Chapter VIII: Front Matter (8)

The two kings, with their queens and attendants, departed from Paris and went to Senlis, where they made some stay. As the day for the surrender of Gamaches was near at hand, the king of England sent the earl of Warwick thither with three thousand combatants; and, according to the terms of the treaty, he entered the town on the 18th of June. Having delivered back the hostages safe and well, he received the oaths of allegiance from the inhabitants, in the name of the two kings, and then appointed sir John Felton, an Englishman, governor, with a sufficient garrison of men at arms and archers.

Having finished this business, the earl of Warwick marched for St Valery, which was in the possession of the Dauphinois. When he was near the town, he sent forward the van of his army to reconnoitre the place; but the garrison made a sally, of a hundred picked men at arms well mounted, who instantly attacked the English, and a sharp conflict ensued, in which many were killed and wounded, and some prisoners taken from the English.

While this was passing, the earl hastened the march of his army to the support of the van, which forced the Dauphinois to retreat within their town. The earl marched round part of the town with his army, and quartered some of his men in the monastery, and the rest in tents and pavilions. After this, he caused his engines to play incessantly on the walls, and damaged them in many places. With regard to the frequent sallies of the garrison, I shall, for brevity sake, pass them over; but, as the town was open to the sea, from the besiegers' want of shipping to blockade the port, the garrison and inhabitants could go whither they pleased for provisions, to Crotoy or elsewhere, to the great vexation of the earl of Warwick.

The earl sent to the ports of Normandy for vessels; and so many came that the harbour of St Valery was shut up, to the grief of the besieged, who now lost their only hope of holding out the town. In consequence, at the end of three weeks or thereabout, they made a treaty with the earl to surrender on the fourth day of September, on condition of being allowed to depart safely with their baggage, should they not be relieved before that day by the dauphin. During this time, the besieged were to abstain from making any inroads, and from foraging the county; and to deliver sufficient good hostages to the earl for the due performance of the articles of this treaty, who, after this, returned with the English to king Henry.

The king of England sent also his brother the duke of Bedford, and others of his princes, grandly accompanied, to the town of Compiègne, to receive it from the hands of the lord de Gamaches, who had promised to surrender it to the duke on the 18th day of June.

The lord de Gamaches marched from Compiègne with about twelve hundred combatants, and, under passports from the king of England, conducted them across the Seine to the dauphin. In like manner did the lord de Gamaches yield up the other forts before mentioned, according to his promises.

Thus were all the places which the Dauphinois had held between Paris and Boulogne-sur Mer subjected to the obedience of the two kings, excepting the town of Crotoy and the territory of Guise. When the duke of Bedford had received oaths of allegiance from the burghers and inhabitants of Compiègne, and nominated sir Hugh de Launoy governor thereof, he returned to his brother the king at Senlis.

At this time, ambassadors were sent by the two monarchs to sir James de Harcourt in Crotoy: they were his brother the bishop of Amiens, the bishop of Beauvais, sir Hugh de Launoy master of the cross-bows of France, with a herald from king Henry, to summon sir James to yield up the town of Crotoy to their obedience; but, notwithstanding their diligence and earnestness, they could not prevail on him to consent, nor to enter into any sort of treaty.

CHAP. LXXIX.

THE KING OF ENGLAND GOES FROM SENLIS TO COMPIEGNE.--THE CAPTURE OF THE TOWN OF SAINT DIZIER.--A CONFLICT BETWEEN THE DAUPHINOIS AND BURGUNDIANS.

At this period, the king of England went from Senlis to Compiegne to see the town. While there, he received intelligence that a plot had been formed to take the town of Paris, through the means of the wife of one of the king of France's armourers. She was discovered one morning very early by a priest who had gone to his garden without the walls, speaking earnestly with some armed men in a valley under his garden. Alarmed at what he saw, he instantly returned to the gate of Paris, told the guard what he had seen, and bade them be careful and attentive. The guard arrested the woman and carried her to prison, where she soon confessed the fact.

This intelligence made king Henry return to Paris with his men at arms, where he had the woman drowned for her demerits, as well as some of her accomplices: he then returned to the king of France at Senlis.

About this time, sir John and sir Anthony du Vergy gained the town of St Dizier in Pertois; but the Dauphinois-garrison retired to the castle, wherein they were instantly besieged. La Hire, and some other captains, hearing of it, assembled a body of men for their relief; but the two above mentioned lords, learning their intentions, collected as large a number of combatants as they could raise, and marched to oppose them; when they met, they attacked them so vigorously that they were defeated, with about forty slain on the field: the rest saved themselves by flight. After this, the lords du Vergy returned to the siege of the castle of St Dizier, which was soon surrendered to them; and they regarrisoned it with their people.

