Chapter II: New or Kodak Style (1)

(From the French)

If they are frivolous, these Universities!
At present great sensation in Oxford: this town, so gloomy, so sad
ordinarily, is to-day _en fete_.
Is it that one elects a new _Vice-Chancellor_?
No.
It is the contest aquatic of the Colleges which goes to take place.
One discusses in the _salons_ the most _chic_ how many kilogrammes
they weigh, these heroes of the oar.
Everywhere Professors in straw hats and Heads of Colleges _en
matelot_.
What a spectacle!
. . . . .
On the barges. . . .
Grouped on these venerable hulks, crowds of ladies excite our
admiration by their beauty and our respect by their intelligence.
Whence do they come, these damsels, so young, so charming?
It is that they have arrived from the metropolis at the request of
their brothers, their cousins--what do I know of it? perhaps their
_pretendants_--of whom they wish to enhance with their applause the
athletic triumph.
. . . . .
After all, they are adorable, these English misses!
. . . . .
On the bank. . . .
One hears the portentous echo of the _Five-Minutes-Gun_.
Moment tremendous!
They have started: one sees already the _strokesman_ of the
_first-boat_.
One would say a whole University that runs on the _towing-path_, and
that utters loud cries.
Here and there _coachmen_ are seen carrying pistols and pronouncing
terrible execrations.
Why these pistols? . . .
A little brutal, these English: but of a force, a virility!
. . . . .
I myself who speak to you am infected by this enthusiasm.
I run: I utter cries: I _raffole_ of the _leading-boat_: I shout En
avant! Vive la Madeleine! Vive le Cercle Nautique! Hourra! . . .
But one does not do these things at forty years.
I am out of breath, what? I wish to stop.
Arrest yourselves, my friends too impetuous!
I appeal to you in the name of France, who respects you: do not
annihilate me, do not pulverize me. . . . .
Vain appeal! One would say the car of Juggernaut.
I am knocked down: I am _crible_ with kicks: I am massacred.
. . . . .
Ah! . . .

THUCYDIDES ON THE INFLUENZA

Thucydides, an Athenian, wrote the history of the epidemic among the Oxonians, how they had the epidemic, having begun to write as soon as it broke out on No. 2 Staircase, and considering it to be the most noticeable of all that had appeared previously. (For the place was not liable to diseases at other times, but especially free from them, except that which affected the teeth: on account of which they used to go up to the metropolis, in word to consult the Delphic oracle but in deed to go to Olympia, so that not a few were banished from the city both for other reasons and not least this.) As to the causes of it, then, let any one speak who is aware of them: but I will show what things happened on account of it, having both myself put on an aeger and seen others similarly afflicted, so that I can describe it with equal certainty more than the narrative of another not having done so, but relying on the incredibility of historians more than the sureness of experience.

For in the first beginning of the sickness men remembered what Homer says about the lower and higher animals in the Trojan business--

First did he assail the mules and fleet dogs, but afterward, aiming
at the men his piercing dart, he smote,

seeing that now too not less but equally as much first, the College Tutors were attacked, and next the scouts, and last of all the men themselves. But most of all the scouts were affected, and this caused the greatest calamity: so that a man must often wish that his scout might recover, wishing indeed contrary to nature, but being persuaded by the greatness of the surrounding misfortune, lest he should suffer even worse things at the hands of a scout's boy, or considering it terrible if he shall lose even the daily enjoyment of his breakfast not being brought to him. And all laws concerning meals were brought into a state of confusion, so that many anticipated taking the commons of another. And they welcomed the hospitality of those outside the walls, regarding their hunger in the present as much more important than another man's inability to pay his debts in the future.

But when the men themselves began to suffer, then indeed the disease was the commencement of lawlessness to a greater extent for the city. For cuttings of chapels and avoidings of lectures, which are an agony for the present more than a possession for ever, and in short all such things as the indulgence of was formerly more disguised, these a man easily dared to do, it being uncertain on the one hand whether his tutor has the influenza, and on the other if he himself might not put on an aeger before being hauled he should pay the penalty. And though some, indeed, did things exactly contrary to this, and being before unaccustomed now went in the morning with a run to chapel in order that fewer being present the paradoxicalness of their appearance when compared with the multitude of those who were absent might gain them a prestige of virtue not real but simulated--yet with most there was now neither fear of the Dean by land nor by sea of their coaches: disobeying whom they ate and drank all kinds of things contrary to law, no one being willing to exert himself for that which seemed to be honourable, and calculating that the present abstention from pastry was not equivalent to the possibility of being bumped in the future about as much and not less than if he had smoked three pipes and a cheroot. And not only was injustice prevalent among those who were as yet in good health, but many of those in the ships, being or seeming to themselves to be sick, had their places taken by others accustomed rather to fight upon the land, whose manly inexperience, though in word more creditable than the cowardice combined with experience of the others, was in reality less powerful than the language which those on the bank thought worthy to use concerning them.

Nevertheless, about this time the Oxonians sent an expedition against Cambridge, having manned a slow train to Bletchley, Nicolaidas being commander second himself; and they advanced as far as Third Trinity, and having ravaged part of the land and set up a trophy, they returned home.

