Chapter XVII: A Catalogue Of The Laws Against Catholics Made By Queen (12)

The same to the same, July 3, 1606. “I have not as yet received
from England from any of our Fathers; only John Powell, the
interpreter of the Spanish Ambassador, relateth what passed at the
execution of Father Garnett, upon the 13th May Stylo Novo and the
3rd Stylo Vetere. He hath given exceeding satisfaction to all
sorts, and much confounded our enemies of the one sort and other.
He was drawn according to the usual manner to Paul’s Churchyard
upon a hurdle and straw; his arms were not bound neither when he
was executed. Such concourse of people as hath not been seen....
The Spanish Ambassador would not remain in London that day; he
hath got his shirt, and some of his blood is sent to Spain, which
I have seen here, also his apparel is gotten, as I hear. Here now
is Richard Fulwood, who telleth me that Father Gerard is very sick
at St. Omers; that said you would have him come to Rome. I fear me
that journey will kill him.”

Father Gerard quickly rallied from his sickness, for in less than a fortnight after this he wrote from Brussels to Father Persons, under the pseudonym of Fr. Harrison. The letter is so characteristic of the man that, though long, we give it in full, from the original at Stonyhurst (_Angl. A._, vol. vi).

“July 15, 1606.

“Jesus. Maria.

“Pax C.ti.

“Most dear and respected Father,

“I have received your letters of the —— last, wherein you show
your fatherly care and undeserved love unto me, as were sufficient
to bind unto you any grateful heart, although he were not tied
with former obligations. But I am so much and so many ways bound
unto you before by favours of the highest kind, that these do only
tie me unto you with new knots, though I was before so wholly
yours and so firmly tied that sincerely I had rather not to be
than be untied. I beseech you, sir, that you will be pleased to
present my humble duty unto Father General, in whose favour though
your good word do procure me that place which I can no ways
deserve, yet this I hope you may promise for me, that I will now
begin to do my best endeavours, that I may be framed in all things
as is fit for a child of that most holy family whereof he hath the
care, that both by my voice and hands he may acknowledge me for
his child, the better to deserve the blessing of so great and good
a father. I would now acknowledge my duty by letters, but that I
am ashamed of my Latin, and loath to trouble with so rude lines,
unless there were further occasion or that you thought it needful.
But I hope to come and do my duty in person so soon that it will
not be necessary to signify it by letters. I will stay as you
appoint until I have your letters for my coming forward, and in
the meantime will not be solicitous one whit, having no desire in
the world whereof I would not most willingly leave the whole care
unto you, and indeed desiring to have no other desires but yours
so far as I may be able to discern them, after that I have
expressed my reasons as I know you would have me to do, and after
that you know me better and my many great wants, which, that they
may be more exactly known unto you, makes me so desirous to be
with you for some time, howsoever it may please you to dispose of
me afterwards. And if the chief cause why you think it best for me
to stay awhile in these parts be for that you would have me secret
as yet, and especially not to be seen with you there whilst the
appellants are negotiating their uncharitable accusations of their
brethren, then I suppose you will think I may be fully as secret
there as here, if I be first wary in my coming into the town and
then be your prisoner for some time (which I most desire), and
then go to St. Andrew’s, without visiting any holy places and
being seen in the town until you think it convenient. And because,
in my second and third letters, I expressed my earnest desire of
this private course at my first coming, I suppose I shall hear
from you in your next letter or the next but one, that you think
best I come forward, unless you wish my stay for some other
reasons than the desire of my being secret. I grant I might
perform my desire of some time of recollection either in Louvain
or in the new House if it go forwards, under Father Talbot; but I
have many reasons why I desire first to be with you for some time,
which I think you would allow of if you knew them. And I would be
glad also if it might be to begin in St. Andrew’s, to draw there
some lively water out of the chiefest fountain, and this rather in
the winter than to come the next spring, because I much fear my
health if I be there in the heats. But after I have been there for
some time, for so long time as you shall think it convenient that
I stay in that school, I shall be glad to be Father Talbot’s
Minister here, or to have some office of action under him, if my
health do require any exercise of body. I hear there is one
prepared for Minister that is very fit, but I could have care of
the Church, and then perhaps should get some stuff to furnish it
from some friends of mine in England; or I could have care of the
garden, for I am excellent at that (if you will permit me to
praise myself), for that was much of my recreation in England, and
I hope my brother will witness with me that he hath seen a good
many plants of my setting and tasted the fruit of some of them.
But indeed, dear Father, if it may stand with your liking, I would
be very glad to see you and be with you for some days before I
settle anywhere, how private soever my abode there be, either at
the first or for the whole time of my stay, as yourself shall see
it best. As for the settling of any with my friends, I have done
it before my departure, leaving my old companion and dear friend,
Father Percy, in the place where I was, who is so much esteemed
and desired by them as none can be likely to be more profitable.
Most of my other special friends I commended partly to Father
Antony [Hoskins], and partly to him, both which are most grateful
to all my friends and acquaintance, and indeed I know not any two
there that, in my simple opinion, better deserve it. As concerning
Father Roger Lee’s going into England, if you please that I write
justly that I think, there be divers reasons for which I think it,
at this time, very inconvenient. First, in that he is so
profitable where he is, that it will not be easy to find another
will do so much good in that place; and, in one word to express my
opinion, for ought I see, the most good of the House, both for
external discipline and for progress in spirit, dependeth upon his
care and effectual industry, wherein I should think it more
needful to provide him more helpers of like desires and practical
endeavours (who would conspire with him and have talents to effect
both with the good Rector and with the scholars, that which they
should together find to be most expedient). The Fathers which be
there do very well, but all are not of like apprehensions and
proceedings, and I suppose if yourself did see all particulars,
you would think Father Roger to be a strong helper to the good of
that House, and that it would nourish much if it had some others
of his like. I know not where to name one upon the sudden, unless
it be Father Henry Flud [Floyd], whose zeal and practical
proceedings I think would be very profitable for that House, if he
may be spared, and truly in my opinion upon the good of that House
dependeth much the good and quiet of the other Colleges, besides
much edification to many, both friends and enemies, unto whom this
is a continual spectacle.