HERE FOLLOW THE COMPLAININGS OF THE POOR COMMONALTY AND LABOURERS OF FRANCE.

[_Translated by my Friend, the Rev. W. Shepherd, of Gateacre in the County of Lancaster._]

'Ah, princes, prelates, valiant lords,
Lawyers and tradesfolk, small and great!
Burghers and warriors girt with swords,
Who fatten on our daily sweat!
To labouring hinds some comfort give:
Whate'er betide, we needs must live.

But live we cannot long, we trow,
If God deny his powerful aid
Against the poor man's cruel foe,
Who doth our goods by force invade,
And, flouting us with pride and scorn,
Beareth away our wine and corn.

No corn is in our granary stored,
No vintage cheers our heavy hearts,
But once a week our wretched board
Scant fare of oaten bread imparts;
And when we raise the asking eye,
The rich from our distresses fly.

'But fly not:--think how ye offend
Who shut your ears against our cry.
And oh! some gracious succour lend,
Or else with want we surely die.
Oh hear! and on our wasted frame
Have pity, lords! in JESUS' name.

Pity our faces, pale and wan,
Our trembling limbs, our haggard eyes!
Relieve the fainting husbandman,
And Heaven will count you truly wise.
For God declares to great and small,
Who lacketh kindness, lacketh all.

All hope is lost, all trust is gone!
For when we beg from door to door,
All cry, 'God bless you!' but not one
Gives bread or meat to feed the poor.
The dogs fare better far than we,
Albeit we faithful Christians be.

Yea, Christians, sons of God we be!
Your brethren too, who trust in wealth,
And think not that at Heaven's decree
Gold disappears by force or stealth
Rich tho' ye be, to death ye bow:
Ye little wis, or when or how.

'How dare ye say, what oftentimes
Ye utter in a thoughtless mood,
That want we suffer for our crimes,
That misery worketh for our good?
For CHRIST his sake, no more say so,
But look with pity on our woe.

Our woe regard, and ne'er forget
That ye subsist upon the toil
Of weary labourers,--and yet
Their scanty goods ye daily spoil.
Yea, thus ye act, of what degree,
Estate, or rank soe'er ye be.

Be then advised, and bear in mind
That perished are our little gains,
Whilst no protecting master kind
Vouchsafes to pay us for our pains.
But if we longer thus are shent,
Believe us, lords! ye will repent.

Repent ye will, or late or soon,
If from our plaints ye turn away:
For your tall towers will tumble down,
Your gorgeous palaces decay:
Sith true it is, ye lordly great,
We are the pillars of your state.

'The pillars of your state do crack:
Your deep foundations turn to dust:
Nor have ye prop or stay, alack!
In which to put your stedfast trust.
But down ye sink without delay,
Which make us cry, 'Ah, welladay!'

Ah, welladay! ye bishops grave,
Lords of the faith of Christian folk,
Naked and bare, your help we crave,
The wretched outcasts of your flock.
For love of God, in charity
Remonstrate with the rich and proud,
That tho' they raise their heads so high,
They are maintained by the crowd,
Whose bread perforce they take away,
And make us cry, 'Ah! welladay!'

Ah, welladay! our gracious king,
The noblest prince in Christian land,
What mischiefs do their counsels bring,
Who bade thee lay thy heavy hand
On thy poor liege men!--but be wise.
God gave thee power our rights to guard:
Then listen to our doleful cries,
And deal th' oppressor's just reward;
'So shall the poor no longer say,
In grief of heart, 'Ah, welladay!'

Ah, welladay! great king of France,
Remember our unhappy lot:
Long have we borne our sad mischance,
And patient are we still, God wot!
But if you do not soon apply
Choice remedies to our distress,
Eftsoons our tens of thousands fly,
In foreign lands to seek redress.
And when from hence we haste away,
'Tis you will cry, 'Ah, welladay!'

Ah, welladay! good prince, beware;
For thoughtless kings, in days of yore,
Who for their subjects did not care,
By loss of lands were punished sore.
Are you not sworn to work our weal?
Bid, then, our sore vexations cease:
Humble the proud with prudent zeal,
And grant us safety, grant us peace:
So shall we no more need to say,
In grief of heart, 'Ah, welladay!'

'Ah, welladay! when thrice a-year,
Your surly sergeants came perforce,
And, levying tallage on our gear,
Drive from our field both cow and horse.
But yet in JESUS' name, we trow,
That scant proportion of the same
Doth to the royal coffers flow.
Then our complaints no longer blame,
Nor marvel if our piteous lay
Is burthened still with 'Welladay!'