HERODOTUS ON HORSEBACK

At this time the Chancellor being among the Oxonii there was instituted a contest of horses such as this nation is accustomed to celebrate every spring. And this contest is of such a kind, not being well arranged according at least to my opinion:--Having dug trenches and built other ramparts parallel indeed to each other but transversely to the running of the horses themselves, they do not any longer stand round them invoking the gods as those do who play golf, but on the contrary, when they have placed men upon horses they cause them to cross these by leaping under the lash, as far as the goal: and whoever anticipates the others arriving at the goal, sitting at least on the same horse on which sitting he set out, and not it running, having left him behind, nor he himself on foot, he is considered to have conquered. The reason why I said that this contest is not well arranged, is of the following kind: because it being possible to contend in a level place without danger or difficulty, the Oxonii nevertheless themselves make obstacles so as to prevent the horses from (not) arriving at the end of the course, neither being compelled nor there being any necessity ([Greek text]). Then, however, they did these things, and also, as they are accustomed to do on such occasions, they sent messengers to inquire of other prophets and also of the Delphic oracle who should be the conqueror. The Pythian priestess, being mindful how she had formerly made a good shot in respect of the Median business, replied in the hexameter rhythm that the issues of victory lay around a wooden wall. Now having this as a proof I will neither refuse to believe in oracles myself nor allow others to disbelieve them. For when the race had begun and the horses had been sent away by the sound of a trumpet, other men were taking part in the contest, and also Pheron the son of Trapezites a Corinthian: this is not the Pheron who, his father having founded a city, was himself expelled from it by the few, who were called Hetairi, because he had allied himself with the democracy forsooth ([Greek text]). And there are other things written about this Pheron in the history composed by Proctor, who was tyrant of Oxonia second himself for one year, and in fact caused Pheron to fall out by reason of sedition. What I have said just now is a digression and refers to other matters, and I will now come back to my former story. So then the men, having in the first part of the contest done things worthy of themselves, and having for the most part, although not all, yet the majority, avoided the (not) falling into ditches and the like incurably at least, came presently to the wooden fence, which I conjecture to be the wall meant by the Delphic oracle. It being then necessary either remaining on the hither side to be driven away from all hope of the prize or leaping to run risks concerning their lives, and the rest having leapt in such a way that they crossed the fence sitting rather upon the ground than upon their horses, and some neither with them nor upon them, as the Lacedaemonians say about their shields: this Pheron, of whom I have before made mention, showed himself to be prudent in other things and also in this. He, having a horse much the most active of all the rest, was not left behind by it, but sat there holding on firmly until he had arrived at the farther side; and from thence, the race being easy for him, he came to the goal very much the first, having anticipated. In this way he obtained the prize. I have learnt the names of all the other competitors: but I do not think it proper to relate them, not now at least.

When the spectators had seen these things (and there was also a contest for the natives of the country, in which not a few were roughly handled) they returned in chariots to the city, driving not straight like the Greeks, but obliquely, as is customary. This story some relate, relating things credible to me at least; there being two Oxonii in one chariot, and no one else, one of them entreated the other after they had gone some way without misfortune that he also might be allowed to hold the reins of the horses: to whom the other replied "But--for do you not already hold them?" These men then having left such a memorial of themselves did nevertheless arrive safely at the city.

TAC. HIST., BK. VI. DE AVLA S. EDMVNDI.

1. Nunc initia causasque motus Mauretanici expediam. Mauretaniam post decessum Tedimurii cuicumque servitio expositam avaritia et mala cupidine fines augendi contemptis populi studiis occupaverant Brigantes, barbara gens. mox rectorem imposuere e sacerdotibus Peripateticorum instituta professum. non tulere Mauri intempestivam sapientiam. namque ut divitias ita librorum scientiam contemptui habent: et est plerisque indocta canities.

2. Pollebat inter Mauros Rursus quidam Aratus multa scholarum patientia. is collectis in aulam Edmundi popularibus ad seniores hunc in modum locutus fertur: "si apud rerum humanarum inscios verba facerem plura cohortandi causa dicenda erant. nunc autem sunt in oculis quibus alios iniuriis validiorum potentia laeserit. quid memorem Scotos Stubbinsiorum dominatu potitos? quid Tabernarios Balliolensibus traditos, mox ab iisdem suum lucrum ex aliena benevolentia comparantibus invitos venditos atque mancipatos? Scimmerios cum maxime Rhodesii subiectos habent, puerili rei nummariae imperitia generis humani regimen expostulantes. quanta profanarum litterarum scientia pacatissima loca polluerint, non est opus dictu apud gnaros. quid meliora ab iis expectatis qui Hiberniam nuper [praemii nomen] occupaverunt? eandem nobis Brigantes necessitatem imponent, gradum capessendi. et baccalaureos videbimus." tum ad iuvenes conversus "eone ventum esset" interrogat "ut antiquissima aulae iura corrumpi sinerent? Reginensium specioso vocabulo nuncupatos pessimam servitutem passuros: praelectiones et deorum templa prope noctu insolitis adeunda: et praecipua foeditate Brigantium arcana. mox et specimen partium Magrathium remigare coacturum, eo immitius quia toleravisset. num et sanctissimam Edmundi effigiem nuper a cive in somnis visam inter quaggas et aprorum capita et eiusmodi ludicra fore ostentui? proinde simplex et pastoricius et aratro adsuetus populus priscam et traditam a patribus tranquillitatem coleret et tueretur."

3. His et talibus accensos ducit in viam, Brigantium fines et principes ipsos gentis rutilo pigmento maculaturos, ni liberentur. egressis claudit portas Reginensis sacerdos, metu an conscientia dubium: nec non Brigantes quamquam civili bello distracti struxere vallum et loricam hostem arcendi. igitur utrinque exclusi palantur in viis Mauri: procurtoribus grata ea species nomina et collegii genus per ludibrium percunctantibus. mox ab Omnianimensibus propter mediocritatem doctrinae consimilibus hospitio accipiuntur: et inter socios conscribi concessum. ibi per speciem cruditatis interfecti. aula in formam provinciae redacta. nec enim magis iustis indiciis unquam adprobatum est, non esse curae Vice-Cancellario securitatem bonorum, esse exstinctionem.

