Chapter II: Part 2

In the meantime, Sir George Cathcart marched his division down the heights of Sebastopol and across the North valley near the 5th redoubt, (without guns) on the top of the Causeway heights. He could see the Light Brigade charging 12 to 20 guns in front and receiving flank fire from 20 other cannon, being the Russian field artillery and the seven ship guns the Turks had lost, together with ammunition in the three redoubts. Sir George could also see the French Cavalry charging a battery of field artillery of six guns on our left. The Russian cannon were all brass polished, 12 and 24 pounds. Their infantry were in square, and the commanding hill covered with the Needle riflemen. Sir George saw all this destruction of life and he could see the Heavy Brigade and Horse Artillery had not even been ordered from the South valley to support or assist the Light Brigade or French Cavalry. Sir George said it would be dangerous to advance further. Lord Lucan brought up two regiment and yet Cathcart would not budge an inch. I believe I saw the whole of the regiments—five in all. (See Lord Raglan’s letter where he states only two regiments).

The Duke of Cambridge is the only General living that commanded a division in the battles of Alma, Balaclava and Inkerman, and he knows what I have written is the living truth in every particular. He saw over 400 horses killed in less than 15 minutes after receiving the order to charge. The combined forces who took part in the Charge numbered 670 all told, of whom only 198 returned mounted.

Lord Lucan only gave one order to the Light Brigade, and that led to its destruction, sooner than inform the Commander-in-Chief that he had no ammunition for his artillery. If Lord Raglan had known, there would not have required any order or A.D.C., and there would not have been any murderous charge by order of Lord Lucan. Had Lord Raglan had known there was no ammunition, he would not have ordered the Horse Artillery to accompany, (see his letter for proof). Lord Lucan allowed the Russian cavalry to advance at a trot through the camp ground of the Heavy Brigade, and none of the commanders knew about it till informed by the Commander-in-Chief. Lord Lucan could not be found, and in consequence it was left to five regiments, under General Scarlett, to engage and defeat the Russians, who numbered seven to one. Lord Cardigan asserts there were only three regiments engaged. And that seven regiments were mere spectators, and yet Lord Lucan asserts he was not taken by surprise. If so, it is an amazing thing that a commander should permit a Russian cavalry force (3500) to make its way, in broad daylight, directly through the camp ground of his own troops.

After the charge Lord Lucan ordered the remnant of the Light Brigade six miles off on the hills near Inkerman to recuperate. In a few days the rain came down and every thing became a mass of mud, impossible to procure either meat, drink, or clothing. All the water we could get to drink was ladled off the ground. The supply consisted of small holes the horses made with their feet and all kinds of filth being on the ground helped to make things worse. We were left to die without having any medicine or even a cup of hot water. Several weeks elapsed before Lord Lucan found it out, for everyone seemed afraid of him and Cardigan, and these two never talked together. Lord Lucan occupied all the houses in Balaclava Harbour, while Lord Cardigan lived on his yacht seven miles from his command, and never visited them, although they were dying of hunger and starvation, and even when we went into action at Balaclava and Inkerman he still lived aboard. It was twelve o’clock when he arrived at Inkerman and his command never went under fire again during his service.

At last a storm came on the 14th of November, 1854, which continued for three days, and not a tent could be made to stand up. Some were blown away and never found again. Think of men dying under such conditions. The horses also were dying of hunger some of them eating all the hair off their bodies. If it had not been for Lord George Paget I do not know what would have become of us. He marched us down to Balaclava but the journey proved too much for our horses, over 100 stuck fast and died in the mud. The Light Brigade received several hundred horses that broke loose on from the Russians on the night of October 25th, 1854, or I would not be counting horses by the hundred. (See Lord George Paget’s Book for proof.)

Lord Cardigan died serenely satisfied because he had destroyed his command in obedience to orders, after stating in the _Times_, “No one man surpassed another in gallantry.” He is the only officer who had a command that returned back mounted, and that did not give a helping hand. He lost the whole of his command, five regiments and staff, and returned back by himself. He states in _Kinglake_, “I rode slowly up the hill and met General Scarlett. I said to him, ‘What do you think, General, of the aide de camp after such an order being brought to us which has destroyed the Light Brigade, riding to the rear and screaming like a woman’? Sir J. Scarlett replied, ‘Do not say any more, for I have ridden over his body.’”

Lord Cardigan, in less than six months after, published a letter in the _Times_ newspaper, dated April 6th, 1855, viz.:—“The Light Brigade had not advanced more than 100 yards when they were fired upon, and Captain Nolan, who had placed himself in front of a squadron of the 13th Light Dragoons, was killed.” Lord Cardigan’s statement to Kinglake, published in the appendix 14 years after the charge, viz.:—“After advancing about eighty yards a shell fell within reach of my horse’s feet, and Captain Nolan, who was riding across the front retreating with his arms up through the interval of the brigade.”