Ah, welladay! ye lords so great,
Whose counsels guide our sovereign king,
Who rule each province of the state,
To him our tale of sorrow bring.
The keys of this fair realm you hold,
Then bid him pass the just decree,
(Assisted by his barons bold)
Which from our woes may set us free.
Thus underneath his gentle sway,
No more we'll sing, 'Ah, welladay!'

Ah, welladay! ye counts so brave,
In dread we bear your heavy thralls.
While rain pours down and winds do rave,
We stand upon your castle-walls.
'And while, with night's all-piercing dew
So numb and cold, we keep the guard,
Your captains beat us black and blue,
Swearing we sleep upon our ward.
And all because we sorrowing say,
In murmurs low, 'Ah, welladay!'

Ah, welladay! thus beaten sore,
Full many a crown we needs must pay,
To fill that maw which craves for more
While insolence oppressive sway
More bitter renders!--but is this
The claim of reason or of right?
Ah, simple are ye, well we wis,
Who proudly deal us such despite!
Simple, in sooth; or ye would say
Pitying our moan, 'Ah, welladay!'

Ah, welladay! against our will,
Thus of your captains we complain;
But sheep and lambs, and hogs they steal,
And rifle all our store of grain.
And if in pity ought they leave,
The sergeants glean the scanty dole;
And all the gear your towers receive,
For shelter, pays a grievous toll.
'The castellan, whom thus we pay,
Recks not our cry, 'Ah, welladay!'

Ah, welladay! what end of trouble!
When royal taxes are decreed,
We tillers of the land pay double,
Albeit in times of greatest need,
Your men at arms, like hungry thieves,
Prowl through our fields with sharpened eye,
And drive and slay our fattest beeves!
Or if protection ye supply,
Both gold and grain therefor we pay.
Well may we then sing 'Welladay!'

Ah, welladay! ye men at arms,
Little it boots us to complain,
Albeit ye multiply our harms,
And seize perforce our stacks of grain.
But well I wot that frost and snow
Shall be the guerdon of your crimes,
And ravenous Death shall lay you low,
As Pharaoh fell in elder times.
Then shall we smile, nor longer say
In grief of heart, 'Ah, welladay!'

'Ah, welladay! ye lawyers grave,
Your simple clients to embroil,
A subtle web of quirks ye weave,
And fill your purses by our spoil.
Thus do you, by your dark deceit,
Make wrong seem right, and right seem wrong,
While artless husbandmen ye cheat,
And all our woes and griefs prolong,
When you should join our doleful lay,
And cry with us, 'Ah, welladay!

Ah, welladay! ye burghers too,
Whom erst our rents and toils maintained:
When times were good, our jovial crew
With plenteous cheer ye entertained;
But now that loathsome poverty,
And debts, consume our squalid band,
Reckless ye view our misery,
And will not stretch the helping hand.
Thus held in scorn we sorrowing say,
In doleful dumps, 'Ah, welladay!'

Ah, welladay! ye tradesfolk all
Who sold your paltry wares so dear,
But grudged our gains so scant and small,
Whene'er ye purchased of our gear.
'Your knavery and your wicked lies,
Your tricks and violated troth
Shall surely meet their due emprise,
When God descends in vengeful wrath,
Then will ye curse your wealth, and say,
In fear of heart, 'Ah, welladay.'

Ah, welladay! ye craftsmen too,
Farriers, and wights that curry skins:
Your grinding avarice ye shall rue,
When judgment falls upon your sins.
The glibness of your glosing tongue
Has fleeced us worse than usury,
Tho' victims of your cunning wrong,
Aye doomed to meagre misery.
For you we work for wretched pay,
Which makes us cry, 'Ah, welladay!'

Ah, welladay! full well ye know,
When we have sown our yearly seed,
From driving rain, and frost and snow,
And all the vermin, wars do breed,
What ills our rising crop betide.
Alas! our hoards of pulse and corn,
The toiling peasant's joy and pride,
Those vermin to their holes have borne:
'There while they heap their stores of prey,
Well may we sigh, 'Ah, welladay!'

Ah, welladay! if sooth we sing,
Wherefore your pardon should we crave?
Our doleful state your hearts should wring,
For nought can we from pillage save.
Our sleekest beeves, our fairest kine,
Which fed us with their milky store,
Our fleecy sheep, and fatted swine,
Are vanish'd to return no more;
And when we miss them, well we may
Cry out, 'Alas! and welladay!'

Ah, welladay! can folks who wear
The form of men, and have a soul,
Behold us through the frosty air
Begging, in rags, the scanty dole;
For all is gone: the hungry Scot
And haughty Spaniard, in their turn,
Have stripped us to the skin, God wot!
And left us to lament and mourn.
Hear then our dismal tale, nor say
For nought we cry, 'Ah, welladay!'