“But besides this reason (which alone I take to be sufficient) I
wish Father Roger’s stay for the good he may hereafter do in
England, which I do hope will be great, and therefore great pity
it should now be lost before the fruit of so likely a tree can
come to ripeness. For, sir, yourself can better judge that none
can be much profitable in England until he have gotten
acquaintance there, and until his acquaintance by their trial of
him have gotten a great opinion and estimation of him, which then
they will spread from one to another, and every one will bring his
friend, who upon hearing will be desirous to try, but after trial
will say unto the friend that brought him, ‘_Jam non propter
sermonem tuum credimus sed ipsi_,’ &c. By this means one shall
have, after some continuance, more acquaintances and devoted
friends than he can satisfy, and more business in that kind than
he can turn his hands unto; but this is supposing he may at the
first go up and down to get this acquaintance, and to be so known
unto many; and until he have means so to do, if he have never so
good talents, yet he shall not do so much good as a meaner person
that is better acquainted. Now in this time I do verily think, if
the laws be put in execution, there will be no means at all to get
acquaintance, but the best acquainted shall have difficulty to
help his known friends, and to be helped by them with safe places
of abode as [I have declared at] large in my last letters, and
they must lie much still and private and do [good part of] their
[work by means of le]tters. Therefore, although I know Father
Roger would be as much esteemed of my special friends as any that
could be sent (unless my brother [probably Sir Oliver Manners]
“had served his apprenticeship and were made a journeyman, for of
his skill and workmanship in framing the best wedding garment
there is great and general hope conceived) yet, things staying as
they do in England, and Father Roger so well acquainted now with
the place where he is, and thereby also more profitable there than
a stranger could be, although as fit for the place as himself
(which truly I think will be hard to find) my friends also being
already furnished in England: these reasons move me to think it
neither needful nor best that Father Roger go thither as yet:
which yet in a more quiet time I shall be bold to beg for, if I
see the College where he is so furnished that without great loss
it might want him. I find Father Roger desirous of England if it
were thought best, but wholly desirous to do that which yourself
do think most convenient, but when I urge him to speak his very
thoughts whether he do not think the College would be at want, he
cannot deny but that the College hath need rather of more than
less help, and surely I think if it were another’s case of whom he
might with humility acknowledge how profitable he is, I do think
he would absolutely do his best to hinder it as I do.”