THE JOURNALISTIC TOUCH {24} (I.) THE TRUE TALE OF TROY

(It is perhaps not generally known that the _Daily Hieroglyphic_, one of the leading morning papyri of Egypt under the --th Dynasty, despatched a special correspondent to Greece at the time of the Trojan War. Some fragments of his communications have been discovered by the energy of modern tomb-robbers, and the courtesy of the British Museum has enabled us to publish these _disjecta membra_, which may perhaps be of interest to the public at the present juncture.)

The only social _evenement_ (writes the correspondent under date Jan. 10, 1100 B.C., or thereabouts) which I have to chronicle is a reported domestic _esclandre_ in the family of Menelaus, the genial and popular Prince of Sparta. In consequence of this the Princess Helena, it is alleged, has gone to Paris.

Mycenae, January 12.

It appears from the _Court Circular_ that Her Royal Highness has been advised by her physicians to reside for some time in Asia Minor. At the same time I cannot conceal the fact that the Corinthian society paper, _Alethea_, mentions the name of a Trojan prince in connexion with this story. I am naturally unwilling to make myself the mouthpiece of scandal.

February 1.

The fact can no longer be disguised that grave international complications are likely to arise between Troy and Mycenae. It is stated on the highest authority that the Argive ambassador has been recalled from the former capital, the alleged reason being promotion to a still higher diplomatic post: there seems, however, to be no reasonable doubt that the practical rupture of relations between the Empires of the West and East is not remotely connected with the eternal maxim, "Cherchez la femme." Much sympathy is expressed with H.R.H. Prince Menelaus.

February 20.

Everything points to war. Orders for a substantial increase of the Navy have been placed in the hands of Messrs. Odysseus & Co., the celebrated firm of shipbuilders. Heroes are earnestly called for.

The Argive Chamber was, last Wednesday, the scene of an animated debate. M. Diomedes, War Minister, demanded a vote which would enable him to enrol three more phalanxes. He was bitterly opposed by M. Thersites, Leader of the Extreme Left, who demanded to know why the Achaean nation was to be plunged recklessly into war for the settlement of matters properly pertaining to the province of a Divorce Court. Fortunately for the success of M. Diomedes' proposal, the closure was put in operation.

Later.

M. Thersites' funeral is announced for to-morrow (about the time of loosing oxen).

February 25.

I cannot better describe the existing political situation than by quoting the opinion of leading newspapers in Achaea and elsewhere.

All the official journals are consistently warlike in tone. They declare that nothing will satisfy Achaean aspirations but the annexation of Helen. The Athenian _Asty_ declares that should King Agamemnon employ the opened floodgates of popular enthusiasm as a stepping-stone to lop off another limb from the decaying trunk of the (so-called) Trojan Empire, he will have achieved a permanent blessing to civilization.

On the other hand, the _Olympian Times_ comments severely on the precipitate action of Agamemnon, and animadverts on the rash proceedings which have led to a rupture that might have been averted by diplomacy. As the _Times_ is understood to be the mouthpiece of the Powers, such an utterance may well give rise to the gravest apprehensions.

The _Oracle_--a Phocian organ of pronounced clerical tendencies--preserves an ambiguous tone.

Everything indicates a warlike attitude on the part of the _entourage_ of King Priam. Hector Pasha has been appointed War Minister. The _Prehistoric Post_ speaks of the enlistment of two new regiments of Hittite Bashi-Bazouks in the interior of Asia Minor. The _Cassandra_, however, a journal little read although supposed by some to be inspired, has constituted itself the organ of the peace party, and confidently predicts the destruction of Troy.

The _Ephemerios Chronographos_ has received the following telegram from the veteran statesman Nestor: "Profound sympathy Achaean aspirations. Bag and baggage only possible policy. Postcard follows.--Nestor, Hawarden, Pylos."

March 1.

His Majesty and the Greek Fleet sailed to-day from Epidaurus, amid scenes of great enthusiasm. Her Majesty the Queen and His Excellency Count Aegisthus were both visibly affected. Mycenae is daily paraded by crowds shouting, "To Ilion!"

March 8.

The Fleet is at Aulis, waiting until the process of raising the wind shall have been concluded. Meantime, the services of the notorious Klepht Achilles have been engaged. This popular enlistment creates great enthusiasm.

The report recently prevalent as to human sacrifices is contradicted this morning by an official _dementi_.

H.R.H. the Princess Iphigeneia has joined a Russian religious house.

Trojan bonds are quoted to-day at 53.8 (a fall of 0.2).

Later.

The attitude of the Olympian Powers causes considerable anxiety.

Tenedos, March 15.

Telegrams per Beacon will have informed you that the Powers have issued a Collective Note to the Greek expeditionary force, forbidding the landing of heroes and others. Notwithstanding this, there seems to be no doubt that several demi-gods under Achilles have landed, and are endeavouring to effect administrative reforms. Achaean newspapers of all shades condemn the recent action of Poseidon in attempting to raise a storm. Hector Pasha is committing atrocities.

March 17.

In spite of the known discrepancy between the views of the Powers, they have issued a Collective Note urging upon His Majesty King Agamemnon the necessity of prompt withdrawal. In view of his possible refusal, it is understood that thunderbolts are in preparation, and Ares has been mobilized. This action is severely commented upon by the Achaean Press in general. The _Phaeacian Daily Chronicle_ goes so far as to threaten a mass meeting in Trafalgar Square. Meanwhile, Hector Pasha is committing atrocities.

March 18.

The Powers have issued Collective Notes to the contending parties. It is understood that nothing short of a _Deus ex machina_ can avert a formal rupture of relations between the Courts of Troy and Mycenae, as acts which are liable to the interpretation of belligerency are daily committed.

The ambiguous attitude of Zeus tends to complicate the situation. His Majesty the King narrowly missed being hit by a thunderbolt this morning.

March 20.