I should like to know which statement is true about Captain Nolan. It was impossible for him to be killed in front of the 13th Light Dragoons. It was impossible for him to be retreating with his arms up through the interval in front of Lord Cardigan. The interval was in the rear of him, and he would have to look back. Did Nolan scream in front or rear of Cardigan? How did he get in front of Lord Cardigan without him seeing him go? Lord Cardigan was in front of his command a minute or less before the attacking line commenced the charge, and this is why so many saw him. Captain Nolan would not dare take command if Lord Cardigan had been there. What kind of leading was he doing not to see him; and the 17th Lancers go “threes’ right” and take ground to the right. Many things I should like to explain if I had space.

* * * * *

LORD RAGLAN _re_ LORD LUCAN.

Before Sebastopol,

Dec. 16th, 1854.

Field-Marshall Lord Raglan

to Duke of Newcastle, Sec. for War.

My Lord Duke,

I regret to be under the necessity of forwarding to your Grace the
copy of a letter which has been addressed to me by Lieutenant General
the Earl of Lucan.

When I received it I placed it in the hands of Brigadier-General
Airey, the Quartermaster-General, and requested him to suggest to his
lordship to withdraw the communication, considering that it would not
lead to his advantage in the slightest degree; but Lord Lucan having
declined to take the step recommended, I have but one course to
pursue—that of laying the letter before Your Grace and submitting to
you such observations upon it as I am bound, in justice to myself, to
put you in possession of.

Lieutenant General the Earl of Lucan complains that in my dispatch to
Your Grace of the 28th of October, I stated that, “from some
misconception of the instruction to advance, the Lieutenant General
considered that he was bound to attack at all hazards.” His Lordship
conceives this statement to be a grave charge and an imputation
reflecting seriously on his professional character, and he deems it
incumbent upon him to state those facts which he cannot doubt must
clear him from what he respectfully submits as altogether unmerited.

I have referred to my dispatch and far from being willing to recall
one word of it, I am prepared to declare, that not only did the
Lieutenant General misconceive the written instruction that was sent
him, but that there was nothing in that instruction which called upon
him to attack at all hazards, or to undertake the operation which led
to such a brilliant display of gallantry on the part of the Light
Brigade, and unhappily, at the same time occasioned such lamentable
casualties in every regiment composing it.

In his lordship’s letter he is wholly silent with respect to a
previous order which had been sent him. He merely says that the
cavalry was formed to support an intended movement of the infantry.

This previous order was in the following words:—“The cavalry to
advance and take advantage of any opportunity to recover the heights.
They will be supported by infantry which has been ordered to advance
on two fronts.”

This order did not seem to me to have been attended to, and therefore
it was that the instruction by Captain Nolan was forwarded to him.
Lord Lucan must have read the first order with very little attention
for he now states that the cavalry was formed to support the
infantry, whereas he was told by Brigadier General Airey, “that the
cavalry was to advance and take advantage of any opportunity to
recover the heights, and that they would be supported by infantry.”
Not that they were to support the infantry; and so little had he
sought to do as he had been directed, that he had no men in advance
of his main body, made no attempt to regain the heights, and was so
little informed of the position of the enemy, that he ask Captain
Nolan, “where and what he was to attack, as neither enemy nor guns
were in sight?”

This, Your Grace will observe, is the Lieutenant General’s own
admission. The result of his inattention to the first order was,
that it never occurred to him that the second was connected with, and
a repetition of the first. He viewed it only as a positive order to
attack at all hazards (the word “attack” be it observed was not made
use of in General Airy’s note). An unseen enemy, whose position,
numbers and composition he was wholly unacquainted with, and whom, in
consequence of a previous order, he had taken no steps whatever to
watch.

I undoubtedly had no intention that he should make such an
attack—there was nothing in the instructions to require it; and
therefore I conceive I was fully justified in stating to Your Grace
what was the exact truth, that the charge arose from the
misconception of the order for the advance which Lord Lucan
considered obliged him to attack at all hazards.

I wish I could say with his lordship that, having decided against his
conviction to make the movement, he did all he could to render it as
little perilous as possible. This, indeed, is far from being the
case in my judgment. He was told that the Horse Artillery might
accompany the cavalry. He did not bring it up. He was informed that
the French cavalry was on the left. He did not invite their
co-operation. He had the whole of the heavy cavalry at his disposal.
He mentions having brought up only two regiments in support, and he
omits all other precautions, either from want of due consideration,
or from the supposition that the unseen enemy was not in such great
force as he apprehended, notwithstanding that he was warned of it by
Lord Cardigan, after the latter had received the order to attack. I
am much concerned, My Lord Duke, to have to submit these observations
to Your Grace. I entertain no wish to disparage the Earl of Lucan in
your opinion, or to cast a slur upon professional reputation; but
having been accused by his lordship of having stated of him what was
unmentioned in my dispatch, I have felt obliged to enter into the
subject, and trouble Your Grace at more length than I could have
wished, in vindication of a report of Your Grace in which I had
strictly confined myself to that which I knew to be true and had
indulged in no observations whatever, or in any expression which
could be viewed either as harsh or in any way grating to the feelings
of his lordship.