“For the answer to your questions, though in my last long letters
I did in part answer to most of them before I received yours, yet
now I will briefly again set down my opinion to the several
points, Father Baldwin having written of them in his last, I being
at St. Omers; but now I am come to him, being advised by the
physician there to go to the Spa for the drying up of my rheum,
which here I shall take further counsel of, how far it is needful,
and whether the great rains have not made the waters of less
force. I am here private, and more private than I could be at St.
Omers whilst the banished Priests are passing by. I think I shall
hear within two or three posts your further pleasure; if not, I
will return and then begin to talk with the youths there, or do
any service I can as you appointed in your last. In the meantime,
with many humble thanks for your many undeserved favours, I rest
this 15th of July.

“Your Rev. son and servant wholly to command,

“FR. HARRISON.”

Address—“Al molto Rev. in Christo Padre, il Padre Roberto
Parsonio, Rettore del Collegio delli Inglesi, Roma.”

To these we must add an extract from a letter of Father Persons dated December 29, 1606, and evidently written while Father Gerard was at Tivoli (Stonyhurst MSS., _P._, vol. ii., f. 447). “The man you name, to wit, Ger[ard] passed this way some months gone, but made little or no abode, lest offence might be taken thereat, only I can say that during the few days which he remained he gave great edification for his behaviour and sundry great testimonies of his rare virtue, but most of all of his innocency concerning that crime whereof he was imputed in the proclamation, about which himself procured that his General should judicially examine in presence of divers witnesses, commanding him _in virtute sanctæ obedientiæ_ to utter the truth therein to his Superior, whereupon he swore and protested that he was wholly innocent therein, which the rest of his behaviour doth easily make probable. I shall cause him to be advertised by the first commodity of the note you write about his friends.”

P. ccviii.—As Father Gerard certainly left Belgium in 1622, and therefore could not have been in the Tertianship at Ghent in 1624, there must be a mistake in the name of the Father who reconciled to the Church James, Lord Maltravers, in the July of that year, as related in the _Life of Anne Countess of Arundel_ (p. 232). It is there said that “before his death he was so fortunate as to be visited by Father John Gerard, a Priest of the Society, who, together with others, lived there” [at Ghent] “in the house which his grandmother a little before had erected.... By that Father he was in fine reconciled to the Holy Church.”

P. 240.—James Garney, servant to Sir Everard Digby, “confesseth the journey to St. Winifred’s Well and the particular places where they lay, and that Darcy [Father Garnett] and Fisher [Father Percy] were with them, and the whole company thirty horse” (Montacute Papers, f. 52).

Pp. 240 and 254.—Father Ouldcorne in his letter to the Privy Council (P. R. O., _Gunpowder Plot Book_, n. 214) says respecting the verse of the hymn of All Saints: “Also he [Father Garnett] told me they charged him with a prayer that he should pen or make against the beginning of this Parliament: but he said that he denied that ever he penned or made any such. ‘Perhaps’ (said he), ‘they have heard that sometimes this summer I have wished Catholics to pray, for that we had cause to fear there would be more severe laws made against us this Parliament than had been as yet. Or else they have heard how sometimes upon occasions I have told how Cardinal Allen had got an indulgence of Gregory XIII. for all those that did devoutly for the conversion of England say that verse which is in the hymn of All-Hallow Day, _Gentem auferte perfidam_, &c., and the Psalm lxxviii., _Deus venerunt gentes_.’ ”

P. 306.—Father Garnett to Anne Vaux from the Tower (P. R. O., _Gunpowder Plot Book_, n. 245). “Mr. Hall [Father Ouldcorne] dreamed that Father General would have him and me professed. He said that I was professed already. ‘Yea,’ quoth he, ‘but I will have him professed of ten or eleven vows more.’ And there were provided two fair tabernacles or seats for us. And so he awaked, and falling asleep again, had the same dream.” Anne Vaux to Father Garnett (_ibid._, n. 246). “Mr. Hall his dream had been a great comfort, if at the foot of the throne there had been a place for me. God and you know my unworthiness. I beseech you help me with your prayers.”

A NARRATIVE OF THE GUNPOWDER PLOT.

Jesus Maria. The Preface.

The blessed Apostle, Master, and Teacher of us Gentiles, instructing the Romans in the cause and means of their salvation, affirmeth, that God hath ordained we must be conformed to the image of His Son, our Lord and Saviour Jesus, “Et quos præscivit (saith he) et prædestinavit conformes fieri imaginis filii sui.”(230) Upon which place St. Jerome and other Doctors do teach that it is the will of God, both in this life and in the next, to frame and fashion us both in grace and glory unto that most perfect pattern.