I am authorized to state that the intervention of a _Deus ex machina_ has brought about the arrangement of a _modus vivendi_. The Achaean expeditionary force is to withdraw, and Helen is to be autonomous. Menelaus, however, is to be free to enforce administrative reforms.

March 21.

Peace with Honour has been proclaimed. It is possible, however, that some embarrassment may still arise from the action of King Priam in assessing the material, moral, and intellectual damage inflicted on himself and his allies at 152,833 tripods, 18 women, and an ox. This sum will certainly be disputed.

It is asserted as probable that the Poet Laureate,--Homer, will be invited to compose an epic poem commemorating the events of the raid. An edition of 20,000 copies will be issued, including 50 on India paper, with corruptions and emendations by eminent scholars.

THE JOURNALISTIC TOUCH (II.) FORGOTTEN HISTORY

The Roman correspondent of the _Stella Lugdunensis_ writes to his paper under date A.V.C. 817:--

All the Press is naturally full of the recent debate in the Senate on the alleged unconstitutional indiscretions of our Imperial Master. (H.I.M., I should add, is at present on a lecturing tour in the Peloponnesus; statements in the _Custos Burdigalensis_ to the effect that He is giving a series of violin recitals are wholly without foundation.) The impression produced is on the whole one of unanimous condemnation of His Majesty's recent action. How--it is argued even by the Right--can it tend to the stability of Roman foreign policy that in the regrettable military operations between the Suebi and the Chatti the Emperor should have directed General Count Corbulo to prepare an invincible plan of campaign for each of the belligerents? The Extreme Left, as represented by Messrs. Barea and T. Peters (? Paetus), goes much farther, and does not hesitate to criticize the autocratic dilettantism which professes to lay down the law on artistic matters which it does not in the least understand. It is time (said one speaker) that our so-called Emperor should cease to be persuaded by the plaudits of a decadent and servile entourage into imagining Himself a Second Sarasatius. Absolutism is generally condemned.

Messrs. Nerva and Nymphidius and other prominent Imperialists have, of course, defended their master; but their apologies, it is felt, were somewhat perfunctory and half-hearted. In allusion to the lamented demise of the Dowager Empress, it was pointed out that pity and loyalty alike should forbid trampling on a Ruler bowed down by repeated domestic bereavements; and attempts were made to enlist sympathy for the Imperial Orphan. These, however, have not been uniformly crowned with success.

Tension undoubtedly exists. I cannot (to speak plainly) conceal from myself the fact that in a given contingency, the nature of which it is unnecessary and, perhaps, undesirable to specify further, circumstances at present unforeseen might conceivably pave the way for developments of which it might be impossible to predict the eventual termination.

* * * * *

"Ought Nero to Abdicate?" is the subject of a "symposium" in the current _Primum Saeculum et Post_. The signatures L and S are commonly associated with the talented author whose _Pharsalia_ has long been recognized as the most charming of Saturnalian gift-books, and the Rev. L. A. Seneca, formerly private tutor in His Majesty's household. Should H.I.M. decide to abdicate, it is anticipated that He will edit our Boeotian contemporary the _Oracle_, which is sadly in need of new blood. Nero will give it that. The meetings held at the Palazzo Pisone were strictly private.

* * * * *

The Suebian Press continues to hint at fresh indiscretions. There is no doubt that a state of tension exists, which can only be alleviated by the restoration of reciprocal confidence between H.I.M. and the Roman people. The result of the approaching conference between the Emperor and Prince Tigellinus is eagerly discussed.

Later.

H.M.'s interview with the Chancellor at Brundisium is stated to have been productive of entirely satisfactory results. It is said that Nero now thoroughly understands the situation, and is resolved to remodel His conduct accordingly. Tension is greatly alleviated.

* * * * *

I cannot more graphically summarize the present improved situation than by quoting the headlines in the _Acta Diurna_.

GREAT REVIEW OF PRAETORIANS
OUTSIDE THE SENATE HOUSE.
RESTORED RELATIONS BETWEEN
CONSCRIPT FATHERS AND EMPEROR.
HIS MAJESTY IN THE SENATE.
AVE CAESAR OPTIME MAXIME.
GREAT ENTHUSIASM.
DIVINE HONOURS PRACTICALLY CERTAIN.
IMPROVED FINANCIAL POSITION.
NEW ISSUE OF CONSULS EXPECTED.

All this tends to indicate that the period of mutual suspicion and distrust is practically at an end. Nothing shows it more clearly than the happy renewal of social relations between the Emperor and the leading members of the Senate. As a guarantee of good feeling, several of our legislators have consented, at His Majesty's earnest request, to assist Him in the forthcoming Pageant of Empire to be held in the Circus Maximus. Their collaboration is indeed indispensable, large consignments of empty lions being reported to have arrived at Ostia. The hearty sympathy between our Ruler and His people is still further attested by the fact that several Senators who were but lately among the foremost critics of Absolutism are now taking a personal and prominent share in the scheme of street illuminations recently suggested to the Emperor by His Chancellor. Members of the Stoic Democratic Federation have been invited to meet H.I.M. at dinner at the Cafe Locusta.

* * * * *

The Cafe Locusta dinner has been a great success. It is not expected that the Stoic Democratic Federation will express any further opinion hostile to the Imperial policy.

M. Nymphidius has been commissioned to form a Ministry.

Not the least noteworthy among social _evenements_ is the departure of Piso (whose tendency to form cabals has for some time been a sore subject in Imperialistic circles) for his estates in Thule, N.B. He has left, according to one account, by the Hook (_unco_).

* * * * *

I quote from the Court Journal:--

"The Emperor Nero reigns in the hearts of His People. Persons
asserting the contrary will be decapitated."