'Oh, holy church! Oh, noble king!
Sage counsellors, and soldiers brave,
Lawyers and tradesfolk, thus we bring
To you our plaints so sad and grave.
For GOD, and for his mother's sake,
Attend with pity to our cries,
And on our state compassion take,
Else will ye see, with weeping eyes,
Your towers consumed by hostile fires;
For if ye slight our humble prayer,
Our urgent wants and just desires,
Far different letters shall declare.
But if you please, in serious mood
And kind, these presents to peruse,
God shall direct you to your good,
Nor will ye still our prayer refuse.
Then shall we cease to sigh and say,
In grief of heart, 'Ah, welladay!'

Amen! so GOD grant of his grace!'

CHAP. LXXX.

THE DAUPHIN LAYS SIEGE TO CÔNE-SUR-LOIRE.--THE EXPEDITION OF THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY FOR ITS RELIEF.--THE DEATH OF THE KING OF ENGLAND.

We must now speak of the duke of Touraine dauphin, who had assembled from divers parts an army of twenty thousand men, the greater number of which he had marched to Sancerre, where he had fixed his residence. During his stay there, he had won the town of La Charité-sur-Loire, which he regarrisoned, and had so closely besieged Cône-sur-Loire, that the garrison were constrained to capitulate with the commissaries of the dauphin for its surrender on the 6th day of August, unless the duke of Burgundy should come or send a force sufficient to combat his enemies; and for the due performance of this they gave sufficient hostages. The two dukes, of Touraine and Burgundy, mutually promised each other, by their heralds, to meet on the appointed day in battle-array for the combat.

The duke of Burgundy had before made his arrangements to return to Artois; but, in consequence of the above, he resolved to stay in Burgundy, and sent messengers to summon assistance from Flanders, Picardy and elsewhere. He sent also to the king of England, earnestly to request the aid of a certain number of his men at arms and archers, with some of his princes and chief captains. The king gave for answer, to the duke's messengers, that he would not only comply with the request they made, but would come to the duke's aid in person, and with his whole army.

Sir Hugh de Launoy, master of the cross-bows of France, was not idle in raising men in Flanders, and in the neighbourhood of Lille, and assembled great numbers. In like manner did sir John de Luxembourg, the lord de Croy, and many other captains in Picardy, who toward the end of July advanced by different roads round Paris, and marched thence through Troyes in Champagne.

On the other hand, the king of England, though in a very bad state of health at Senlis, ordered the army that was in and about Paris to march toward Burgundy, under the command of his brother the duke of Bedford, the earl of Warwick, and other princes and captains. He himself, notwithstanding his illness, took leave of his brother the king of France, of the queen, and of his own consort, whom he never after saw, and departed from Senlis to Melun, where he had himself placed in a litter, intending to join his army on the day appointed for the battle between the dauphin and the duke of Burgundy. But he daily grew so much weaker, that he was forced to return to the castle of Vincennes, where he took to his death-bed.

In the mean time, the English army, under the duke of Bedford, advanced near to Burgundy,--as did the lords of Picardy by another route. They at length came to the town of Veselay, where they found the duke of Burgundy waiting for them with a considerable army collected from all quarters. The duke received them with great joy, and feasted them grandly, more especially the duke of Bedford and the English lords, whom he gratefully thanked for the powerful succour they had brought him in his time of need.

When the junction of all these reinforcements was completed, the whole advanced toward Cône-sur-Loire, having van, centre and rear battalions, in which were intermixed English, Burgundians and Picards, so that no jealousies might arise among them, and that none of the three parties might claim any particular honour on the day of battle.

In this order they came before Cône, and there took up their quarters for the night, ready for the combat on the morrow, according to the promises of the dauphin. But the dauphin and his advisers, having heard of the immense force of the duke of Burgundy and the princes his allies, withdrew with his army to Bourges in Berry, and no person appeared for him on the appointed day.

Thus the town of Cône remained in possession of the duke of Burgundy, who marched back toward Troyes. The army suffered much from want of provision, especially bread; but when they were arrived near Troyes, they spread themselves over the low countries, which were very much oppressed by them on their going and returning.

The duke of Bedford received intelligence on the march, that his brother the king was so ill that his life was despaired of: on which the duke, and some of the most faithful of the king's household, quitted the army, and hastened to the castle of Vincennes, where they found him worse than had been told them. The duke of Burgundy, hearing this, dispatched sir Hugh de Launoy to visit him, and inquire into the state of his health.

