, and exhibited in its style and proportions all the higher characteristics of Cistercian monasteries, may be taken on the credit of what remains. The foundation is fixed in the year 1147, and the process of erection must have been contemporaneous with that of Tinterne--a temple of the same Order, whose taste and affluence, during that and the following century, have left so many gorgeous monuments in England and Wales.

Dugdale fixes the date of <g>Margam</g> Abbey in the year 1147. It was founded by Robert, Earl of Gloucester--so often named in this work--and dedicated to the Blessed Virgin. In this, also, the annals of Margam--written by a monk of the Abbey--agree, and mention the date of its foundation as that of the year in which the founder departed this life. The chronicle, printed in the second volume of Gale’s Scriptores, called “Annales de Margam,” is a history of general scope, extending from the year of the Conquest to that of 1232, and throws but little light upon the particular affairs of the Monastery in which it was written. It is a history of the _times_, not of the Abbey. It gives the names, however, of four abbots, mentions three or four incursions of the Welsh, and remarks that Margam and Beaulieu in Hampshire were the only monasteries among the Cistercians that were released from King John’s extortions in 1210, to which reference has been already made in our notice of Tinterne. The plea upon which Margam escaped these severe taxations was, that, both in his progress to and from Ireland, the King and his suite had been liberally entertained by the abbot and monks of Margam.

With respect to the inroads noticed in these “Annals,” we are told that--“This year, M.C.LXI, in the month of October, the Welsh burnt down our granary or barn; an act which was quickly followed by divine vengeance.” Again, “In M.CC.XXIII, (he says,) in the course of one week, wicked men have destroyed upwards of a thousand of our sheep, with two houses. In the following year they wantonly slew two of our servants in one day, while engaged in the performance of their duty; and also, immediately thereafter, a youth who had charge of the flock.” But the fourth irruption was still more serious; for “they burnt to the very ground our grange at Penwith, with many cattle, including the steers; they next depopulated the grange of Rossaulin, burnt many sheep, drove off the cows, and put one of our servants wantonly to death; they then took the cattle of the grange of Theodore Twdor, killed many on the road, took the rest with them. Lastly, they set fire to the Abbey houses in different places, and great were the flocks that perished in the flames.”--_Annal. de Marg. Scriptores a T. Gale_, tom. ii. pp. 7, 16, 17.

Leland ascribes to this Abbey the privilege of sanctuary: “Habet privilegium sanctuarii, sed quo rarissime aut nunquam utuntur Cambri--” but of which the natives very rarely or never made any use. According to the same authority, Margam Abbey had four daughter-houses in Ireland, namely--Kyrideyson, S. Crux, Maio, and Chorus Benedictus.

<g>Abbots.</g>--William, the first Abbot, died in M.C.LIII; Andrew, the second, two years later; and it was probably in the short time of the latter, or that of his successor, that the altar of the Holy Trinity in the abbey church was consecrated by William, Bishop of Llandaff. Gilbert, the third Abbot, resigned in July, M.CC.XIII, died the following year at Kirksted, and was succeeded by Abbot John, of whom nothing is recorded by the annalist.

A large collection of original charters belonging to this Abbey is still preserved with the Harleian manuscripts in the British Museum. The common seal of the Abbey, appendant to a deed, dated 1518, has been elegantly lithographed, as we read in the Monasticon, by the care of the Rev. W. Traherne. At the Dissolution, the sum total of the revenues of Margam Abbey amounted to one hundred and eighty-eight pounds, fourteen shillings sterling; the clear income to seven pounds less. The site was granted by the King to Sir Rees Maxwell, Knt. The Abbey was afterwards the seat of Thomas, Lord Mansell; and passed afterwards into the Talbot family. In early times the buildings of this Abbey are described as affording specimens of the richest style of conventual architecture. But these characteristics are no longer applicable to the, ruins before us; for time and the quarry-man, probably, have done much to deface the beauty and even form of the original structure.

<g>Osborne</g>, p. 6.--Walter, a Norman knight, and a great favourite of William the Conqueror, was one summer evening playing at chess with the King, and after a time won all he played for. The King then threw down the board, and with his usual oath exclaimed he had nothing more to lose. Walter, however, being of a different opinion, replied--“Sir, here is land.” “True,” said the King; “and if thou beatest me this time, thine be all the land on this side the bourne or river which thou canst see where thou now standest.” This said, to it they went once more, and knight Walter again won the game, whereupon the King, starting up and slapping him on the shoulder, said, “Henceforth thou shalt be called Ousebourne.” And hence, it is supposed, came the name afterwards so famous.--[Life of Corinni, Pegge’s Curialia Miscellanea, p. 319. Lower, 156.]