So that if we will reign with Christ, we must expect to suffer with Him in the way unto His Kingdom, “si compatimur et conglorificabimur: si commortui sumus et convivemus; si sustinebimus et conregnabimus.”(231) Yea, with that condition we are accepted, and in that measure we must look to be rewarded, ut “sicut socii passionum sumus, sic simus et consolationis.”(232)

This, therefore, hath been the course and manner of proceeding of Almighty God with His elected servants; even from the beginning, and will continue unto the end of the world. So when there were but two men born upon the earth, and those brethren, yet one did persecute the other, the wicked did kill the innocent. The Patriarchs had all their several probations, and lived but as pilgrims in the world; the Prophets sustained many persecutions, and sundry of them were put to cruel deaths for avouching the truth. The best and chosen part of God’s servants towards the end of the Old Testament were proved and purged with many tribulations, they were diversely tormented and slaughtered in such manner as that saying of the Prophet David was justly applied unto them, “Carnes sanctorum tuorum et sanguinem ipsorum effuderunt in circuitu Jerusalem, et non erat qui sepeliret.”(233) And St. Paul doth reckon up in few words the many pressures both of those and other Saints of the Old Testament, saying, “Lapidati sunt, secti sunt, in occisione gladii mortui sunt, circuierunt in melotis,” etc.(234)

So that this being the case and condition of the servants and Saints of God even before the law of grace, much more may we expect, and it will be expected at our hands, that seeing now our King and Captain, Christ Jesus, doth go before us with a Cross, we should all, and each of us in particular, both willingly and joyfully take up our crosses and follow Him: seeing Truth Himself came down from Heaven to lead us by Himself this way unto life everlasting, good reason we should follow Him in the same path, “quia nemo venit ad Patrem nisi per eum.”(235) If Christ did confirm it by many scriptures, “quod oportebat Christum pati, et sic intrare in gloriam suam,”(236) much more must we contend to enter in at the same gate, although it be narrow and strait, especially seeing we enter not into our own but into His glory. And it were a monstrous thing that the head should go in at one door, and the parts of the body in at another; neither can it be so, unless the parts be divided from the head, and consequently not quickened with the same spirit that giveth life to the body, than which nothing in this world should be so dreadful.

This made the Apostles willingly to accept of that portion which Christ did leave them, as it were, for an inheritance in this world, when he said, “In mundo pressuram habebitis,” and again, “plorabitis et flebitis vos, mundus autem gaudebit, vos autem contristabimini;”(237) that knowing well, that His promise was most assured, and that their sorrow should be turned in gladness, “et hoc gaudium nemo tolleret ab eis.”(238)

The same lesson have all the Saints of God learned and in all ages have practised. The vineyard of Christ was watered for 300 years together with continual showers of blood running abundantly out of the holy veins of slaughtered martyrs, from whence, although there did rise a plentiful harvest of famous conversions and gain of souls, and at the last succeeded the peace and propagation of the Church, in so much that crowns and sceptres of Kings and Emperors were submitted unto it, yet did not Peter’s ship sail long with a prosperous gale, though Christ were in the ship, Who would not suffer it to sink; for He did sleep again, and suffer the bark to be tossed with many furious storms by Arians and other succeeding heretics who rising in several ages did impugn the verity of our Christian faith, as before the heathens had fought against the divinity of the Father, so then the Arians against the divinity and equality of the Son, and others in their times and turns against the several articles of the Creed, until the Grecians raised war also against the third principal part thereof, denying the procession of the Holy Ghost from the Son; and lastly, now, towards the end of the world, the heretics of our age, Luther and his progeny, do perfect that imperfect work, and fight against God’s truth in the last articles of the Creed with all their force. Wherein, although the fury of their raging waves do beat in vain against the ship of Christ, against which “nec portæ inferi prævalebunt,”(239) yet is the ship in the meantime in the midst of the storm, “motus autem magnus factus est in mari et navicula operitur fluctibus.”(240) And this much more in our afflicted country of England for the present than in any other, which now may justly be said to be that “stagnum in quod descendit procella venti ita ut compleatur navis nostra fluctibus et periclitamur.”(241) So that no marvel though His disciples be there troubled, though yet we should not be terrified, having Him ever present with us, “qui imperat ventis et mari et obediunt ei,” and of Whom it is truly said, “Ego dormio, et cor meum vigilat.”(242) For although He seem to wink for the time, and to dissemble the injuries that are done unto His servants, yet is His Heart awake, and His will doth both watch to defend and ward us from evil in the meantime, and He will in time, when He seeth it fit and best for us, impose silence to our adversaries, and give peace to His tried servants.