King Henry, finding himself mortally ill, called to him his brother the duke of Bedford, his uncle of Exeter, the earl of Warwick, sir Louis de Robesart, and others, to the number of six or eight of those in whom he had the greatest confidence, and said, that he saw with grief it was the pleasure of his Creator that he should quit this world. He then addressed the duke of Bedford,--John, my good brother, I beseech you, on the loyalty and love you have ever expressed for me, that you show the same loyalty and affection to my son Henry, your nephew, and that, so long as you shall live, you do not suffer him to conclude any treaty with our adversary Charles, and that on no account whatever the duchy of Normandy be wholly restored to him. Should our good brother of Burgundy be desirous of the regency of the kingdom of France, I would advise that you let him have it; but should he refuse, then take it yourself.

'My good uncle of Exeter, I nominate you sole regent of the kingdom of England, for that you well know how to govern it; and I entreat that you do not, on any pretence whatever, return to France, and I likewise nominate you as guardian to my son,--and I insist, on your love to me, that you do very often personally visit and see him.

'My dear cousin of Warwick, I will that you be his governor, and that you teach him all things becoming his rank, for I cannot provide a fitter person for the purpose.

'I entreat you as earnestly as I can, that you avoid all quarrels and dissentions with our fair brother of Burgundy; and this I particularly recommend to the consideration of my fair brother Humphrey,--for should any coolness subsist between you, which God forbid, the affairs of this realm, which are now in a very promising state, would soon be ruined. You will be careful not to set at liberty our cousin of Orleans, the count d'Eu, the lord de Gaucourt and sir Guichart de Sisay, until our dear son shall be of a proper age; and in all other things, you will act as you shall judge for the best.'

The king having said these words, and some others, the lords replied, with grief and respect, that all he had ordered, and whatever they should think would be agreeable to him, they would execute to the utmost of their power, without altering any one thing. They were greatly affected at seeing the melancholy state he was in; and some of them left the apartment.

Sir Hugh de Launoy having accomplished the business he had been sent on by the duke of Burgundy, and having had some conversation with the king, returned to the duke. The king then sent for his physicians, and earnestly demanded of them how long they thought he had to live. They delayed answering the question directly; but, not to discourage hope, they said that it depended solely on the will of God whether he would be restored to health. He was dissatisfied with this answer, and repeated his request, begging of them to tell him the truth. Upon this, they consulted together, and one of them, as spokesman, falling on his knees, said, 'Sire, you must think on your soul; for, unless it be the will of God to decree otherwise, it is impossible that you should live more than two hours.'

The king, hearing this, sent for his confessor, some of his household, and his chaplains, whom he ordered to chaunt the seven penitential psalms. When they came to 'Benigne fac Domine,' where mention is made 'Muri Hierusalem,' he stopped them, and said aloud, that he had fully intended, after he had wholly subdued the realm of France to his obedience, and restored it to peace, to have gone to conquer the kingdom of Jerusalem, if it had pleased his Creator to have granted him longer life. Having said this, he allowed the priests to proceed, and, shortly after, according to the prediction of his physicians, gave up the ghost the last day of August.

The duke of Bedford, the other princes, and in general all the English, made loud lamentations for his death, and were truly sorry for it. Shortly after, his bowels were buried in the church of the monastery of Saint Maur des Fosses, and his body embalmed and put into a leaden coffin. During this time, the duke of Burgundy came from Braye-Comte-Robert, to Vincennes, to visit the duke of Bedford and the other princes; and having had a short conference with them went to Paris, where he was lodged in his hôtel of Artois.

The body of king Henry was carried in great funeral pomp, attended by the English princes, his household, and a multitude of other people, to the church of Nôtre-Dame, in Paris, where a solemn service was performed; after which it was conveyed to Rouen in the same state, where it remained a considerable time.

In the mean time, the princes, namely, the duke of Bedford, the duke of Burgundy, and the duke of Exeter, with other great lords, assembled in council at Paris, to deliberate on the future government of France, when it was resolved, that what had been formerly agreed to and settled between the two kings at Troyes in Champagne, for the establishment of peace, should be the ground-work of the future government. It was now publicly known, that the disorder king Henry had died of was a heat in his fundamental, very similar to what is called the disorder of St Anthony.[11]

After the princes had agreed on the future government of the kingdom, the duke of Burgundy quitted Paris, and returned, with his Picards, to Artois and Flanders; and the duke of Bedford, with the English lords, to Rouen, to regulate the affairs of that duchy. The queen of England was conducted to Rouen in great state; for she had been kept in ignorance how dangerously ill the king was, and knew not of his death until some time after it had happened.

The royal coffin was placed within a car, drawn by four large horses, having on its top a representation of the deceased monarch, of boiled leather, elegantly painted, with a rich crown of gold on the head: in his right hand a sceptre, in his left a golden ball, with his face looking to the heavens. Over the bed on which this representation lay was a coverlid of vermilion silk interwoven with beaten gold. When it passed through any towns, a canopy of silk (like to what is carried over the host on Corpus Christi day) was borne over it.