<g>Tinterne</g>, p. 53.--The drinking after Complins of the prioress of Rumsey has crept into all our familiar books. Among the injunctions to the convent of Appleton, anno. 1489, is the following:--“_Item_, That none of your sisters use the _ale-house_, nor the water syde, where course of strangers dayly resorte.” In another it was inquired: “Whether any of the susters doe cherish theme moste that have any monye, and causeth them to spende the same, when they be within, at good ale, or otherwise?” _Item._--“Whether any of the susters be commonlye drunke?” There were, however, many honourable exceptions. Pensions were granted at the Dissolution according to the character of the monastic brothers and sisters, which it was the business of the King’s visitors to investigate; and recommend when approved. Rahdal Wylmyston, monk of Norton, they pronounced to be “a good, religious man, discreet, and well-grounded in learning--having many good qualities.” The nunnery of Legborne petitioned to be preserved, saying--“We trust in God, ye shall here no complaints against us, nether in our living nor hospitalitie-keeping.”--[_See Fosb., quoting M.S. Cott., Cleop._ E. iv., 370, B.]

TINTERNE, p. 57.--That the learning of those times was rather scanty, even among the higher ecclesiastics, we have the testimony of Pitscottie:--Forman, who succeeded to the archbishopric of St. Andrew’s--on the death of his predecessor at the battle of Flodden--owed his sudden rise to the partiality of Pope Leo X. Being then at Rome, the new archbishop thought it decorous to give a banquet to his Holiness and the dignitaries of his court, before setting out on his journey homeward. “When the dinner came up,” says the historian, “the Pope and cardinals placed, and sat down according to their estate; then the use and custom was, that, at the beginning of the meat, he that aught [owned] the house, and made the banquet, should say grace and bless the meat. And so they required the holy bishop to say the grace, who was not a good scholar, and had not good Latin, but began rudely in the Scottish fashion in this manner, saying--‘_Benedicite_,’ believing that they should have answered, _Dominus_. But they answered _Dans_, in the Italian fashion, which put this noble bishop bye his intendiment, that he wist not how to proceed forward; but happened out, in good Scottish, in this manner, the which they understood not, saying--‘To the devil I give ye all, fause carles, in nomini Patriæ, Filii, and Spiritus Sancti!’ Amen, quoth they! Then the bishop and his men leugh. And the bishop shewed the Pope the manner that he was not a good clerk, and his cardinals had put him bye his intendiment, and therefore he gave them all to the devil in good Scottish; and then the Pope leugh among the rest.”--[_Pitscottie, Hist. Scotl._ p. 166, 299], quoted by Morton.

TINTERNE, p. 76.--Wyat, who was attached to the Reformers, before their tenets were openly proclaimed in this country, is said to have accelerated the downfall of monastic institutions by the following jest:--During a conversation with the King on the projected suppression of monasteries, Henry observed to the poet that he foresaw great alarm would be caused throughout the country if the Crown were to resume the immense property then accumulated by the church. Wyat, who saw that this scruple might produce hesitation, and perhaps obstruction in the measures then in progress, replied with a suggestion--“True, your highness; but what if the rooks’ nests were buttered?” Henry, it is said, took the hint, and, by distributing valuable church lands among the nobility, diminished the danger and odium of an enterprise at once so daring and unpopular.

<g>Raglan</g>, p. 132.--David Gam, the Fluellin of Shakspeare, and whose name has been already noticed in the article on Raglan, was the son of Llewelyn ap Howel Vychan, of Brecknock, by Maud, daughter of Lefan ap Rhys ap Ivor ap Elvel. The residence of this celebrated warrior was Old Court, the site of which is in a field adjoining Llandeilo-Cresseny House, midway between Abergavenny and Monmouth. David Gam, being the officer sent to reconnoitre the French army before the battle of Agincourt, said to the King on his return--“An’t please you, my liege, they are enough to be killed, enough to be taken prisoners, and enough to ran away.” In this battle, David, with his son-in-law, Roger Vychan [Vaughan], and his relative, Walter Lloyd, rescued the King when surrounded by his foes--saved his life at the expense of their own--and out of the eighteen French cavaliers slew fourteen.

The King, after this signal victory, approached the spot where they lay in the agonies of death, and bestowed on them the only reward that could then be paid to their valour--to wit, the honour of knighthood. Shakspeare, as we have observed, designated this fiery soldier by the name of Fluellin. He resided often at Peytyn-Gwyn, near Brecon, and many of his descendants at Tregaer; others of the family were buried in Christ’s Church, Brecon. There are almshouses in the parish of St. David’s, Brecon, with a portion of garden-ground attached to each, given by one of the Games or Gams of Newton, for thirteen female inmates--decayed housekeepers in the town of Brecon.--[_Owen Glendower, by Thomas._]

In our notice of the <g>Founders</g> of Raglan, from other historical sources, this David is named Sir Richard Gam, whose daughter, after the loss of her husband, Sir Roger Vaughan, at Agincourt, espoused Sir William ap Thomas, the knight of Raglan.

RAGLAN, p. 174.--_Inter Carolinum_--the King’s route after Naseby fight.