This is then the state of this present age, and this the course which God hath ever continued from the first, to purge and perfect His Church by oppositions, by tribulations and afflictions; that He may hew the stones here hard by the quarry, which must afterwards be placed in their due order and ranks in His heavenly temple, where no blows with the hatchet must once be given, no sound of the hammer must be heard, that may hinder the happiness or disturb the harmony of that heavenly city. Here in this vale of misery all are beforehand fitted and prepared (as the Church doth sing in a holy hymn speaking of the like matter)—

Tunsionibus, pressuris,
Expoliti lapides,
Suis coaptantur locis
Per manus artificis,
Disponuntur permansuri
Sacris ædificiis.(243)

And this being so, and so much to the advantage of those who are so exercised and perfected by the same, so prepared by crosses to receive crowns of everlasting glory, we may gather thereby both what mind they should be of, that are in the battle, and what their thoughts and actions that are lookers-on.

For the first, no doubt but remembering Whose cause it is we do sustain, Whom we have for our King and Captain in the combat, and Who it is that hath promised to assist us in our sufferings, and to reward and crown us for our labours sustained and victories obtained in this spiritual battle. [As(244) before hath been touched,] there(245) is no doubt but we should think it most just and requisite to sustain all difficulties in the cause of so great and good a Lord, most honourable to follow such a Captain, and most comfortable and commodious to serve and suffer for such a [Master](246) and so true and liberal a [rewarder]; and therefore grant that we are bound by many titles with ready will and earnest desire, yea, with true contentment and assured confidence to bear the poise of this persecution.

But it is no less apparent what in the meantime should be conceived of our case, and what should be performed by those that are not in the present labours which we poor men are forced to sustain, nor under the [scourge](247) which God for the time doth suffer to be laid upon us. No doubt but they also should humble themselves under the mighty hand of God, considering that their time of temptation and trial may also come (as it is an easy matter when one house is on fire for the next neighbours’ houses to [take the same fire](248)), and withal that they are to conceive worthily and honourably of their brethren, whom they now see to be tried and purified in the furnace of many tribulations by the heavenly goldsmith, thereby the better to beat and fashion the metal of their eternal crowns; with whom in the meantime they should concur and cooperate by their charitable assistance in prayers and other helps.

This may well be thought to be their part, and so they may expect to be partakers with us also in the retribution, which we expect at the hands of God. So doth the Apostle counsel the Corinthians, touching corporal assistance to their absent and afflicted brethren. Having praised the Macedonians for the like, he saith, “Non enim ut aliis sit remissio, vobis autem tribulatio, sed ex æqualitate. In præsenti tempore vestra abundantia illorum inopiam suppleat, ut et illorum abundantia vestræ inopiæ sit supplementum,” etc.(249) In like manner may we desire and expect help from our neighbours, that they out of the abundance of their present peace and power to do us good, will help in what they can, every one in that wherein he most aboundeth: Princes with their power and authority, in being mediators for us to our King for some mitigation of our afflictions; courtiers, in often soliciting for this help at their Princes’ hands; the Clergy, by often offering the Divine Sacrifice, and holding up their hands with Moses unto God for us, that we may not faint in the battle; preachers, by often commending our case unto the people; the Religious, by applying their prayers and merit for the continuance and increase of our constancy; and secular persons, in such several manners as they are best able to perform; the wise, in commending and justifying our cause; the rich, in opening their purse unto our present needs, and maintaining of such scholars as are preparing in our seminaries to be workmen for the harvest. Yea, the poorest and meanest sort of our Christian Catholic brethren [abroad] may assist us much by their good wishes and good words when occasion is offered; and all by their daily prayers both to God and His Saints for us, “ut possimus accipere armaturam Dei, et resistere in die malo, et in omnibus perfecti stare,” etc.(250) And so by this means assisting us about our tents and provision, either in furnishing or in guarding the same, although they be not present with us in the battle, yet will our just David give them their share and part in our victory and spoils, every one according to the measure of his aid and assistance.