In this state, and attended by his princes, and the knights of his household, did the funeral proceed from Rouen strait to Abbeville, where the body was placed in the church of St Ulfran, with rows of priests on each side of the coffin, who day and night incessantly chaunted requiems. Masses were daily said for his soul in the churches of all the towns through which the funeral passed, from break of day until noon. From Abbeville, the procession proceeded to Hesdin, and thence to Montrieul, Boulogne and Calais. During the whole way, there were persons on either side the car, dressed in white, carrying lighted torches: behind it were his household clothed in black, and after them his relatives in tears, and dressed in mourning. At about a league distance followed the queen, with a numerous attendance. From Calais they embarked for Dover, and, passing through Canterbury and Rochester, arrived at London on Martinmas-day.

When the funeral approached London, fifteen bishops dressed in pontificalibus, several mitred abbots and churchmen, with a multitude of persons of all ranks, came out to meet it. The churchmen chaunted the service for the dead as it passed over London-bridge, through Lombard Street, to St Paul's cathedral. Near the car were the relations of the late king, uttering loud lamentations. On the collar of the first horse that drew the car were emblazoned the ancient arms of England: on that of the second, the arms of France and England quartered, the same as he bore during his lifetime: on that of the third, the arms of France simply. On that of the fourth horse were painted the arms of the noble king Arthur, whom no one could conquer: they were three crowns or, on a shield azure.

When the funeral service had been royally performed in the cathedral, the body was carried to be interred at Westminster-abbey with the kings his ancestors. At this funeral, and in regard to every thing concerning it, greater pomp and expense were made than had been done for two hundred years at the interment of any king of England; and even now, as much honour and reverence is daily paid to his tomb, as if it were certain he was a saint in paradise.

Thus ended the life of king Henry in the flower of his age, for when he died he was but forty years old.[12] He was very wise and able in every business he undertook, and of a determined character. During the seven or eight years he ruled in France, he made greater conquests than any of his predecessors had ever done. It is true, he was so feared by his princes and captains that none dared to disobey his orders, however nearly related to him, more especially his English subjects.

In this state of obedience were his subjects of France and England in general; and the principal cause was, that if any person transgressed his ordinances, he had him instantly punished without favour or mercy.

When this ceremony was over, the three estates of England assembled to consider the present state of the realm, when they unanimously elected the young son of their departed monarch king, although he was but sixteen months old, and submitted themselves to his will notwithstanding his youth. They instantly granted him a royal establishment, and agreed that he should be under the governance of the earl of Warwick.

While these things were passing, a noble knight of Picardy used a joking expression to his herald respecting king Henry, which was afterward often repeated. Sir Sarrasin d'Arly, uncle to the vidame of Amiens, who might be about sixty years of age, resided in the castle of Achere, which he had had with his wife, sister to the lord d'Offemont, near to Pas in Artois. He was laid up with the gout, but very eager in his inquiries after news of what was going on. One day his poursuivant, named Haurenas, of the same age as himself, and who had long served him, returned from making the usual inquiries; and on sir Sarrasin questioning him, and asking him if he had heard any particulars of the death of the king of England, he said, that he had, and had even seen his corpse at Abbeville, in the church of St Ulfran, and then related how he was attired, nearly as has been before described. The knight then asked him, on his faith, if he had diligently observed him? On his answering, that he had,--'Now, on thy oath, tell me,' added sir Sarrasin, 'if he had his boots on?' 'No, my lord, by my faith, he had not.' The knight then cried out, 'Haurenas, my good friend, never believe me if he has not left them in France!' This expression set the company a laughing, and then they talked of other matters.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 11: The parliamentary history says that he died of a dysentery.]

[Footnote 12: The authors of 'L'Art de Verifier les Dates' say, he was but 36 years old when he died.]

CHAP. LXXXI.

THE DUCHESS OF BURGUNDY DIES IN THE TOWN OF GHENT.--THE DUKE OF BEDFORD IS MADE REGENT OF FRANCE.--SEVERAL FORTS ARE DEMOLISHED.

During the absence of the duke of Burgundy, and while he was making his preparations for the expected battle of Cône, his duchess, daughter to the king of France and sister to the dauphin, fell ill at Ghent, and died there. All her attendants, and indeed the whole of the inhabitants of Ghent and Flanders were much grieved at her death, for she was greatly beloved by all who knew her, and adored by the subjects of her lord, duke Philip, and not without reason, for she was of high extraction, and adorned with every good qualification, as it was reported by those who from their situations, must have been perfectly acquainted with her. Her body was solemnly interred in the church of the monastery of Saint Bavon near to Ghent.