June 14. Battle of Naseby, 1645.
15. Lichfield--at the governor’s in the close.
Mond. 16. Mrs. (Widow) Barnford’s, Wolverhampton.
17. The “Angel” at Bewdley (two nights), 17th and 18th.
19. Dined at Bramyard, supped at Hereford (and remained).
July 1. (Tuesday) To Campson, dinner, Mr. Pritchard’s--to Abergavenny,
supper, at Mr. Guncer’s (staid second).
3. To <g>Raglan</g>, supper, Marquis of Worcester, remained till
Wed. 16. To Tridegur, to dinner--Cardiff, supper, Sir T. Timel’s--defrayed
at the country’s charge.
18. Back to <g>Raglan</g> to dinner, remained till
22. To Mr. Moore’s of the Creek, near Black Rock, and came back to
supper at Raglan.

“The Scots approach, and our own causeless apprehension of fear made us demur and doubt; on the first, what to resolve; and in the latter, how to steer our resolutions, which involved us in a most disastrous condition.

Thurs. 24. From Raglan to Mr. Moore’s of the Creek, to pass over at the Black
Rock for Bristol; but his Majesty, sitting in council, and advising
to the contrary, marched only with his own servants and
troops that night to Newport-on-Usk; lay at Mrs. Pritty’s.
25. To Ruppera, Sir Philip Morgan’s (rested).
Tues. 29. To Cardiff, dinner at the governor’s, at our own charge.
Aug. 5. (Tuesday) To Glancayah, Mr. Pritchard’s, dinner.
Wed. 6. To Gumevit, Sir Henry Williams’, dinner.
“ To Old Radnor, supper, a yeoman’s house.
“ The Court dispersed.

Thurs. 7. Ludlow Castle, to dinner, Colonel Woodhouse’s. Sept. 7. (Sunday) Raglan Castle, supper. 8th, Abergavenny. Sund. 14. ib. supper.

Mond. 15. Marched halfway to Bramyard, but there was _leo in intinere_, and so
back to Hereford again.”--[Extract from the “_Itinerarium_.”]

RAGLAN LIBRARY, p. 195.--The havoc and devestation of the ancient British MSS. is a subject of continual regret to the historian, antiquary, and general scholar. Bangor-is-Coed, according to Laugharne and Humphrey Llwyd, was furnished with a valuable library, which was burnt to ashes by Edelfrid, when he massacred its inmates, and destroyed the college--not much less, as Bishop Lloyd asserts, than one of our present universities. A chest of records, appertaining to the see of St. David’s, was destroyed by a flood; and great part of the MSS. of British authors were burnt during the civil wars.

In those calamitous times, when monuments of taste and literature were destroyed or defaced by miscreants more ignorant and rapacious than Goths and Vandals, the superb library at <g>Raglan Castle</g> met with the same fate as other splendid establishments, when objects of military spoil or fanatical rage. In an age comparatively learned, the monks termed all ancient MSS. _vetusta et inutilia_; and little attention, we have reason to believe, was paid by the visitors at the Dissolution--mostly ill qualified for the task--to discriminate between true history and Romish legends, to select and preserve works of merit, and to reject the trash hoarded up by superstition.--[_Fenton’s Pemb.; Mem. Owen Glendower, Rev. T. Thomas_, 29.]

RAGLAN, p. 221.--<g>Oldcastle</g> was the dissolute companion of Henry V. when Prince of Wales, and afterwards a Wickliffite and reformer. He was sacrificed by his youthful companion to an ecclesiastical bribe, condemned and executed for heresy and rebellion. Lord Orford observes, that Cobham was the first author, as well as the first martyr among our nobility: a man whose virtues made him a reformer; whose valour, a martyr; whose martyrdom, an enthusiast. He was suspended by a chain fastened round his waist, over a slow fire. The bringing him to the stake was considered a meritorious affair in those times of gross superstition. The lordship of Broniarth was granted to the family of Tanad, the fifth of Henry V.; and other gentlemen enjoyed several privileges from Edward Charleton, Lord Powys, for the assistance they gave in the apprehension of Oldcastle, whose son-in-law, Sir John Gray, brought him a prisoner to London; and for this service, Lord Powys received the thanks of Parliament. Oldcastle, the residence of Lord Cobham, is situated on the slope of the Black Mountains, near the road to Longtown, and about four miles from Llanfihangel. The old castle was demolished, and a farm-house constructed from the materials.

--[_Owen Glendower_, p. 122.]

