Chapter XXII: Conclusion: Of the Second Punic War (7)

We must, however, accept with caution the accounts of the rejoicings that are described as attending the dictatorship of one who had so completely subjugated his country, that murder or banishment, without trial, had become the certain fate of every one who should venture to express the smallest disapprobation of any of his measures. Nothing is easier than for one who has a drawn sword ready for every hostile throat, to style himself the "father of his country," and to exercise the ancient privilege of paternity by taking the lives of such of his children as might rebel against his parental authority. It was easy to decree a thanksgiving of fifty days, and to obtain its outward observance, when instant death at the hands of a mercenary might be the fate of any one expressing a doubt as to having much to be grateful for. The statues of the usurper were placed in all the temples; but this was no test of true popularity; for if an armed band should break into our house, take forcible possession of all its contents, rob us of all we possess, and spend a portion of the proceeds in placing a bust of the head of the banditti in our principal apartments, it would be no proof of his being a favourite of ours. He decreed himself imperator, or Emperor, for life,--a proceeding no less impudent than that of a burglar, who, having broken into our premises, calls himself the landlord of the property. He declared his own person sacred--a poor consolation for a tyrant who knows that there is a curse which must eventually be brought terribly down upon all injustice and iniquity. He seized upon half the magistracies, as his own private property, to be given away by himself; and he virtually seized upon the other half, by claiming the nomination of the candidates. He was, in fact, supreme and sole master of the Republic; and without any one of the conditions which are absolutely essential to the permanency of power. His usurpation had neither law, morality, justice, nor reason--nor even that hollowest of all mockeries, expediency--to rest upon. The first utterance of the public voice, when free to speak, must have overwhelmed him with one shout of indignant execration; and the first movement of the popular arm, when freed from its ignoble paralysis, must have hurled him from power.

Some supporters of the miserable and unprincipled fallacy, that the end justifies the means, have pointed to some of Cæsar's salutary acts, as an excuse for his usurpation; but that right can never result from wrong, is shown in the fate which the Dictator soon met with. His aim was evidently the monarchy; and his adherent, Antony, caused a statue of Cæsar to be crowned; when two Tribunes seeing the diadem, and perceiving that there was an intention of trying it on, ordered it to be taken off again. The Dictator of the republic was so offended at this outrage on the symbols of monarchy, that he was on the point of putting the Tribunes to death, when it was suggested to him that exile might do as well, and he accordingly sent them into banishment.

It is one of the numerous penalties of iniquity, that its own example may be followed in opposition to itself; and that he who uses lawlessness and violence to attain his ends, may find them conducing to his own, in a sense he had not expected. The sentiments which, in contact with the open air of freedom, form the wholesome breath of public opinion, can never be stifled and pent up, without generating the foul and dangerous vapours of conspiracy. This noxious poison speedily forms itself among an enslaved people, and an explosion eventually takes place, which removes a load of oppression, and clears the political atmosphere.

A conspiracy had been for some time forming against Cæsar's life; and a band of about sixty, headed by M. Brutus and C. Cassius, had resolved on his downfall. The Dictator kept continually aiming at the crown, which he might perhaps have worn in dignity and safety, had he sought to gain it by honest means; for the nation had become so heartily sick of the alternate farce and tragedy of a Republic, that the necessity for some permanent authority based on law was on all hands admitted. He had, however, tried to effect his object by the cunning of a knave, the audacity of a thief, and the inhumanity of a butcher.

When a sovereign is really wanted, much may be done for a candidate who has circumstances, seconded by prudence, honour, and ability, on his side; but that crown is not worth an hour's purchase which is seized by force, fraud, and cruelty. The last trick of Cæsar, in trying to turn his usurpation into a right, was a pretence that the Sibylline books, having declared the Parthians could be conquered by none but a king, it was necessary to make him one. The Senate was to meet to consider the matter, on the 15th of March, in Pompey's Curia, where now stands the Palazzo Massimi. The professional augurs had already begun to prophesy, on the strength of those shadows which precede coming events; and Cæsar was so puffed up with self-conceit, and the people had been so long his abject slaves, that he had almost learned to believe the world would never throw off the atom that had got to the top of it. His wife had, it is said, an unfavourable dream, on the day previous to the meeting; but Cæsar smiled at her warnings, and told her that her night-mare proceeded from some ridiculous mare's nest. Cæsar walked down to the house of assembly, chatting arm-in-arm with the Consul, Decimus Brutus. Seeing in the crowd an augur, who had told him to beware of the Ides of March, Cæsar observed, smiling, "Well, here they are; and here am I;" to which, "Wait till they are gone, and then where are you?" was the only reply of the soothsayer.

The secret of the conspiracy, which had been hitherto well kept, now began to ooze out in all directions; and nearly everybody that Cæsar met thrust a paper into his hand, or dropped a whisper into his ear; but he would read and listen to nothing.

The Senators rose on his entrance; and when he took his seat the conspirators got round about him, until one of them, Metellus Cimber, came rather intrusively to close quarters, with a petition. Cæsar gave him a slight push, as a hint to him to keep his distance; and Cimber, as if to catch himself, took hold of the Dictator's toga, which was the signal agreed upon. Casca instantly stabbed him in the neck, when Cassius followed up the blow with a poke in the ribs; and Brutus had raised his hand with a dagger in it, when Cæsar exclaiming, "_Et tu, Brute!_"--And you!--you, Brute!--staggered to the foot of Pompey's statue, that he might form a _tableau_ as he expired.