PHILOGEORGOS, OR CONCERNING BRIBERY

Going down the other day to the Kerameikos, I met my friend Philogeorgos, who is at present one of those who desire to hold office in the city. And I said to him--

"Philogeorgos, you look sad; is it because you fear lest you should not be elected Archon?"

"No, Socrates," he replied. "It is not that which saddens me; it is the baseness of those who try to prevent the people from choosing me."

"In what way do they act basely?" I asked.

"There is a certain wine-seller," he said, "who is offering what the Hyperboreans call Free Drinks (that is, you know, draughts of wine without payment) to all those who will vote for Misogeorgos, but not for me."

"That is very unkind of the wine-seller. But why do you say that the transaction is base?"

"Why, of course it is base. How can it be anything else?"

"When we predicate baseness of a transaction," I said, "we must also predicate baseness of those who are concerned in it, or at least of one of them. Now, Philogeorgos, let me ask you a question; for you are accustomed by this time to answer questions. When you wish for a pair of shoes or a flute, how do you obtain one?"

"How else," he said, "except by buying it from a shoemaker or a maker of flutes?"

"How else, indeed?" I replied. "So, then, the tradesman gives you something which he possesses; and you give the tradesman in return something which you possess. And this exchange is advantageous to both of you, and honourable; is it not?"

"I suppose so."

"And neither of you becomes base?"

"Neither."

"Then it is not a base transaction?"

"No."

"Now consider in this way; Does a vote belong to the man who possesses a vote?"

"Yes, Socrates; but I am afraid that you are going to quibble, as usual."

"It is only by dialectic," I replied, "that we can arrive at the truth. And the wine belongs, I suppose, to the wine-seller?"

"It would seem so, at least."

"Then when the wine-seller gets the voter's vote in exchange for his own wine, they simply give each other what each possesses; and such a transaction, as you have said, is advantageous to both parties, and honourable, and not base at all."

"I said," he replied, rather angrily, "that you were going to quibble. Of course, the case is quite different. A vote is a sacred thing; and it ought not to be exchanged for the satisfaction of mere bodily desires, such as the desire for drink."

"Nor for any other material comfort?" I asked.

"Certainly not," he replied.

"Nobly spoken, indeed!" I said. "But I confess, all the same, that you rather surprise me; for only this morning I heard the herald proclaiming in your name that all the citizens would have Free Food if they voted for Philogeorgos. And I remember how some years ago either Phaidrolithos or one of those around him used to promise at elections that everyone should have three acres of land and a cow, on condition that the city kept him and his party in power. You do not mean to tell me that what Phaidrolithos or his friends did was base?"

"No, indeed," he replied. "But surely, Socrates, even you must see that this is a different matter altogether."

"How different? You say that votes must not be exchanged for material comforts; yet Free Food is a material comfort; and so are three acres, because they produce food; and so, I presume, is a cow. And these things were offered to the voter in exchange for his vote, just as the wine-seller now is offering draughts of wine."

"No, Socrates, it is not the same thing at all. When I talk of Free Food, and when men like Phaidrolithos talk of land and cows, we do not give these things immediately in exchange for votes. We could not; they are not ours to give; we have not got them."

"That is very true," I said. "For I remember when Phaidrolithos and his party were put in power many people used to come to those in authority and demand that they should now receive three acres of land each and a cow; and when they did not receive these things they were indignant, as having been deceived. And I daresay that when you are in power men will come expecting to receive Free Food, and will not get it. But, as far as I can understand your argument, it is honourable to promise in return for a vote that which you cannot give; but when one promises that which he _can_ give, as the wine-seller does, that is base, and that makes you sad. Is it not so? And the reason seems to be that when the wine-seller offers Free Drinks for a vote, then the vote is sold; but when you offer Free Food for a vote, then it is not the vote which is sold, but only the voter."

"Socrates," said Philogeorgos, "you are a philosopher; and no philosopher ever understood politics. But I am busy, and have really no more time to waste upon you and your dialectics."

"Farewell, then, Philogeorgos," I said; "but please do not be angry with me for being so stupid. And if I were you," I continued, "I do not think I would be angry with the wine-seller either; for perhaps the draughts of wine will make the citizens drunk, especially when they need not be paid for; and when a citizen is drunk he will run the risk of voting for you rather than for Misogeorgos. Do you not think so?"

But Philogeorgos was already out of hearing.

PHILELEUTHEROS; OR, CONCERNING THE PEOPLE'S WILL

"Is not this a dreadful thing, Socrates, that Balphurios has been lately doing about what he calls a Referendum?"

"What thing?" I said. "I have heard indeed lately that he has said this--that if he and his friends should be elected to sit in the Ecclesia, he will not propose a law taxing Megarian imports without first consulting the citizens; and he has invited Askoithios to do the same thing, and not to give autonomy to the Samians without first consulting the citizens. Is that the dreadful thing?"

"So dreadful, Socrates, that even now I can scarcely believe it: for it aims at the destruction of the democracy. But I can tell him that Askoithios will certainly not do what he is invited to do."

"Why will he not do it?" I asked.

"Because Askoithios knows very well already that all the citizens are in favour of giving autonomy to the Samians."

"Well, Phileleutheros," I said, "in that case he will do no harm by having consulted them. And does Balphurios also know what the citizens think about taxing Megarian imports?"

"Certainly: he knows that all men (except himself and his friends) abhor such a plan."

"Then," I said, "no harm will be done there either; for the citizens, being consulted, will say what they wish."

"But, Socrates, it is always harmful that the citizens should be consulted. And that is why Askoithios will not consult them."

"Why, Phileleutheros," I said, "are you not a democrat?"

"Of course I am."

"And in a democracy do not the people rule?"

"I suppose so."

"By saying what they wish to have done, or otherwise?"

"By saying so, I suppose."