I have etc.

(Signed) RAGLAN.

* * * * *

[Picture: The Gun that Lieutenant Jarvis and myself captured]

SWORN STATEMENT FOR VICTORIA CROSS IN SUPREME COURT, UNITED STATES.

* * * * *

To Lord Wolseley, Commander-in-Chief.

909, STEUBEN STREET, N.W.,
WASHINGTON, D.C., U.S.A.,
NOVEMBER 12th, 1896.

MY LORD,

I beg leave to renew my application for the Victoria Cross, basing my claim upon gallantry of conduct during the Charge of the Light Brigade, 25th October, 1854, and the Battle of Inkerman, and will give proofs that corroborate my own statements.

My previous applications for the Cross have been brief. With your Lordship’s permission I will now give a more detailed statement.

First as to the Charge of the 600:—

My squadron was nearly annihilated before we reached the Russian battery, every officer being either killed or wounded. Myself and horse had been knocked down once and my lance shot away. After our passing through and silencing the guns my first thought was to look for directions from an officer, and I rode to Lieut. E. L. Jarvis, still living I believe a retired Major, of the 13th Light Dragoons, as his uniform was so nearly like that of the 17th Lancers, that I first thought he belonged to my regiment. Lieut. Jarvis pointed to a cannon that was being taken off at a gallop towards our right rear, and said, “Let’s capture that gun.” We immediately charged upon it. Jarvis shot one of the horses in the head, bringing it to a stop. I cut down the gunners with my sword. We both dismounted and took out the dead horse, when more stragglers of the Brigade came to our assistance. Private John Smith, C Troop, 17th Lancers, now living in London, mounted one of the horses to the gun carriage and we started off the field with it when a large body of Cossacks charged upon us completely surrounding us. I fought my way through and was pursued down the valley by seven of them into a body of Russian Hussars re-forming. I had no alternative but to charge through their line, which I did, an officer striking my head with the sword, my lance hat saving my head except for a bad bruise. A brigade of Russian Hussars were retreating down the valley pursued by about forty of our men. I rode from the right flank to the left flank of the rear rank calling to the men to fall back. Private Clifford of my troop rode into the column and was cut to pieces before my eyes. The Hussars came about and we were then between two large bodies of cavalry, one marching up the valley, the other down, so that the few of our Brigade who were farthest beyond the Russian guns were now completely hemmed in by a great body of Russians. At this critical moment, when there was no officer to command us and we were apparently lost, I beg leave to introduce the words of a comrade still living describing my conduct.

[Picture: The Only Squad Rallied Through The Guns]

J. W. Wightman, late 17th Lancers, in _Nineteenth Century_, May, 1892.—“We heard the familiar voice of Corporal Morley, of our regiment, a great, rough, bellowing man from Nottingham. He had lost his lance hat, and his long hair was flying out in the wind as he roared, ‘Coom ’ere! coom ’ere! Fall in, lads, fall in!’ Well, with shouts and oaths he had collected some twenty troopers of various regiments. We fell in with the handful this man of the hour had rallied to him, and there joined us also under his leadership Sergeant-Major Ranson and Private John Penn, of the 17th. Penn, a tough old warrior who had served with the 3rd Light in the Sikh war, had killed a Russian officer, dismounted, and with great deliberation accoutred himself with the belt and sword of the defunct, in which he made a great show. A body of Russians blocked our way. Morley, roaring Nottingham oaths by way of encouragement, led us straight at them, and we went through and out at the other side as if they had been made of tinsel paper. As we rode up the valley, pursued by some Hussars and Cossacks, my horse was wounded by a bullet in the shoulder, and I had hard work to push the poor beast along. Presently we were abreast of the Infantry who had blazed into our right as we went down; and we had to take their fire again, this time on our left. Their firing was very impartial; their own Hussars and Cossacks following close on us suffering from it as well as we. Not many of Corporal Morley’s party got back.”

After Wightman fell I kept a group together through the battery, again in position and then ordered them to separate for safety. Private James Cope died in India, and James McGregor, 4th Light Dragoons, since dead, reported to our regiment with me. We were the last to get back to the regiment.

The names of Cope and McGregor are appended to my first application, 17th October, 1856.