The republic was now virtually, if not nominally, at an end, though a faint struggle was still made by the murderers of Cæsar, who ran through the streets, proclaiming that they had killed a king, but obtained no praise for the achievement. Antony, on the other hand, created an immense sensation, by exhibiting the identical toga in which Cæsar had fallen, and thrusting his ten fingers through twice as many large holes, which he declared had been made by the assassins' daggers. Not satisfied with making the most of Cæsar's wardrobe, Antony appropriated the money of the deceased; and while the widow was wrapped in grief, with her face buried in her hands, her late husband's friend was carrying off all he could lay his hands upon. Antony had been at once grasping and prodigal, giving away with one hand what he had snatched with the other; and buying at a liberal price what he had no means of paying for.

His rival in the contest for the supreme power was Octavius, the son of a daughter of Cæsar's sister, and who, with no other qualification than that of nephew to his uncle, had the impudence to claim absolute dominion over a great but broken-spirited nation. This individual was without character or courage; and though afraid to be left in the dark, he was still more afraid of the light; for he felt that his own actions would not bear looking at. His cowardice had the usual effect upon him, for it made him cruel; and though there was nothing but his name to make him a favourite with the army, he had betrayed the soldiers into the disgrace of turning their arms on their fellow-citizens. By a constant use of the name of his uncle, he succeeded in cozening a people who sought only permanence in their institutions; and Antony being ultimately subdued, more by his own feebleness as a voluptuary, than by the strength of his opponent, an empire fell into the hands of Octavius. He was invested with the title of Imperator for life; and he retained his position till his death--a circumstance to be attributed to the conviction that had been brought home to the popular mind, that the constant changing of the head of a State is a source of constant danger to the peace and happiness of the whole community.

FOOTNOTES:

[75] Those who doubt the accuracy of this description, may consult Plutarch's "Life of Crassus."

[76] This story of the mattress, though gravely told, is somewhat doubtful, and is hardly worth the straw involved in it.

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_The contents of each Volume of the "Miscellanies" are also published in separate Parts, at various prices, as follows:_--

VOL I.
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A SHABBY GENTEEL STORY 1 6
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WORKS ON GARDENING AND BOTANY.

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CHARLES KNIGHT'S

POPULAR HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

The Publishers of this Work have to announce a change in its mode of issue. The necessity for this change rests upon the following representation of the Author, which appears to the Publishers as conclusive as they trust it will be satisfactory to the Public.

"I have been occupied," says Mr. Knight, "during nearly five
years, in writing the Popular History of England, for Monthly
Publication. With three exceptions it has appeared regularly
during that period; and has now reached to Fifty-three Numbers,
bringing up the narrative to 1793. I now find it
impossible,--in the first place, with a proper regard to my own
health, and, secondly, with an anxious desire to complete my
book in a way to justify the favour with which it has been
received,--to proceed with a _Monthly_ Publication. The
pressure of a periodical issue, with so short an interval
between each publication, has become incompatible, according to
my view, with a due regard to the research and thought which
are necessary to deal with the vast accumulation of materials
for history since the period of the French Revolution. The
difficulty which now presses upon my responsibility for
accuracy and impartiality has not been felt by me in the
earlier stages of my undertaking, when the field of
investigation was more limited. It has now become so onerous as
to demand a decisive change.

"I propose, therefore, that it should be announced that the
publication in Monthly Numbers will be discontinued, and
therefore that a Number will not appear on the 1st of October.

"That the quantity required to complete Vol. VII. will be
published as a Part, or Section in the month of January, 1861,
simultaneously with the publication of the Volume.

"That Volume VIII., completing the work, will be published in
the course of 1861; and, for the convenience of purchasers,
will be divided into two Parts, or Sections."

In making this announcement the Publishers have only to add, that on the appearance of each of the Parts, or Sections, the Work will also be on sale in the usual form of Shilling Numbers.

* * * * *

☞ _The Six Volumes of the_ POPULAR HISTORY OF ENGLAND, _which are now completed, bring down the narrative from the Invasion of Cæsar to the close of the American War. The first Four Volumes, forming the First Division of the Work, carry down the history to the Revolution of 1688, and are published with a copious Index. The Second Division, commencing with Volume V., will come down to that period of the reign of her present Majesty which has become a constitutional epoch in the important change of the commercial policy of the country. The price of each Volume is 9s._

BRADBURY & EVANS, 11, BOUVERIE STREET, FLEET STREET, E.C.

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Transcriber's Notes

Numerous errors in punctuation (mostly missing periods) have been silently corrected. Otherwise, the somewhat eccentric use of punctuation has been left untouched.

The following typographical errors have been corrected:

"Publiliu" (p. xi): corrected to "Publilius"; "educa-" (p.6): corrected to "education"; "isin" (p. 38): corrected to "nisi"; "vain for his recal" (p. 43): corrected to "vain for his recall"; "it it is said" (p. 94): corrected to "it is said"; "Romans to continuue (p. 117): corrected to "Romans to continue"; "Hasbrubal" (p. 190): corrected to "Hasdrubal"; "to day" (p. 241): corrected to "to-day"; "Sertorious" (p. 277): corrected to "Sertorius"; "ttifled" (p. 297): corrected to "stifled".

There are many examples of words with two spellings: one with a hyphen and one without; this seems often to be deliberate (and often for humorous purpose) and they have therefore been left unchanged (e.g. dis-gusted and disgusted; Ro-man and Roman).

There is no consistency in the use of the æ ligature. For example, Both Æmilius and Aemilius, Præneste and Praeneste are found. These inconsistencies have been left unaltered.

Similarly the spelling Maximùs, which appears in a footnote on p. 16, has been left unaltered, although the spelling elsewhere is Maximus.

Text in bold is indicated by =bold=.

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