But here, if any do seem to complain of our want of constancy and patience in suffering—and some perhaps be rather ready to blame than to pity us, in regard of a late attempt of some Catholic [gentlemen](251) in our country, most worthy indeed to be blamed and misliked [for the rashness and temerity thereof]—we expect notwithstanding more equity and charity at their hands than to condemn the whole number for the error of a few, or to deem that action the effect of all our desires, or fruit of our endeavours; [whereas](252) the contrary is most true, and so testified by the chief of the [conspirators themselves](253), and proved by the process of all examinations and proceedings in law against the [said] delinquents, as shall after appear.

(M1) Yea, the [dealers](254) in that tragical device had so little hope of help from other Catholics, either spiritual or temporal, towards their designments in that plot, that they neither did nor durst impart the same even to their nearest and dearest friends, in whom otherwise they had all confidence and trial both for secrecy and fidelity in other matters, as the chiefest and wisest amongst them all did testify at the bar in public audience. Neither did any Priest once dream of the matter, or so much as know of it by way of confession [or otherwise] until the [whole plot was](255) contrived, and had been [by all likelihood] put in execution if the Parliament had gone forward on the first or second days in which it was appointed. But when the said session was prorogued the third time, and some of the conspirators in long delays, [besides the general light which they presumed to have drawn by certain obscure questions which to that end they had proposed, though their purpose was not understood by them that gave the answers,] were desirous to have some [more particular] advice of some one or two of the most learned and virtuous they could find, they opened the matter in confession unto one of the Society, and by him in like manner unto his Superior, with most strict charge unto both of all secrecy, according to the privilege and seal of that holy Sacrament. At which time the Superior did not only charge the other to dissuade and forbid that unlawful and inhuman action, but did likewise by all lawful means himself seek to hinder it, as shall appear in the sequel of [the ensuing narration](256).

If then they had neither help nor heartening, neither counsel nor encouragement from any Catholic [man and much less Priests, but rather to the contrary from](257) those few that by chance, and in that most secret manner, came to know of it much against their will, how can it then be laid unto the rest? How can others be blamed for it where all were ignorant of the matter [except only the said](258) two persons, and those did seek to hinder it with all their power? Doth equity or charity permit to lay the fault on those that were not guilty? or to attribute part of the blame to those that were noways partakers in the crime? Yea, doth not charity rather move the minds of just men to take pity and compassion of those few that were offenders [rather than] to be stirred with indignation against them, and for their sakes against others that are innocent? “Vera justitia (saith St. Gregory) compassionem habet, falsa verò dedignationem.”(259) And doth not St. Bernard counsel us to excuse the fact if we can; if not (as in this present matter where it is so apparent to be evil), yet to excuse the intention; and in the hardest and plainest case that may be, at least to search out what motives and incentives they might have urging them to such an error.