<g>Pembroke Castle</g>, p. 300.--Welsh bards are thus apostrophized by Drayton:--

“Oh, memorable Bards! of unmix’d blood, which still
Posterity shall praise for your so wondrous skill;
That in your noble songs the long descents have kept
Of your great heroes, else in Lethé that had slept
With theirs, whose ignorant pride your labours have disdained,
How much from time and them, how bravely you have gained.
‘Musician,’ ‘herald,’ ‘bard,’ thrice mayest thou be renowned!
And with three several wreaths immortally be crowned!
Who, when to <g>Pembroke</g> called, before the English king,
And to thy powerful harp commanded there to sing,
Of famous <g>Arthur</g> told’st, and where he was interred,
In which those ‘retchless’ times had long and blindly erred.
And ignorance had brought the world to such a pass,
As now, which scarce believed that <g>Arthur</g> ever was!
But when King <g>Henry</g> sent the reported place to view,
He found that man of men, and what thou said’st was true.
Here, then, I cannot choose but bitterly exclaim
Against those fools that all _Antiquity_ defame;
Because they have found out some credulous ages laid
Slight fictions with the truth, whilst truth on rumour staid.
And that our forward times (perceiving the former neglect
A former of her had), to purchase her respect,
With toys then trimmed her up, the drowsy world to allure,
And lent her what it thought might appetite procure.
To man, whose mind doth still variety pursue,” &c., 217
.

So did Mars reverence the Muses, that, if a Welsh bard struck his harp at the moment of encounter, the hostile spirit pervading both armies was suddenly subdued; their swords were returned bloodless to the scabbards; and they who had come forth to mutual slaughter, united in the song of peace and goodwill to men.

PEMBROKE, p. 301.--“The castel,” says Leland, “standith hard by the waull on a hard rocke, and is verie large and strong, being doble warded. In the utter warde I saw the chambre where Kinge Henri VII. was borne, in knowledge whereof a chyromancy is now made with the armes and badges of this kinge. In the botome of the great stronge rownd tower in the inner ward, is a marvellus vault called the <g>Hogan</g>. The top of this rownd tower is gathered with a rofe of stone, almost in _conum_; the topp whereoff is keverid with a flat mille stone.”

The outer ward, here mentioned, was entered from the tower by a grand gateway, yet standing, of prodigious strength, and defended by two round towers, one on each side.

PEMBROKE, p. 302.--The small remains of the Ely Tower, in Brecknock Castle, still exist. The fate of Morton and Buckingham, though their views were similar, were very unlike. Morton was meritoriously elevated to the dignities of a Cardinal, and Archbishop of Canterbury, for his services: while Buckingham was intercepted, and lost his head at Salisbury.[410] He discovered, too late, that tyrants pull down those scaffolds which elevated them to power. His son Edward was restored by Henry VII., but through the machinations of Wolsey fell into disgrace, and was beheaded by Henry VIII. for the whimsical alleged crime of consulting a _wizard_ about the succession. When the Emperor Charles V. heard of his death, he observed--“A butcher’s dog has torn down the finest buck in England.”[411]

PEMBROKE, p. 303.--On the 7th of December, 1780, the following letter from the Lord Bishop of St. David’s, and the Justices of the County of Pembroke, to the Lord Treasurer Burleigh, was read at the Society of Antiquaries of London, being copied from the “Scrinia Burleighiana,” Vol. 79, No. 3, then in the library of James West, Esq., at Alscot.

By this letter is seen the great importance attached to Pembroke, both as a fortress, a seaport, a safe bay, and a productive soil, but at that time quite unprotected against foreign invasion. It runs thus:--

“Right Honorable our singular good Lorde.--The bounden dutie we owe to her Maᵗⁱᵉ, the consience we have for safegarde of the whole Realme, and the care that in nature and reason wee carry of this our countrie, have emboldened us to offer this Discourse unto yʳ Honʳ. concerninge the safetie of them and us all. It becometh us not to feare, neither do we doubte of the wise and grave consideracon that yʳ Lp. and the rest of the LLˢ. moste honourable privie counsaill, have had, and still have, for yᵉ preservacon of her Maᵗⁱᵉ and the realme; but yett, fearing yʳ want of due informacon touching the estate of Mylforde Haven, and the p’tes adjoining, It may please you to understande that yᵉ Haven itself, being neyther barred to hynder entrie, nor to be embayed by anye wyndes to lett yssuinge forthe, is a sufficient harborough for an infynite number of Ships; wᶜʰ haven beying once gotten by the enemye, maie drawe on such fortificacon of Pembrock Towne and Castle, and the Towne and Castle of Tynby, with other places nere unto yᵐ, as infynite nombers of men, and greate expense of treasure, will hardely in a long tyme remove the enemye, during which tyme her Maᵗⁱᵉ shall loose a fertyle countrey, wᶜʰ yeldes her Maᵗⁱᵉ xii. lib. by yeere, and more in revenue paide to her Maᵗⁱᵉ’ˢ Receaver, besides all other Receipts, both temporal and ecclesiasticall, as tenthes, subsidies, &c.

“<g>Also</g>, it is to be remembred that the soyle nere the sayde haven yeldeth corn in such aboundance, as wolde suffice to maynteigne a greate armye: and the sea coasts nere about it yelde greate plenty of fishe. The harbour also standeth very commodiouslye to receave victualls from Ffrance, Brytaine, or Spayne, all wᶜʰ things maie be an occasion to move the enemye to affect that place beffore others.