Second as to the battle of Inkerman:—

At the battle of Inkerman, November 5th, Cornet Cleveland was mortally wounded. He fell from his horse in front of me just as the regiment was ordered to retire. After we had retired some distance I rode to the commanding officer of the regiment and asked to be allowed to fall out to go back for Cornet Cleveland. He told me to go to the Sergeant-major and tell him to send two men to assist me. He told his brother James O’Hara and went himself. In the act of carrying Cornet Cleveland off the field, both James O’Hara and myself had our dress hats shot off our heads by a cannon ball. I annex a letter from Lord Tredegar, commanding officer, in support of this statement:—

TERDEGAR PARK, NEWPORT, ENGLAND,
APRIL 6th, 1889

MORLEY,

I remember quite well that on the field of Inkerman you asked
permission to fall out to go and try and bring in Cornet Cleveland,
who had been seriously wounded a short time previously. I gave you
permission and you went with two other men, and brought Cornet
Cleveland into camp. I also know that you displayed great gallantry
in the Light Cavalry charge at Balaclava.

Yours sincerely,
TREDEGAR,
_Late Captain 17th Lancers_.

[Picture: Bringing out of the thickest of the fire, Cornet Cleveland,
mortally wounded]

Bringing out of the thickest of the fire, Cornet Cleveland, mortally
wounded.

* * * * *

Third as to the Baida Valley:—

In my first application I made a statement as to the occurrence in the Baida Valley, viz.—“Whilst my regiment was stationed in Balaclava I was one of the detachment ordered on duty in the Baida Valley. I was engaged on one particular occasion in the reconnoitreing party in advance of the party that took possession of Prince Chatteloff’s house near the Woronzoff road. Two of the Land Transport Corps were wounded and it was with great difficulty and caution that I was enabled to bring the videttes into the main body upon which we had to retire.” This statement was dismissed by Colonel Benson, who wrote to H.R.H. Duke of Cambridge that he was not aware of any such occurrence taking place. With your Lordship’s permission I will make this occurrence more clear and show that there is ample proof of the truth of the statement.

Major Peel, 11th Hussars, was in charge of the command, consisting of three squadrons viz., 8th Hussars, 11th Hussars, and 17th Lancers. Now General Sir Drury C. Lowe, K.C.B., commanded the 17th Lancers. I was sergeant of the rear guard. The main body were near the house dismounted. The Land Transport Corps were at the gate the only entrance leading into the house. The rear of the 17th Lancers were within 40 yards of the gate just around a bend of the road. The Russian Infantry fired a volley into the Transport Corps I saw them running from their wagons, some of them wounded. I formed a line across the road and charged down to the Russians who had not time to reload. When they saw us they jumped over a stone wall on the left of the gate into the steep woods. We might have captured some of them but their fire had killed a mule in one of the transport wagons, blocking up the gate. The remainder of the wagons were in the road leading to the Woronzoff road which the main body had to retire upon. I at once placed videttes upon the all the roads. Sir Drury Lowe rode up to me and asked “where are the Russians?” as I was watching the place where they had jumped over the wall. I told him and he said “Come further back, they will shoot you. You have done perfectly right.” There can be no exaggeration in this statement as Sir Drury Low is still living. Sergeant-Major J. Nunnerly, late 17th Lancers, was a sergeant with the squadron and aware of the occurrence, as must be every survivor, in spite of Colonel Benson’s discrediting my statement by saying he knew of no such occurrence.

I wish to repeat the statement in my former application that “I embarked at the commencement of the war. I served under Lord Cardigan at Devna and Yenebazaar at the time when disease prevailed to a great extent. During the time I had the honour to be selected as Corporal of a letter party stationed at Varna. The whole of the dispatches of the army were at times conveyed by this party, and I was compelled in consequence of the sickness of the men to ride day and night without any rest to set a good example to the men under my charge and keep out of their minds that too much fatigue would kill them.”

Allow me to add that this was Lord Raglan’s letter party and that I continually reported at his headquarters to receive the dispatches. The party consisted of myself, and Privates Wm. Purvis, P. Murphy, Burkemore, and H. Gallimore. All these went into hospital with cholera and Gallimore died. Wm. Purvis is still living at 105, Rutter Street, Walsall.

In conclusion allow me to say that I served twenty-two years in the 17th Lancers and Yeomanry. I have only one son old enough for army service and he is Sergeant-Instructor in the British Army.

I beg that my claim may be impartially looked into on its merits at this time. When action was taken on it before the claim was thrown out on the statements of Col. Benson, who through carelessness or indifference reported adversely on circumstances of which he had no knowledge. The testimony of Lieut. Wightman and Lord Tredegar, still living, ought to be sufficient as to the Charge of the 600 and the Battle of Inkerman. The occurrence in the Baida Valley is not so important, but is mentioned to show that I was always quick in action and forgetful of any personal danger. If there is any doubt as to the correctness of my account I have no doubt that Sir Drury Lowe will add his statement to mine.

I have my Lord, the honor to be,

Your obedient servant,

THOMAS MORLEY,
_Late Sergeant 17th Lancers_,

WASHINGTON, D.C.,
UNITED STATES.