"And if they are not allowed to say what they wish, they are not ruling, and it is not a democracy?"

"Perhaps."

"Then Balphurios, who asks the people what they wish, is a democratic man; and Askoithios, who does not ask them, is not a democratic man; nor are you one, apparently, O Phileleutheros."

"This is all nonsense, Socrates," he said. "Balphurios cannot be a democrat: for I am a democrat, and I do not agree with Balphurios. And you have not the least conception of what is meant by democracy: which is, that certain persons are chosen by the majority of the citizens that they may sit in the Ecclesia and carry out the wishes of the people."

"But for what reasons do you choose such persons?" I asked.

"They ought to be chosen, Socrates," he replied, "because they possess the qualities proper to democratic men."

"You mean," I said, "that they must hate and speak evil of the rich; and that they must wish to diminish the number of our triremes; and that they must refuse to tax Megarian imports; and that they must be conscious of their own virtues and the vices of others."

"I do not altogether praise your definition; but it will do."

"But with all these qualities," I said, "will your ecclesiasts always know what you wish when something unexpected happens about which it is necessary to decide? For instance, if one of the chief speakers proposes a law that all burglars should be honoured by dinners in the Prytaneum, will not your ecclesiasts come to us and say, 'O Socrates and Phileleutheros, we possess all the qualities proper to democratic men: we are conscious of our own virtues, and we should like to diminish the number of your triremes: and for these qualities we have been elected; but as to this matter of giving burglars a dinner in the Prytaneum, about this we do not yet know your wishes: and we would gladly be informed by you?'"

"If they do not know our wishes of themselves," said Phileleutheros, "they will suffer for it at the next election."

"That is very unpleasant for them," I replied. "Suppose now that you hired an architect to build you a house, and that while he was building it he needed your advice, and came and said to you, 'O Phileleutheros, I have given your house four walls and a roof according to your wishes; but you have not yet told me whether your banqueting-hall ought to have three windows or six. About this I do not yet know your wishes, and I would gladly be informed by you.' Will you then say to him that you have no authority to tell him your wishes any more, but that if he happens to decide contrary to your will you will not employ him again? Similarly, it seems to me, you are in danger of making the Ecclesia no longer the agent of your wishes, but it and those who lead it will be now and then tyrants and not your servants--if to make laws not according to the will of the people is tyranny. And you can punish the ecclesiasts by dismissing them after a time, of course; but you will only elect others who will be tyrants again in the same way as their predecessors."

"But the Nomothetae, Socrates, will prevent them."

"Hardly," I replied. "For your leaders of the Ecclesia, who are democrats and will not consult the people, and whom you praise, will ask the Nomothetae for their opinion three times; and when thereby they are quite satisfied that their proposal is displeasing to the Nomothetae it will forthwith become law. So that the conclusion is this: that the leaders of the Ecclesia will in most cases have authority to do what they like without consulting anybody. And these leaders, Askoithios and his friends, are few in relation to the mass of the citizens, are they not?"

"They are not many, certainly."

"That is something to be thankful for," I said. "They then, being few, will rule for the time; and when the few rule, that is oligarchy. Is it not? Unless perhaps you will say that when your enemies are in power in the Ecclesia, it is oligarchy; but when your friends are in power, then it is democracy?"

"Socrates, you are right, for once. That is precisely what I do say."

THE TUTOR'S EXPEDIENT

"Come in" said the Senior Tutor of St. Boniface: and two scholars came in. (He knew they were scholars, because this was his hour for seeing scholars.) One was a heavy-looking young man in a frock coat and tall hat. The other was a spruce youth, who looked as if nature had intended him for an attorney's clerk; as, indeed, nature had.

"Scholars, I presume, gentlemen?" inquired the Tutor. The young men bowed. "In what subjects, may I ask? You, sir" (turning to the spruce youth) "Mr.--I forget your name--eh? Oh, thanks--is it Classics? History? Natural Science, perhaps?"

"Oh no, sir; I hold a 'Daily Thunderer' Scholarship."

"Exactly: I remember now. You read all through _Tit-Bits_ for a whole year, and the 'D. T.' pays you--l,200 pounds, isn't it? The task is a little dear at the price, it always seemed to me: but still, _Tit-Bits_--"

"It isn't quite that, sir," put in the youth; "it was for the 'Encyclop--'"

("I _knew_ it was dear at the price," the Tutor murmured.)

'"--aedia Pananglica,'" continued the scholar. "My Scholarship is for reading that. I have it outside, in three packing-cases."

"The Scholarship?" asked the Tutor, weakly.

"No," said the scholar; "the 'Encyclopaedia Pananglica.'"

"Well," the academic dignitary resumed, "and what have you read? To prepare yourself for a university career, I mean."

"The 'Encyc--'"

"Of course, of course; but anything else? I wish to know so as to advise you with respect to the direction of your studies. Have you, for instance, read any Homer?"

"Homer!" the youth replied--"Oh, yes, I know about Homer. There is a picture of Homer, drawn from life, and very well reproduced, among the illustrations of the article 'Education.' There is one there of Comenius, too. Homer and Comenius--"

"Were both educationists, I know," said the Tutor: "but not, properly speaking, in the same way. However--you have not studied the father of poetry in the original, it would appear. Any Xenophon, perhaps? or Caesar?"

"I don't think I know much about Xenophon," replied the young man, "but I have a friend who failed in Caesar for the Cambridge Locals, and he said it was pretty easy."

"Do you know _any_ Greek or Latin at all?"

"Well, as I came along I bought a Delectus: I was told it might be helpful for attaining the highest honours."