“<g>Also</g>, there are in Pembrockshire xviii. castles, of wᶜʰ tho’ there be but twoe or three in reparacon, yett are the rest places of greate strength, and easylie to be fortyfied by the enemye; some of wᶜʰ are so seated naturally for strength, as theye seeme ympregnable.

“<g>Also</g>, there are in that shire dyvers sconces or forts of earth, raysed in greate height wᵗʰ greate rampiers and dytches to the number of vi. or vii., wᶜʰ in tymes past have been places of strength in tyme of war: All wᶜʰ castles and forts wolde yelde greate advantage to the enemyes to strengthen themselves in such sorte, that it wolde be an infynite charge to remove them from thence. Agayne, the same is situate within vii. hours sailing of Waterforde and Wexforde, in Yrelande; so as yf the enemye have an intencon to invade Yrelande, his harborough in this haven maie serve him to greate purpose.

“<g>Ffurthermore</g>, being lorde, as it weare, of thease seas, by possessing this harbour, what spoile he maie make along Seaverne on both sides, even to Bristoll, maie be easelie conjectured. And if he--wᶜʰ God forbidd--shᵈ enjoye Brytanie withall, our Englishe marchants can have no trade, wᶜʰ will decrease her Highness’ customes and decaie the navy.

“<g>If</g> it be thought that he may be kept from landinge, neyther the force of men, nor furniture here, will serve the turne; considering here be manie places where he may easelie land, and he maie com upon us within half a daie’s saylinge, we having no ships at sea to descry hym sooner--and how then our small forces may be in a readyness to withstande hym, wee referr to yʳ Honʳ’ˢ judgment. <g>And</g> if it be thought that her Maᵗⁱᵉ’ˢ Navy Royall be able to conquer them being once in this haven, and that by them fortyfied, yt woulde be founde very harde, by reason that, uppon every little storme, they shall be in greate danger of wrack, and no lande forces are able to expell them: Whereupon we humblie praie yʳ Lp. to consider whether it be not expedient for the withstanding of the enemye, that he obtayne not this harborough, to have a convenient number of ships of warr, and fortyficacons to defende the same, wᶜʰ preparacon, if the enemye might perceave, wee beleve verelie it woulde alter his mynde from adventuringe his navy uppon this coaste. <g>And</g> whereas, of late, Mr. Pawle Ivye was sent hither to survey yᵉ Haven, and to consider of fitt places for fortyficacon, what report he hath made of his opinyon wee know not: but sure wee are, that his abode about that service was verie short, and his survey verie speedilie dispatched; so that, because none of us were privye to his entennt or conceyte, wee do yet retayne some hope that, if some other man of experience were sentt downe hither, to consider of all the said circumstances, some such report woulde happlie be made unto yʳ Honʳ. and the reste, as some better event might ensue for the safetie of this poore countrey, and the whole realme, than as yett, for ought we knowe, hath beene determined uppon: especiallie yf the partie shall have instruccons to viewe the Towne and Castle of <g>Tynby</g>, being a place wᶜʰ may be easelie made of exceedinge strenth, and was not seene by Mr. Ivye nearer than two myles distance, for aught that we can learne....”

PEMBROKE CASTLE.--“Of William Earl of Pembroke,” says Clarendon, “a short story may be here not unfitly inserted:--It being very frequently mentioned by a person of known integrity, whose character is here undertaken to be set down, and who, at that time, being on his way to London, met, at Maidenhead, some persons of quality, of relation or dependence upon the Earl of Pembroke. These were Sir Charles Morgan, commonly called ‘General’ Morgan, who had commanded an army in Germany, and defended Stoad; Dr. Field, then Bishop of St. David’s; and Dr. Chafin, the Earl’s then chaplain in his house, and much in his favour. At supper, one of them drank a health to the Lord Steward;[412] upon which another of them said, that he believed his lord was at that time very merry, for he had now outlived the day which his tutor, Sandford, had prognosticated, upon his nativity, he ‘would not outlive.’ But he had done it now, for that was his birthday, which completed his age to fifty years. The next morning, however, by the time they came to Colebrook, they met with the news of his death!” [He died “exceedingly lamented by men of all qualities, and left many of his dependents and servants owners of good estates, raised out of his employments and bounty.”]

* * * * *

<g>Benedictine Rule.</g>--The Abbot is presumed to represent Jesus Christ: he is authorised to summon all his monks to council in important affairs, and afterwards to adopt and carry into practice what he considers the best advice. He is entitled to obedience without delay; commands silence; permits no scurrility, idle or angry words, or such as tend to provoke unseemly mirth or laughter. The rule enjoins humility, patience, and forbearance, under all injuries and provocations; manifestation or confession of secret faults to be made to the Abbot; contentment with the meanest things in food, dress, and employments; not to speak unless when asked; to observe habitual gravity; to keep the head and eyes inclined downwards to the earth; to rise to church service two hours after midnight; the <g>Psalter</g> to be sung through once a week; to leave the church together, at a sign from the Superior; and in large abbeys every ten monks to be under the surveillance of a Dean.