* * * * *

_Subscribed and sworn to before me_, _Nov._ 12_th_, 1896.

JOHN R. YOUNG,

_Clerk Supreme Court_, _D.C._

_By_

S. J. MERRYS,
_Junior Assistant Clerk_.

[Blocks not in Sworn Statement.]

* * * * *

_TIMES_, _APRIL 24th_, _1857_. THE CROSS OF VALOUR.

SIR,—I am a sergeant of nearly three years, lately retired from the 17th Lancers, at the early age of 25 years, solely in consequence of being passed over most unjustly in the rewards and honours that have been bestowed. I am now made drill sergeant in the Sherwood Rangers, Mansfield, by its noble colonel, His Grace the Duke of Newcastle, and, wishing my fellowmen to know how unjustly I have been treated, I beg of you to allow me a place in your columns, so generously open to private as well as public grievances, to state my service as briefly as possible.

After being at Alma, I was present with my regiment in every engagement that took place. I charged at Balaklava with my squadron until it was nearly annihilated, my own lance being shot away. Drawing my sword I galloped on to the Russian guns, and assisted in cutting down the gunners. On the right of our forming line I observed one particular gun going away as fast as the horses could take it. I went after it with Captain Jervis, of the 13th Light Dragoons, who shot one of the horses and delayed its progress. On this I engaged two of the gunners, who both fell. It now became a struggle for our lives, a large body of Cossacks surrounded us. I succeeded in working my way through them, and galloped in the direction of what I judged to be our own Hussars. I found they were Russians reforming. I forced my way on full speed through them, unhurt. A regiment of Polish Lancers, 800 strong, had formed across the valley. I halted a moment to look around. Perceiving several of our cavalry in the same dilemma, I called to them, and being then a corporal, I used what authority I had to form them as well as I could. We gathered 12, and charged their centre; most of us got through. I believe three fell. These men were 4th and 13th Light Dragoons, and 17th Lancers; one was of the 8th Hussars. I received the point of a lance in the right hand; the wound was slight. The Russian infantry now opened a heavy fire upon us and after galloping through the guns of the enemy in advance of us, each one separated, trusting to fate. Private James Cope and Private James Wightman, now corporals of the 17th Lancers, were of the number. Wightman was severely wounded, and taken prisoner for twelve months.

On the 5th of November, 1854, I was at the battle of Inkerman, and under fire. Cornet Cleveland was shot; and when our regiment was ordered to retire, I asked Captain Morgan to allow me to fall out of the ranks to assist in carrying Mr. Cleveland off the field. Troop Sergeant-Major O’Hara and Private James O’Hara of the same regiment, also fell out for that purpose. In performing that act, James O’Hara and myself had both our dress caps shot off our heads by a cannon ball. We still pursued our duty till out of range, when the cornet wished to be laid down till a stretcher could be procured. This officer died. While stationed at Balaclava I was one of the detachment ordered for the Baider Valley. On one occasion I was engaged in the reconnoitering party in advance of the party that took possession of General Chateloof’s house, near the Woronzoff Road. Two of the Land Transport Corps and several mules were wounded and one killed, when the corps deserted the wagons, and I was the sergeant who led a detachment of my regiment to the spot when the Russians, on our approach, fled into the wood, and I placed my men on vidette, which the main body had to retire upon. I may further add that I embarked with the regiment at the first commencement of the war. I served under Lord Cardigan at Devno Yeni-Bazar at the time when disease greatly prevailed. At this time I had the honour to be selected as corporal of a letter party stationed at Varna. The whole of the army despatches were conveyed by our party, and I was often compelled in consequence of the sickness of the men, to ride day and night without rest.

I was present in every skirmish in which my regiment was engaged, and I returned home when the campaign ended. When in Ireland with my regiment I inquired of my troop officer why I did not get a medal for distinguished conduct. He told me he was very sorry I did not, but it lay to the commanding officer’s discretion. So it appears they are not “distinguished conduct medals” but “discretion medals!” There are several men in the 17th Lancers who wear medals for distinguished conduct on the field of battle who never crossed swords with a Russian.

This is my simple and truthful statement; and I think I have reason to complain that I am not decorated with a cross of valour—not to wear as a matter of vanity, but alone prizable to me as a mark that, though a young, I have not been an unworthy soldier.

I have the honour to be,

Yours truly,
THOMAS MORLEY.

THE CROSS OF VALOUR. {24}

_To the Editor of the Nottinghamshire Advertiser_.