"Exactly. You thought it might be helpful--of course, of course. You were quite right--perfectly, perfectly correct," the Tutor murmured, with a faraway look in his eyes. Then he collected himself, and turned to the other aspirant. "And you, sir--pardon me, I didn't quite catch--eh? Oh, thanks!--what, may I ask, are the conditions on which you hold _your_ Scholarship?"

"My education," replied the heavy young man, "was completed at the Jabez H. Brown University of Thessalonica, Maine, U.S.A. I am a recipient of a Scholarship under the provisions of the will of the Right Honourable Cecil J. Rhodes, the eminent philanthropist. No doubt, Professor, you will have heard of him."

"Ah! a Rhodes Scholar," said the Tutor. "That is better--much better. You will, no doubt, study the Classics. There are those (I am well aware) who are disposed to object to modern American Scholarship as an excessive attention to minutiae: but personally, I confess, I am no enemy even to a meticulous exactness, which alone can save us from an incurious and slipshod rhetoric! . . . And what, then, are the points of scholarship which it has been your endeavour to elucidate? Have you followed in the steps of the lamented Professor Drybones of Chicago, who died before he could prove, by a complete enumeration of all the instances in Greek literature, that [Greek text] is never the first word of a sentence? Have you--"

"Pardon me, Professor," put in the Rhodes Scholar. "That ain't my platform at all. I may say, I don't take any stock in literatoor."

"Am I then to understand," the Tutor asked, "that you are _not_ acquainted with the Greek and Latin Classics?"

"Not considerable," replied the American. "In fact, not any."

"And to what, then, have your studies been directed?"

"Not to books, Professor. No, nor yet laboratories and such. I was elected Scholar by the unanimous suffrage of my class in Thessalonica, Maine, for Moral Character. When it comes to Moral Character, you look at me. That is just where I am on top every time."

"Moral Character!" exclaimed the Tutor, aghast. "Oh, dear me! I am afraid that won't do at all--here. Moral Character--well, I hardly know how to put it--but the fact is that if _that_ is all that you have to rely upon, you would be sent down within a year infallibly--Oh, infallibly, I assure you! . . . But," he continued, "we must try to think of something for both of you gentlemen. Could I not give you both a letter of recommendation to my friend the Master of St. Cuthbert's? _There_, I know, they value very highly both morality and the 'Encyclopaedia Pananglica.' I am sure it would be just the place for you both. Do let me write!"

"As the Master of Alfred's sent Cecil Rhodes on to Auriol?" suggested the spruce young man, innocently.

"As the Master of--why, no," said the Tutor, "I think that won't do, after all. Really, I believe, we must try to keep you at Boniface." Boniface had suffered severely from agricultural depression. "Well, gentlemen--come to me again two hours hence, and we will try to think of something for you. Good morning!"

* * * * *

The Tutor was in a sad quandary. Paid as he was by results fees, he could not afford to receive pupils who would disgrace him in the Schools. Yet it had always been his creed that a College must adapt itself to existing circumstances, and be instinct with the Zeit Geist.

For a long time he remained wrapt in meditation.

* * * * *

Two hours elapsed, and the Tutor was again confronted with the twin aspirants to academic honours. He regarded them with the mien of one visibly relieved from a load of care. "These papers, gentlemen," he said, pointing to certain documents which lay upon the tutorial table, "relate to a project of which you have doubtless heard--I refer to the extension of our Public Schools into the remoter regions of the British Empire. They are reprinted from Mr. Sargant's admirable letter to the _Times_, and the leading article on the subject. You are acquainted with them--No? Then pray take the papers: you will find them most instructive and agreeable reading during the voyage."

"The--the voyage?" exclaimed the Rhodes Scholar.

"Certainly," said the Tutor, "during the voyage. During the long afternoons when you are steaming over the oily calm of the Bay of Biscay, or being propelled (by friendly natives) down the rushing waters of the--ah--Congo. What I am proposing is that you two gentlemen should become members of our Branch Establishment in Timbuctoo. You _must_ have heard of it! When schemes so beneficial to the Empire are mooted, was it likely that the Colleges of our great Imperial Universities would not take the lead in the van of progress? And when Eton, Harrow, and Giggleswick have founded institutions, similar to themselves in every respect except that of mere locality, in Asia, Africa, and Australasia, was the College of St. Boniface to be a laggard? Assuredly not. Gentlemen, I commend you to our Alma Mater beyond the seas."

"But, Professor," the Rhodes Scholar objected, "I was sent here across the salt water dish to join the College of St. Boniface. They were kind of sot upon that in Thessalonica. I guess they will be disappointed, some, if I ain't made a professing member of St. Boniface."

"But you will be, my dear sir--you will be!" cried the Tutor, with vehemence, "a member of St. Boniface-in-Timbuctoo: Sancti Bonifacii Collegii apud Timbuctooenses alumnus: it is precisely the same thing. You have doubtless read, in the course of your historical investigations, how Eton is really an offshoot of Winchester: is Eton not a public school? Of course it is. Similarly, in the Middle Ages a portion of the University broke off and migrated to Stamford. Was it Oxford any the less because it happened to be at Stamford? Not the least. The two institutions--St. Boniface in Oxford and St. Boniface in Timbuctoo--are precisely identical. When you gentlemen in future years are competing for--and I trust, I am sure, obtaining--positions of distinction and emolument in the great world, you will be entitled to describe yourselves as Boniface Men. You can drop the 'Apud Timbuctooenses' if you like: the omission will not be considered fraudulent. But I see no reason why you _should_ drop it. Personally, I should glory in it. Had I won a scholarship for Moral Character, I would go to Timbuctoo to-morrow! There, it seems to me, is your special sphere. In Oxford, Moral Character is so frequent as to be a drug, a positive drug: but in Timbuctoo the possession is precious in proportion to its rarity."