<g>Further</g>: The <g>Rule</g> permits light in the dormitory; to sleep, young and old, in their clothes, with their girdles on, as servants ready to attend their Lord, come he at what hour he may. Upon cases of delinquency, where admonition has failed to produce reformation, public reprehension and excommunication are pronounced, and on failure of these also to effect a change, recourse is to be had to corporal chastisement.

<g>For faults</g> of a lighter nature, the offender is subjected to the smaller and temporary excommunication of eating alone, after the brotherhood have finished; but for graver offences, the delinquent is banished from the public table, excluded from prayer and society, neither himself nor his food to receive the benediction, and those who join or speak to him to be placed under the ban of excommunication. In the meantime the Abbot, with paternal solicitude for his penitence and restoration, deputes certain of the elder brethren to exhort him to humility, and to make such reparation and satisfaction as the infringement of the rule demands. The whole congregation meanwhile are to pray for him. If all these means should fail to attain the object in view, the last step to be taken is that of formal expulsion from the convent; and no person so expelled can be received back after the third expulsion. Children are to be punished by fasting or whipping.

<g>The Cellarer</g> is to do nothing without the Abbot’s order; and in large houses he is allowed to have assistants. Habits and goods of the house to be under the custody of proper officers, and the Abbot to have an account of them. There is to be no [private] property: distribution of things needful, to be made according to every one’s necessities. The monks are to serve weekly, and by turns, in the kitchen and at table. Upon having their weeks, both he that left it, and he that began it, to wash the feet of the others; on Saturdays, to clean all the plates, and the linen used in the washing of feet; to replace all the dishes clean and whole in the hands of the Cellarer, who is to give them to the new Hebdomadary. These officers are to have drink and food before the others, and above the common allowance, so that they may wait upon them with cheerfulness. On solemn days, both on entering and retiring from office, the Hebdomadaries are to continue till the <g>masses</g>. After matins on the Sunday, they are to kneel and beg the others to pray for them; those going out are then to say a certain prayer three times, and receive the <g>benediction</g>, whilst the one coming in does the same, and after benediction goes into office.

<g>The Infirmary.</g>--This department had its particular officer, who had the direction of the baths, and administration of the medicine and diet ordered for the sick. The rule was mitigated in favour of children and aged men, who had leave to anticipate the usual hours of eating. The refection, as already described, was conducted in silence--all listening to the Scripture-<g>reader</g>, whose voice alone was heard during the repast. Whatever was wanted, was asked for by sign. The reader was appointed weekly. The dinner consisted of two dishes only, with fruit; and to each monk, daily, one pound of bread was distributed, which was to suffice for both dinner and supper. No animal food was allowed, except to the sick and aged in the infirmary. The allowance of wine was three-quarters of a pint per day. From Holyrood-day to Lent, the dinner hour was at <g>nones</g>; in Lent till Easter, at six o’clock; from Easter to Pentecost, at <g>sext</g>; and all summer, except on Wednesdays and Fridays, at <g>nones</g>. The collation, or spiritual lecture, was given every night before <g>complin</g>--that is, after supper; and complin finished, they were enjoined strict silence.

Tardiness at church or table was punished with loss of rank, prohibition of wine, or their usual allowance, or sitting in the place of disgrace. The excommunicated were condemned to make prostration with the face toward the ground, and without the church gate, when the monks proceed to prayers. For any fault in the <g>chant</g>, he who made it was to ask immediate pardon; and in other places, breaking of any utensil, or neglect of duty, was to be spontaneously acknowledged before the Abbot and congregation. The signal for repairing to church was given by the <g>Abbot</g>; and nobody was to sing or read there without his leave.

<g>Daily work</g> was to be done from <g>prime</g> till near ten o’clock, from <g>Easter</g> till the kalends of October, and from ten till twelve o’clock was to be spent in reading. After refection at noon, the monks were allowed to take their <g>meridian</g> or siesta; but those who preferred reading were allowed to do so. After nones, labour was recommenced and continued until the evening, from the kalends of October until Lent, reading till eight A.M., then <g>Tierce</g>, and afterwards labour until nones. After refection they had reading or psalmody. In Lent they had reading until tierce; doing what was ordered [in the Ritual] until ten--with the delivery of the books at their season.[413] It was the duty of the <g>Senior</g> to go round the house, and see that the monks were not idle. On Sunday, all spent their time in reading--except the officers, and the idle and infirm, who had work given them. During Lent, abstinence from meat, drink, and sleep, with a grave, pious, and solemn demeanour, are more strictly enjoined, and, if need be, enforced. If engaged in a journey, the monks are to halt wherever they may happen to be at the time, and there say the canonical hours. [An instance of this punctuality has been given in our account of Tinterne Abbey.] Monks staying out of convent beyond a day, are not to eat in secular society without leave of the Abbot. The church was never to be used but for the solemnity of prayer: any other use was to be considered desecration in its gravest sense.