Truly, if we [may](260) judge of their minds by the words that came from them even when they had no hope of life, or by all the signs that were to be seen either in those that died in the field, or those that were put to public justice, [at the very last instant of their lives,] we should rather be moved to think that [not so much](261) impatience [as] zeal (although “non secundum scientiam”) did stir them up to that strange and [violent](262) attempt, for so they all deeply and seriously protested at their death. Assuming belike the Machabees for their example, who seeing numbers of their brethren to suffer patiently the unjust oppressions of their adversaries, answering only in words unto them and saying, “Moriamur omnes in simplicitate nostra et testes erunt super nos cœlum et terra quod injuste perditis nos.”(263) They would not follow the example of their [said] brethren therein; [but being of more intolerant heat and fervour than the rest, said one to another](264), “Si omnes fecerimus sicut fratres nostri fecerunt et non pugnaverimus pro animabus nostris et justificationibus nostris, nunc citius disperdent nos a terra.” This, [I say, seemed to have been in their minds and apprehensions](265) if we may judge of them by their carriage in their greatest extremities, with which also they opened unto the world other motives [both at their arraignment and death], which they thought to be of no small moment; as the many and great calamities they had long endured; the promises of toleration received from the King, now contradicted both in word and action; all hopes cut off of help from other Princes either by force or favour, seeing many of them would not so much as believe the persecution to be great, but rather give credit to their persecutors’ tales, seeking by all subtle means and many instruments sent abroad for the purpose to have the contrary believed in foreign countries; which, with the general peace concluded [with all Catholic Princes round about], and no peace granted to Catholics, but their penalties increased, and like so to continue by the likelihood of continuance of that flourishing issue with which God hath blessed our King (which they thought did alter the state of their sufferings very much from that it was in Queen Elizabeth’s time). These things did seem to move them much, and as they thought necessarily to seek a remedy, if not for themselves, yet for the relief of others, which they being but a few, and out of hope of any help from the most and best of the Catholics of England, could not possibly effect, [as erroneously they conceived,] but by some such stratagem, wherein the chiefest strength should be resolution and secrecy, both which in the chosen number of so few persons they thought abundantly provided for. They took not indeed the course of the Machabees, which they deemed in their case to be merely impossible. But they affirmed their end to be same, and their cause and reasons much more important. So Catesby protested at his death in the field, and Digby at the bar, that not for themselves but for the cause of Christ; not for their wives and children, but for the Church, the Spouse of Christ, and saving so many thousand souls, the children of God, from eternal flames, they attempted with fire to cut off the chiefest heads and only causes of that greater ruin. “Yea,” said Digby [ready now to die], “in respect of this cause, I little regard, or rather I could be well content, both to offer my life and fortune and also to have my posterity rooted out for ever.” So that if we shall judge of these men by their zeal, or their zeal by all the signs by which men’s minds are judged (especially in cases of extremity where human respects give little cause to move dissimulation), we may the better follow St. Bernard’s rule and interpret charitably [with compassion] their [final] intention, although [their immediate motives were unlawful, and therefore] the action for many and great respects neither was nor is to be allowed.

And if St. Bernard did think this manner of interpretation of others’ actions to be requisite in the lovers of charity, I hope then I may much more require that at least others will support with patience that act of impatience in that small number of our brethren and [not impute it to the whole number of Catholics; no, nor beyond the rule of charity to condemn the delinquents themselves by extreme exclamations and maledictions, as some do, but rather according to the Apostle’s rule in lenity of spirit to have pity of them, and reproving their fact, esteem of their persons and other parts, as otherwise they depend, of whom myself and many others can testify that, setting aside this unfortunate evil action, by all good men deplored, they were known and held, before they fell into the same, to have been as wise, temperate, circumspect, and devout gentlemen as commonly England had, and such as would not have committed a voluntary injury against any man for a world](266).

Thus we disclaim from all participation of this [fact] intended by a few in their deceived zeal. Yet we follow not the example of those that will not follow the rule of charity in their judgments. And much more we do and may stand upon the justice of our cause, and prove that it is altogether against the rules of reason, justice, and charity, to lay the fault of a few upon the whole number of Catholics in that country; who neither did nor would have concurred, nor were partakers either by work or will in so barbarous a cruelty intended: no, nor so much as imagined there could enter such a thought into the hearts of any of their company.

The verity whereof with the innocency of all Catholics in that respect will plainly appear by the narration following of the whole matter how it passed, which at the earnest request of some principal friends on that side the sea I am moved to set down. And although I know myself much less able than they imagine to pen it in such manner as the greatness of the matter and rareness of such an event deserveth, yet I hope to satisfy their desire for the matter itself, if not their expectation for the manner of handling, promising to [set down] the story truly as it passed, without partiality to the one or other side; and to conceal no circumstance (whereof I could have sufficient information) which may truly explain the intentions, actions, and events of the whole matter, wherein I had perhaps more helps to know both many and true particulars than others could easily procure.

The whole I intend and offer to God’s glory and the good of souls: desiring only this of the pious reader, that as I will perform my part in truth and fidelity in the whole narration, so he will not be wanting of his part to perform the rules of equity and charity both towards me and the matter I write of; especially towards those that in so honourable a manner do daily and hourly sustain the cause and quarrel of Christ, not only “in(267) sole et pulvere,” but “in sanguine,” also “et vulneribus multis.” And so “alter alterius onera portantes adimplebimus legem Christi.”(268)

Or thus it may end:—

And so we suffering for the cause and they assisting in the cause
“alter alterius onera portantes” (according to the counsel of the
Apostle) “adimplebimus legem Christi.” And being with charity
joined in the works of grace we shall by the author of charity be
conjoined in the rewards of glory, “quæ præparavit Deus
diligentibus se.”