"But have they got the Tone and the Tradition there, sir?" asked the holder of a 'Daily Thunderer' Scholarship. "That would be, for me, very important. My family were especially anxious--"

"Assuredly they have got the Tone and the Tradition. _Coelum non animum mutant_--you have met with that, probably, in the 'Encyclopaedia Pananglica.' Absolutely unimpaired, I assure you. We take great pains about that. Just an instance--the Visitor is the Bishop of Barchester, just as here with us: the local King wanted to be Visitor, but of course we couldn't allow that. Imagine--a Visitor with fifty-three wives, not to mention! It wouldn't have done at all: the Tone _must_ have suffered. We are in constant communication (wireless, of course) with the Timbuctoo Branch: we are always being consulted. Only this morning we had to deal rather severely with an undergraduate member of the College--aboriginal, as many of them are--who insisted on playing the tom-tom in prohibited hours. Of course, we must back up the Dean, and in case of--emergency, we replace him and compensate his relations."

"You speak, sir," said the student of the Encyclopaedia, "of a local King. I understood that the College was on British territory."

"The British Empire," replied the Tutor, "includes Hinterlands. This is a Hinterland. It is consequently from time to time the duty of the local college authorities to assist the British Resident at the Court of Timbuctoo in pulling down the French, German, Italian, Russian, and Portuguese flags, all of which have been occasionally erected. But the country is practically annexed. We are--ah--suzerains."

"I understand, Professor, from your observation relative to the tom-tom," put the American scholar, "that the students of your College are subjected to the regular British discipline? That would be kind of essential for me. Cecil J. Rhodes, the eminent philanthropist, was particularly anxious that I should have the full advantages of your fine old high-toned mediaeval College rules. You have regulations, I presume?"

"The regulations," replied the Don, "are framed (as exactly as possible in the circumstances) on the lines with which we are familiar in Oxford. It has not been advisable, so far, to establish the Proctorial system in its entirety throughout the capital of Timbuctoo; but within the walls of St. Boniface (or perhaps in strict truth I should say within the Zariba) the strictest discipline prevails. Clothing is essential--if not worn, at least carried in the hand--for attendance in Hall and at lectures. Morning chapel is obligatory: conscientious objectors, if aborigines, may keep a private fetish in their rooms. Cannibalism is only permitted if directly authorized by the Dean, after a personal interview."

This appeared to satisfy the Rhodes Scholar; his companion wished further to know whether residence in a Colonial College could be regarded as a step on the Educational Ladder. His friends, he said, had impressed upon him that his function in life was to climb the Educational Ladder.

"The ladder to which you refer," explained the Tutor, "can be scaled as well in Africa as in England. In fact, better; there are distinctly greater facilities. In view of the regrettable inadequacy (at present) of any organized system of primary education in Timbuctoo, secondary education has been obliged to modify some of its standards. The University of Oxford, never backward in the march of progress, is prepared to make the requisite concessions; and, as a result, you will find that the highest honours are attainable without any acquaintance with the ordinary subjects of our curriculum. It is, I should say, the very place for you. Remember, too, that the very largest latitude is allowed--nay, encouraged--in the choice of special subjects qualifying for the M.A. degree; and what a field you will find! The habits of residents--indeed, of some among your own fellow students--are most interesting to the student of Anthropology! while investigations among the flora and fauna of this country must be fraught with the most delightful potentialities. I confess, I envy you. I do not think I am saying too much if I assure you that this University will be ready and willing to confer upon you, not only the ordinary M.A. degree, but a Doctorate of Science or Letters!

"Then," continued the Tutor, "as to recreations; _neque semper arcum tendit Apollo_--I beg your pardon, I mean to say that you cannot always be studying the domestic habits of the hippopotamus under a microscope. Sports and games you will find plentiful and interesting. There is head-hunting, for instance--"

"Hunting the head of the college, do you mean, Professor?" asked the American.

"Certainly not," replied the Don, with dignity. "That would not, under any circumstances, be permitted. If it were the Dean, now--but, oh no, certainly not the Head. What I refer to is the pursuit and collection of decapitated human heads, belonging generally to personal enemies of the collector; it is a sport common in Borneo, and among other interesting, if primitive, nationalities. This pastime is, I understand, a favourite one with some students of the college. It is practised, I need hardly say, under the very strictest supervision; there must be a certificate signed by the British Resident, and a special written recommendation from the Director of the Craniological Department of the Museum. Under such restriction abuse is, of course, impossible. Then, again, there is golf; and it is hardly necessary to remind you that the Sahara provides perhaps the finest natural golf links in the world."

"Well, Professor," said the American, "I guess I will start. But how are we going to get right there, now? On the cars?"

"By the Cape to Cairo railway, when it is open," the Tutor answered. "There will be a branch line. At present, the main line is, as you are aware, incomplete, and the branch is--well, in course of construction. Passengers are conveyed by motor. Or, if not by motor, by ox-waggon; trekking by the latter method is, I believe, the safer way; both, however, are, I understand, most commodious. I may explain to you that the present is a particularly auspicious occasion for your journey; you will travel in the company of the new Junior Dean, whose society, I am sure, you will find delightful. His predecessor, a personal friend of my own, succumbed, I grieve to say, a few months ago--owing to the alleged inadequate supply of beef-steaks at a 'Torpid' breakfast. . . . Painful, but apparently inevitable. I need hardly say, the perpetrators of this insult have been rusticated for a whole term."

"Is the Junior Dean a coloured person--a nigger?" asked the Rhodes Scholar.

"_All_ the College officials," explained the Don, "are, in the highest and best sense of the word, white men. Some of the Ordinary Fellows, it is true--Mr. Sargant's scheme contemplated, you see, the election to fellowships of persons of local distinction. But our officials are, without exception, Oxford men. It would be impossible, otherwise, to preserve the Tone and the Tradition."