<g>Strangers</g> are to be received by the monks to join them in prayers--with the salutation of peace, and prostration, and washing of feet, as of <g>Christ</g>, whom they represent. They are then led to prayers; the Scriptures are read to them; after which the Prior, except on very solemn occasions, is permitted to break his fast. The <g>Abbot’s</g> kitchen and that of the visitors, are to be kept separate; so that the brethren may not be disturbed by guests or pilgrims coming in at unseasonable hours. No letters or presents can be received without leave from the Abbot. When he has no strangers in the convent, the Abbot may invite to his table certain of the brotherhood in rotation.

<g>Workmen</g> or artisans in the house are to labour for the common profit. Novices are to be tried by austerities, denials, and hard essays, before admission: their term of probation to comprise twelve months; in the interim, the rule is to be read to them every fourth month. They are then to be admitted by a petition laid upon the <g>Altar</g>, and by prostration at the feet of all the monks. [See the forms already given in our notice of Tinterne Abbey.]

<g>Parents</g> are to dedicate their children to the service of God, by wrapping their hands in the pall of the altar; promising to leave _nothing_ to them that might serve as a temptation to their leaving the house or convent for the world; but if they bring anything with them, the use of it is to be reserved during their lives.

<g>Priests</g> requesting admission are to be tried by delays; to sit near the Abbot, and conform to the <g>rule</g>, but not to exercise sacerdotal functions without special leave. Stranger monks are to be received hospitably, and, if shown to be of good character and morals, invited to take up their abode. Monks who have been ordained priests, are to be subject to the <g>rule</g> and officers of the establishment, or to incur the pain of expulsion.

<g>Precedence</g> is to be taken in accordance with the time of profession: the elders are to address the juniors as _brothers_; and the latter to address the former as _nonnos_, or fathers; the Abbot to be styled Dominus, or father-abbot. When two monks meet, the junior is to ask the benediction of his senior; and when he passes by, the junior is respectfully to rise, offer him his seat, and not to sit down again until invited.

<g>The Election</g> of abbots was determined by the whole society, and a plurality of votes; the grand recommendation of the candidate for that sacred office, being the purity of his life and conduct. The prior was elected by the Abbot, who could depose him for disobedience, or any flagrant abuse of power or neglect of duty. Among the minor officials--

<g>The Abbey Porter</g> was required to be a shrewd old man--able to give and receive an answer; he was to have a cell near the gatehouse, and a junior porter for his companion. It was very desirable, in order to prevent the habit of straying beyond the abbey walls, to have a mill, well, bakehouse, and other domestic offices within the house, with a garden and orchard adjoining. Monks going on a journey are to have the prayers of the congregation beforehand; and on their return to the convent, they are to confess and solicit pardon for any excesses they may have committed whilst abroad.

<g>Undertakings</g>, which had subsequently appeared difficult or even impossible to carry out, agreeably to the orders of the Superior, were to be humbly represented to him; but if he persisted, then the assistance of God was to be implored, and relied upon, for their final accomplishment. No monk was permitted to defend or excuse the delinquency of a brother: no blow was to be inflicted--no excommunication carried into effect--without the knowledge and express sanction of the Abbot. In the correction of children and pupils, a discretionary power was allowed. The duty of mutual obedience was straitly enjoined; but no member was permitted, in obedience to orders, to give to any private person a preference over his monastic superiors. And the apology to be made and demanded in such cases, was prostration at the feet of the superiors, until their anger or displeasure was appeased, the rule of the institution vindicated, and the offender brought to a due sense of his degradation.[414]

<g>Habit.</g>--“As for the habits of the Benedictine monks,” says Stevens, “they were left to the discretion of the abbots, according to the nature and temperature of the country, as it was hotter or colder.” Nothing could be more sensible and considerate; for it cannot be doubted that a neglect of this must be attended with pernicious consequences to the general health of any society, that numbered amongst its members the natives of various climates, which, in point of dress, required a special regulation.

In temperate climates, a <g>Cowl</g> and a tunic were sufficient--the cowl of a thicker texture for winter, and a thinner for summer--with a scapular to work in. The scapular was the upper garment during the time of labour, which was thrown off at pleasure, and the cowl worn during the remainder of the day. Every monk had two <g>tunics</g> and two cowls, either to change at night or to have them washed. The stuff of which they were made, was to be the cheapest the country afforded. To the end that no man might have any property--that is, anything that he might call his own--the Abbot supplied them all with everything necessary in point of clothing. Besides the habit, each monk had a handkerchief, a knife, a needle, a steel pen, and tablets to write upon. Their beds were mats, with a straw paillasse, a piece of serge, a blanket, and a pillow.

<g>St. Benedict</g> did not decide of what colour the habit should be; but it appears, from the inspection of ancient pictures, that the garment worn by the first Benedictines was white, and the scapular black--that the scapular then worn was not of the same shape as that used by the Order in the present day. It was more like the jerkins or jackets worn by sailors, except that it was not open in front, but only a little in the sides. That description of garment had been long in use before the common garment, worn by the peasantry and poor people, was introduced. This will be understood by referring to the woodcut.