It was, however, commonly reported and believed in Ghent, that her death had been hastened; and one of her ladies called Ourse, wife to Coppin de la Viefville, born in Germany, was suspected of having done it. She had been the great confidante of the duchess, who had intrusted her signet to her, but, during her illness, had dismissed her from her service; and she had retired to the town of Aire. The municipality of Ghent sent six score men thither to arrest and bring her back; but, on their arrival at Aire, they were met by sir Gauvain de la Viefville, and some other gentlemen of name, friends to her husband, who promised to deliver her up to the duke of Burgundy, for him to deal with her as he pleased. On receiving a solemn promise to this purpose, the Ghent men returned to their town; but the municipality were very angry that their orders had not been obeyed, and confined several of them prisoners. They were also much displeased with the mayor, sheriffs and jurats, for not having delivered up the said Ourse, according to their mandate.

Notwithstanding the lord de Roubaix had never quitted the duke since he first set out for Burgundy, the Ghent men banished him their town and Flanders, believing him to be concerned in the above business. When the duke returned, he restored to him his lands, and soon after made his peace with those of Ghent; for he had not the least suspicion of the lord de Roubaix, knowing that he had never left his company.

Thus ended this affair, and nothing more was done in it, nor were any further inquiries made.

By authority from the kings of France and of England, and their grand council, the duke of Bedford was appointed regent of France, in consequence of the duke of Burgundy not wishing to undertake that office.

A little prior to this, the following castles had been razed to the ground by royal command, namely, the castle of Muyn, Cressensac, Mortemer, Tilloy, Araines, Hericourt, Louvroy, and others, to the great vexation of their owners,--but they could not any way prevent its being done.

END OF VOL. V.

H. Bryer, Printer, Bridge-street,
Blackfriars, London.

NOTES AND EMENDATIONS.

Page 11. line 25. _Bourbon._] Charles, eldest son of John duke of Bourbon, prisoner in England.

Page 12. line 15. _Bar._] Named Guy de Bar in the list of officers of the crown.

Page 14. line 11. _Rieux._] Peter, marshal de Rieux, third son of John lord of Rieux and Rochefort, who died marshal in 1417. His brothers were, John III. lord de Rieux, Giles, and Michael lord of Chasteauneuf.

Page 17. line 14. _Crevecoeur._] James de Crevecoeur, lord of Thois, Thiennes, &c. gentleman to the duke of Burgundy, son of John lord of Crevecoeur and Blanche de Saveuse, and educated to arms under Robert de Saveuse.

Page 18. line 8. _Roye._] John III. lord of Roye, son of Matthew lord of Roye, mentioned by Froissart.

Page 18. line 15. _Ventadour._] James count de Ventadour, grandson of Bernard, in whose favour the viscounty was enlarged into a county. It was a very ancient family descended from the viscounts of Comborn of the tenth century, and the yet older counts of Quercy.

Page 26. line 11. _L'Isle-Adam._] John de Villiers, lord of l'Isle-Adam.

Page 26. line 12. _Chastellus._] Claud de Beauvoir, lord of Chastellus, brother of George de Chastellus, admiral in 1420.

Page 26. line 13. _Mailly._] I do not find the name of Mailly in the catalogue of grand butlers; but John de Neufchastel, lord of Montagu, seems to have enjoyed the office from this year 1418.

Page 26. line 14. _Lens._] Charles de Rècourt, lord of Lens, admiral in 1418.

Page 46. last line. _Orange_.] John de Châlons, lord d'Arlay, and prince of Orange in right of his wife Mary des Baux. He was succeeded in his estates by his son Louis, surnamed The Good, and in his office of _grand chambrier de France_ by William lord of Chasteau-vilain.

Page 48. line 6. _Mommor._] Q. Montmaur?

Page 50. line 9. _Cohen._] John de Berghes, lord of Cohen, grand huntsman of France.

Page 51. line 5. _Château-villain._] William lord of Chasteau-villain, grand chambrier de France.

Page 74. line 5. _Monstieriller._] Montivilliers.

Page 74. line 6. _Argues._] Arques.

Page 74. line 7. _Monchaulx._] Q. Chaumont?

Page 74. line 10. _Abrechier._] Q. Evreux?

Page 74. line 12. _Nogondouville._] Q. Nonancourt?

Page 74. line 13. _Logempré._] Q. Louviers?

Page 77. line 6. _La Hire._] Stephen Vignole, called La Hire, a distinguished partizan of the dauphin, and a soldier of fortune.

Page 100. line 15. _Sir Archambault de Saxe, the lord de Nouaille._] Q. Is not this one person, Archambaud de Foix, lord of Noailles?