SIR,—Having perused in your last week’s impression, a letter under the above heading, from the pen of a participator in the perils of the late war, complaining of the neglect he had suffered at the hands of those who must, or ought to be, well acquainted with the incidents he relates. I am inclined to think with him, that the strictly “discretoniary decorations” will, after all, form a too striking constituent in our modern system of distributing military rewards, for, presuming Mr. Morley to have one of the ordinary Crimean medals, it scarcely, in his case, seems an adequate recognition of services rendered under very trying circumstances, and by so young a man. Indeed, it appears an exceedingly questionable policy to pass over, comparatively unheeded, one who could, at a conjuncture—such as is stated to have occurred at Balaclava—rally a dozen men, mere fugitives racing for their lives, and inspire them with confidence sufficient to bear down upon, and literally rend assunder an entire regiment of the enemy. This, when regard is had to the fact, that they were just emerging from a most fearful storm of shot, poured upon them by the Russian artillery, was a display of no ordinary intrepidity and daring in men, who, previously to that campaign, had never crossed swords with an enemy, and well worthy, I think, of some special mark of approbation,—the more so, when we reflect that he was thereby instrumental in saving eight or nine lives of the flower of the army, who would, in all probability, have been shot down, or lanced piecemeal, had they not at that critical moment acted in perfect concert.

The fact of our Lord Lieutenant having given Sergeant Morley an appointment in the Sherwood Rangers, is a sufficient guarantee for the truth of his statements, and many, doubtless, who have read his very interesting letter, will join me in congratulating him upon obtaining the favour of such a man.

I am, Sir, respectfully yours,

EVARDUS.

Nottingham, April 29, 1857.

* * * * *

I have proved by living officers, generals, and noblemen that my statement is the living truth to-day, although 43 years have passed. Yet this Colonel Benson was allowed to turn Her Majesty’s and Prince Consort’s Noble Order and the Royal Warrant into mockery and the Victoria Cross into a sham. He was the cause of me receiving an official letter, dated 8th October, 1857, stating that all claims for the Victoria Cross must be founded upon facts. This Colonel Benson wrote the most cruel false statements to the Commander-in-Chief, and was the cause of me purchasing my discharge out of the 17th Lancers, and then losing promotion in the Yeomanry. He made false statements respecting my being promoted to sergeant. I can prove I was promoted in November, 1854, and he did not arrive in the Crimea till 22nd February, 1855. I have received all kinds of official letters telling me they see no reason to open my case. I received an official letter dated 22nd February, 1892, stating that the case cannot now be opened. If a brave British soldier cannot be heard by the authorities, what can he do but appeal to his countrymen? Truth never dies.

The royal warrant states, that for the Victoria Cross there shall be no preference of age or rank, and the youngest soldier shall be rewarded for valour.

My next article will be to prove that all claims for the Victoria Cross are not founded upon facts. Yet they wear it just the same. I will also prove by their own official letters I never had an investigation.

For myself I have the proud consciousness of having done my duty to Queen and country.

Fought Under Two Flags, AND A RECORD SECOND TO NONE FOR VALOUR.

[Picture: Death or glory flags, skull etc.]

NO British soldier that I ever read about did more distinguished proved valour. I received a letter from Major Jervis, late 13th Light Dragoons, dated December 5th, 1876. He says amongst other things “that he well remembers a young corporal of the 17th Lancers helping him to take the gun,” and from the fact named in my letter, it could be none other than myself.

I received a letter from Lord Tredegar, dated December 9th, 1876. In which he says, “that he well remembers, after the regiment had retired a short distance, I asked permission to go back and bring in Cornet Cleveland who lay in the thickest of the fire, mortally wounded.” See his other letter, in my sworn claim for the Victoria Cross, General Sir Drury Lowe, K.C.B., in answering a letter to me said “if he could do me any service he would be happy to do it,” several officers wrote me at the same time to the same effect. I was holding the position of Regimental Sergeant-Major in the Yeomanry, and in charge of head quarters and stores. I explained this to them and thanked them, telling them I was well off. I am Sir Drury Lowe’s oldest Non-Commissioned Officer, I served under him all the time he was in the Crimea and in Ireland, and when he commanded a detachment in Clonmel. In the Baida Valley he came to my assistance several times, once at Prince Challertoff’s residence, when I charged the Russians and took back the waggons of the Land Transport. I was on picquet duty with Lieutenant Barbour, some Greeks came into the picquets on little ponies, and explained to us the Russians were stealing. Lieutenant Barbour took all the picquet and left me in charge of the Videtts; being absent longer than I liked, I sent a man who was very sick into camp, explaining the matter to now Sir Drury Lowe, who commanded the 17th, telling him I had no men to patrole with, he did not send any reinforcements, but came himself with the regiment. He lost no time in getting to me and remained in command till Lieutenant Barbour returned with two Russian Greek spies, who tried to decoy his command into a village in which the Russian Cavalry were hiding. Sir Drury Lowe was loved by all men and I never heard or knew an enlisted man to say any thing but kindness respecting him. I was in Aldershot when he commanded the regiment, and I was in the Sergeants Mess. I heard Sergeant-Major Davis repeat that he would sooner soldier under Colonel Lowe without pay than any other officer with pay and the rest shouted “hear hear.”