A black woollen robe covers the whole body and feet; the hood is loose, obtuse, oval, and broad; the scapulary is plain, of the breadth of the abdomen; the girdle is broad, with a black cowl descending to the ancles. The inner tunics, in general, are black, and the shirt is narrow at the wrist; but in the house, the monk lays aside the hood, girds his scapulary, and wears a crested or twofold cap on his head. Owing to the sombre hue that prevailed in their habit, they were called <g>Black Friars</g>.[415]

<g>The Nuns</g> of this Order wear a black robe, with a scapular of the same colour and texture; and under this black robe they wear a tunic of wool that has not been dyed; others wear the tunic quite white. In the choir, or upon solemn occasions, they wear over all a black cowl, like that of the monks; but in the engravings of Benedictine Sisters, a black veil and white wimple are introduced.

* * * * *

AUTHORITIES quoted or referred to in the preceding
articles:--History of Monmouth--Pembroke--Glamorgan--English
Baronage--Monasticon--Memoir of Owen Glendower--Welsh Genealogical
History--King’s Munimenta Antiq.--Carlisle and Lewis’
Wales--Roscoe’s South Wales--Illustrations of Magna Charta--Life of
Charles I.--Mem. of Cromwell and the Parliament--Puritanism in
Wales--the English Historians and Chroniclers--with most of the
Authorities, local and national, already enumerated in the
preceding sections of the work.

* * * * *

CHEPSTOW.--The reference to the Appendix, in the note at the bottom
of page 32, is explained in the account of NEATH ABBEY.

[In the course of this work, it has been our pleasing duty to refer
to numerous authors, ancient and modern, on whose authority, in the
various branches of Archæology, our observations have been
frequently based; and now that we are closing another volume, it
would be injustice to the memory of departed worth to pass over in
comparative silence the author of “Tinterne Abbey and its
Vicinity.” MR. W. HEARDE THOMAS, by whose premature death the
republic of letters has lost a zealous and valuable contributor,
was many years a medical practitioner in the retired village of
Tinterne-Parva; where, in the exercise of his profession among a
widely-scattered population, he had daily opportunities of visiting
those classic and time-hallowed remains with which the county of
Monmouth is so greatly enriched, and thus collected materials for
the local guide-book which associates his name so favourably with
Tinterne Abbey and other historical sites, which have recently
passed under our notice.

The merits of his little work--far above the ordinary hand-books of
the day--were speedily noticed by the press in terms of approbation
and encouragement. To the various objects which he undertook to
illustrate, he brought the united tastes and acquirements of
historian, antiquary, and poet--the result of much reading, close
observation, and a delicate perception of those natural beauties
which are so profusely scattered along the banks of the Wye. To
these were added an early taste for Natural history,[416] which was
assiduously and successfully cultivated during his residence at
Tinterne. To him the embroidery of flowers, the “garniture of
fields”--mountain, forest, and “minnowy brook,” were objects of
never-failing interest and contemplation, the results of which he
had purposed in due time to lay before the public.

For the prosecution of these studies, a visit to Canada, and
personal examination of its natural history, had given him various
facilities not to be acquired on this side of the Atlantic. But his
constitution, naturally delicate, had slowly given way under the
combined influence of mental and bodily fatigue; and when overtaken
at last by the heaviest of domestic calamities--the death of his
wife--such was the prostration of his health and spirits, that, as
a last resource, he made preparation to emigrate to one of our
colonies, where the effects of a genial climate were held out as
the only means of re-establishing his health, and opening a wider
and safer field for the exercise of professional talent and
industry.

This cheering prospect, however, was but a glimpse of sunshine,
that soon disappeared in disappointment and darkness. A rapid
journey to London, at an inclement season, induced a train of
symptoms which, assuming a more and more decided character,
continued their fatal progress until arrested by the hand of death,
which took place in December, 1848.

He died in the prime of life, having survived his wife one brief
twelvemonth, and left behind him an infant family, with “a father’s
blessing for their patrimony,” for whom no better wish can be
expressed by his friends than that they may inherit their father’s
virtues, without his sorrows. These orphans were immediately
transferred to the care of a near relative, under whose
affectionate guardianship and devoted care they have already shown
evidence of an intellectual capacity that expands by cultivation,
and promises to bring forth good fruit in its season.

As far as the loss of parents could be supplied at their tender
age, it has been supplied by this relative--whose delicacy must not
be hurt by any commendation from a stranger, whose only object, in
thus closing the volume, is to record his admiration of Genius that
so often flourishes and fades in the shade; yet, strong in the
faith that looks for a better country, feels that the trials of
this life are all softened, if not disarmed, by the practice of
virtue, and a humble reliance on the promises of God.

In the little churchyard of Tinterne-Parva--which he had so
feelingly described--repose the remains of William Hearde Thomas,
and the short-lived partner of his joys and sorrows.]

END OF THE SECOND SERIES.

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