Roger Bernard II. viscount of Chateaubon married Giraud, lady of Noailles, and had issue Matthew count of Foix, who died s. p. and Isabel, married to Archambaud de Greilly, afterwards count of Foix. This Archambaud died in 1412, leaving issue, 1 John count of Foix; 2 Gaston captal de Buche; 3. Archambaud lord of Noailles, killed at the bridge of Montereau faut Yonne. He left only a daughter, married to the viscount of Carmain.

Page 100. line 19. _Bauffremont._] Bauffremont, an ancient fief of Champagne, in the house of Montagu by marriage. Peter de Bauffremont, lord of Charny and knight of the Golden Fleece, married Mary, a legitimated bastard of Philip the good.

Page 107. line 14. _Captal de Buch._] Gaston, second son to Archambaud count of Foix, rewarded for his services to the English with the earldom of Longueville, 7 H. 5. and of Benanges, 4 H. 6. His son John de Foix, being also attached to the English, married a niece of William de la Pole, duke of Suffolk, and became earl of _Kendal_ (called by the French _Candale_.) Both father and son were knights of the Garter.

Page 115. last line. _Barne_.] La Baûme. Jacques de la Baûme Montreval was grand master of the cross-bows from 1418 to 1421.

Page 116. line 6. _Vergy._] Anthony du Vergy, afterwards count of Dammartin.

Page 116. line 7. _D'Ancre._] Ancre. Q. If not Autrey? John du Vergy, lord of Autrey, was certainly present at this conference.

Page 118. line 1. _Giac._] This lady of Giac was the favourite mistress of the duke of Burgundy; and her treason, which Monstrelet hints, is expressly charged by the historians of Burgundy, who give her the name of Dalila. At the siege of Montereau, she was punished by the loss of all her property, and reduced to the extremes of poverty.

Page 156. line 16. _Huntingdon._] John Holland, son of John earl of Huntingdon and duke of Exeter, beheaded in 1 H. 4. He was restored to the earldom of Huntingdon in 4 H. 5., and in 11 H. 6. was created duke of Exeter, with precedence over all the nobility except the duke of York. He died in 25 H. 6. and was succeeded by his son Henry, who died in banishment. After the death of the first duke of Exeter, his widow, Elizabeth, sister of king Henry IV. and mother of the earl of Huntingdon here mentioned, married for her second husband sir John de Cornewal, who was afterwards summoned to parliament by the title of lord Fanhope, 11 H. 6.

Page 164. line 13. _Roos._] John lord Roos of Hamlake, who for his services obtained a grant of the lordship of Bacqueville, in Normandy, from Henry V.,--but he was never marshal of England. Probably the sentence ought to run thus: 'the lord Roos, the marshal of England,' (viz. John lord Mowbray, afterwards earl of Nottingham and Norfolk) 'and sir Louis de Robesart.'

Page 164. line 15. _Robesart._] Sir Louis de Robesart was son of John de Robesart, who also served king Henry, and was rewarded with the lordship of St Sauveur le Vicompte in Normandy. He was heir to the famous canon de Robesart so often mentioned by Froissart. Louis afterwards married Elizabeth, daughter and heir of Bartholomew lord Bourchier, and was called to parliament by that title. He died in 9 H. 6. He was a knight of the Garter.

Page 169. line 1. _Mailly._] These were four brothers, the sons of John Maillet de Mailly, lord of St Huyn; first, Robert de Mailly, called Robinet, grand butler, killed as here described; second, John de Mailly, master of requests, &c. &c.; third, Colard de Mailly lord of Blangy, seneschal of the Vermandois; fourth, Ferry de Mailly, frequently mentioned among the Burgundians of this period. This family was a branch of the stock of the lords de Mailly, killed at Agincourt.

Page 200. line 7. _Pierre._] Q. If not William de Chaumont, lord of Guitry, counsellor and chamberlain to the king, and captain of Sens and Auxerre? He was made count de Chaumont, and grand master of waters and forests, in 1424, by Charles VII. His son Charles was killed at the battle of Verneuil in 1423.

Page 209. line 1. _His brother-in-law._] Louis, called also Barbatus, second son of the emperor Rupert, elector-palatine of the Rhine, married Blanche, daughter of Henry IV. by whom he had issue only one son, Rupert, who died childless. Duke Louis afterwards married again, and had a son who succeeded to the electorate.

Page 213. line 12. _Louis._] Louis was invited by Sforza, constable of Naples, and the chief of one of the factions which divided the government. Giannoné, lib. 25. c. 3.

Page 249. line 12.] The events of the ensuing chapter will be better explained by Genealogical Tables.