There is an old proverb that “Comparisons are odious” and it cannot be better proved than by Colonel Drury Lowe and Colonel Benson, both commanded the 17th Lancers. The latter was never under fire in the Crimea. He was the only officer that flogged the soldiers. I saw him flog three at once at Ismid, who rode in the charge of the “600,” one of them had 17 wounds upon his back, all bleeding, through the lashes of the Cat o’ Nine Tails. I saw tears running down the officers cheeks. This Colonel Benson is the only officer that drummed out any men of the 17th Lancers, some of whom had ridden in the charge of the “600.”

Sir Drury Lowe, when Colonel, had a Regimental Sergeant-Major in the name of Brown, every soldier in the 17th Lancers had the greatest respect for him and officers too.

Colonel Benson had a Regimental Sergeant-Major Wooden, a foreigner, that could not speak the English language when he joined the regiment, went by the name of Tish-me. Colonel Benson went by the name of Dosey, he always looked as if he was asleep. But when he played at cards with young officers they found he was not dreaming. Colonel Benson and this Wooden, their teeth fit in their jaws like Hyenas. Every officer and soldier feared them.

Sergeant-Major Wooden was allowed to insult officers, one leaving the regiment through the bad language he used to him. I can name three sergeants out of one troop that left the 17th Lancers through him, and they all rode in the “Charge of the 600.” Colonel Benson procured him quarter-master of the 5th Lancers, and the commanding officer soon had him retired on the smallest allowance, 3/6 per day. It was Colonel Benson who secured his promotion as quarter-master of some infantry, but he soon got into debt and shot himself. It was the same officer who procured him the Victoria Cross and the French Order, although he never crossed swords with a Russian, and all those who knew anything concerning him, and who were in the “Charge of the 600,” say he threw himself off his horse. It is a well-known fact that he never went to the Battle of Inkerman, but drew our grog and got dead drunk with it.

Sir Drury Lowe, purchased Regimental Sergeant-Major J. Brown a commission, and appointed him adjutant of the regiment. I will undertake to prove all I have said, and more, by officers and soldiers now living.

Colonel Benson was the means of me losing promotion by writing lies to the Duke of Cambridge. The Duke of Newcastle, my commanding officer, read Benson’s letter and told me he should believe Colonel Benson’s statement before mine. He promised afterwards that if I would not write any more letters something would be done for me. That promise was never fulfilled, for he promoted a sergeant over my head in the name of Smith.

Through General Charles Frederick Havelock, who became Inspector of Cavalry at Washington, D.C., I left the regiment and went to America. I went with him to inspect the 12th Pennsylvanian Cavalry at the time the regiment had just been mustered into the United States Service, and was appointed Drill Instructor to the regiment.

At the battle of Bull Run I saved the regiment from being captured, my horse being killed and myself taken prisoner. When I returned to the regiment I received a commission and all back pay and allowances which amounted to some hundreds of pounds. They also paid me for horse and equipments. I was in all the stirring engagements. I was second in command in Dismounted Camp in Pleasant Valley, Maryland, to equip all cavalry without horses, and was afterwards Assistant Commissariat in Pleasant Valley. I was then appointed Assistant Inspector of Cavalry, with Major Gordon, for the department of Western Virginia. I was in Libby prison for twelve months, and while I was there 109 made their escape by making a tunnel. I was in when powder was laid down to blow us all up.

During the time I was prisoner of war, General Cesnola saw me compelled to be vaccinated. The matter turned out bad, my left side and arm swelled to such a degree that I was compelled to lay on the floor for months, my brother officers believing I should die.

During the war I received a bullet in my head, and it remained in for eight years.

One of the worst running fights I ever was in was when General Max Weber sent me from Harper’s Ferry, Va., to Charlestown to capture fifteen of the enemys cavalry. I was allowed to pick thirty horses and men. After we had advanced about five miles we saw them and pursued, we found two thousand with two guns. Two squadrons charged us and we had a fight with revolvers for four miles, till close to the forts. I lost twenty-one out of the thirty men. This was on the 29th June, 1864. The United States paid me for two horses killed in battle.

I am the only officer that knew the plans which General Grant used to capture Richmond in nine days. I also assisted General L. P. Di Cesnola to make out these plans and forward them to President Lincoln. I saved General Cesnola’s life. My horse was killed in a charge in the night, and it lay on me till the sun rose. Through being a freemason I was bandaged up. I heard that General Cesnola was wounded and I went to his assistance. He had a sword cut in the head, was shot in the thick part of the arm, the point of a sword through the palm of the hand, and horse killed whilst leading his brigade in a charge. I attended to him and dressed his wounds. I stayed with him, and managed to hire horses and conveyances to travel a distance of 150 miles to Stanton Va. He is now, and has been for years, Managing Director of the Metropolitan Museum of Art and Central Park, New York. He often writes thanking me for saving his life. I was introduced to him when he was Colonel of the 4th New York Cavalry, by Major-General C. F. Havelock, at Washington, who knew him when he was on Field Marshal Marmouer’s Commander-in-Chief’s Staff of the Italian Army, in the Crimea. I received second and first lieutenant’s and captain’s commissions on the field of battle, and have them now.

I resigned after the war and returned home and joined the Ayrshire Yeomanry as drill troop sergeant-major, 1st of January, 1868. In June 1871 I was promoted regimental sergeant-major in charge of headquarters and stores. I remained with them till June, 1877. I was so well liked in Ayr that they gave me, an Englishman, the birth place of Robert Burns on lease, in preference to hundreds of Scotchmen. In a few years the place was sold to the gentleman of the county for thousands of pounds more than they asked me for it. I was the last lessee of the place. Only three persons were born in this house, these being the poet himself and two of my children, one of whom is still living in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. I took another business, but it did not do well, the rent being too high—£600 a year.

I then went to America, and in a few years I thought I should be better off under the government. In April 1884 I called upon Senator Morrell, the father of the house of the Senate, and went with him to interview the Hon. Robert Lincoln, the Secretary for War, who informed me that he could not give me the first place as he had promised it. In a few days I got an appointment and received pay on it till the end of 1893. Mr. Lincoln afterwards became Ambassador to England. On the 9th of May, 1863, I was employed in the government building, in which President Lincoln was assassinated, when part of the building fell, killing 25 and injuring nearly 200. I was one of the latter, and being unable to perform my duties was discharged. I applied to the Patriotic Fund in London for aid out of the money the people of England subscribed—five children depending upon me at the time. I received a reply telling me I was not entitled to anything. This is the first and only time in my life I ever asked for assistance.

Some time after I ceased to receive pay. I then took the official letter of the Patriotic Fund, dated October 18th, 1894, to Senator J. Hawley. He said, “Why did you not come to me before, I would have put you back.” I told him I was not able to do anything. “Then what can I do for you?” he said. I replied that I wanted a place for my wife in the Treasury. He said, “I am sorry for your sake, I do not belong to that administration, but I will get her a place.” Three days after she was employed in the Treasury till we came to England. I have never been able since the Ford Theatre disaster to do any employment. I lived in Leek, Staffordshire, for sixteen months, and the chief of police and several of the magistrates, doctors and chemists of the town, know that I was sick in bed nearly all the time, and have been sick in Nottingham this last five months, but the climate seems to agree with me better, being my own native place.

I shall ever be grateful to America. It is a Heaven for a soldier. They never want, if a good record. If they cannot work they have Soldiers Homes to retire in; better looking than any Hotel in Nottingham. If they die their relatives receive ten pound to carry them to the finest Cemetery in the world; with marble head-stone, and their graves strewn with flowers every 30th of May. Any soldier with a record can get relief and forwarded to his destination. The Americans are the finest comrades in the world, and they are the only nation that can fight side by side with the British, they would understand one another and be proper chums, while other nations do not understand one another. You would require an interpreter to understand their names; much more work together in battle.

I have attended many fires and assisted to put them out, about 1860 I went to a fire at Mr. Hollins’ mills, near Pleasley, Derbyshire, no finer mills in England. After the fire engines were on some time, I told Mr. Hollins they were on the wrong side, and he had them removed to the other side. I told him the fire was on the top story and they put up ladders to reach it. No one man seemed to be able to carry the hose and leather pipes up. I told him it would be dangerous for many to be up so high when the water was put on, it would make it too heavy for the ladder. After several tried I took it up myself, broke in the window with a hammer, put in the hose and in half an hour or less I got inside, put out the fire and went down the stairs. I then walked to Mr. Hollins’ House, their dinner was on the table, and the room full of ladies and gentlemen; no one seemed to be dining. After I told Mr. Hollins I had put out the fire, I sat down and dined. He wanted to reward me, but I would not receive anything, and he placed me on his game list. I should not speak of this, only there are plenty of ladies and gentlemen living who can bear out this statement.

About 1874, I was walking up High Street, in Ayr, N.B., I saw a great blaze in the second story of Mr. Semple’s the largest Ironmonger in the town, and in the centre of the market space. I procured a bag of salt and went up stairs with it, the oil had caught fire in a large tank; in less than ten minutes I had it out, only Robert Reed was in the room. Mr. Semple sent me a handsome present.

If I was to give my life in full it would make a book. If my health gets better I will write fuller.

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Cause of the “Charge of the 600” BY THE “MAN OF THE HOUR.”

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Footnotes

{24} In the printed booklet “1875” is printed just above the heading “THE CROSS OF VALOUR.” However, it’s been crossed through, and doesn’t agree with the date of the letter. Perhaps it was meant for 1857?—DP.