Chapter VIII: Part 8

CUTLER'S WORK.--In 1725 Mercer bought a pair of "Salisbury Scissors"; there is no clue as to what is meant by the adjectival place name. He purchased another pair of scissors in 1744. In any case, a pair of embroidery scissors, with turned decoration that one would expect to find on early 18th-century scissors, was found in the site (USNM 59.1680, ill. 61).

IRONWARE.--Pieces of two types of iron pot were found. One type is a large-capacity version, holding possibly five gallons. It has horizontal ribbing and vertical mold seams (USNM 59.1645, 59.1845, 59.60.147, fig. 87). Such, perhaps, was the "gr[ea]t pot" weighing 36 pounds which Mercer bought from Nathaniel Chapman of the Accokeek Iron Works in 1731. Two other fragments are from a smaller pot. The inventory taken in 1771 (Appendix M) lists five "Iron Potts for Negroes," that were probably smaller than those used in the plantation kitchen.

Two heaters for box irons were found in the kitchen debris. A heavy layer of mortar adhered to one, suggesting that it may have been built into the brickwork--whether by accident or design there is no way of telling. In that case, however, the specimen would antedate 1749 (USNM 59.2024, 59.2026, fig. 87). Box irons were hollow flatirons into which pre-heated cast-iron slugs or "heaters" were inserted. Two or more heaters were rotated in the fire, one always being ready to replace the other as it cooled. In 1725 Mercer bought a "box Iron & heaters," and in 1731, from Chapman, "2 heaters."

Other kitchen iron includes the fragmentary bowl and stem of a long-handled iron stirring spoon (USNM 59.1812), an iron kettle cover (USNM 60.69), and the leg of a large, heavy pair of andirons (USNM 59.1826, fig. 87). A small, semicircular chopping knife has a thin steel blade and an iron shank that originally was inserted in a wooden handle. Lettering, now almost obliterated, was impressed in the metal of the blade: "SHEFFIELD WORKS 6 ENGLISH...." (USNM 59.1834, fig. 85a).

FURNITURE HARDWARE.--A few metal furniture fittings were recovered. Six curtain rings, cut from sheet brass and trimmed with a file, vary from 7/8 inches to 1-1/4 inches. On tubular ring (USNM 60.53, fig. 83) may have been used as a curtain ring, although signs of wear suggest that it perhaps may have been a drawer pull. A small, brass, circular escutcheon (USNM 59.1735, fig. 83) comes from a teardrop-handle fixture of the William and Mary style. A round keyhole escutcheon has tooled grooves and holes for four nails (USNM 59.1630, fig. 83), and dates from about 1750. The handsomest specimen of furniture trim found is an escutcheon plate with engraved linear decoration dating from about 1720 (USNM 60.71, fig. 83). An iron bale handle was probably on a trunk or chest (USNM 60.130, fig. 88e). A small strap hinge (USNM 59.1657, fig. 88) is like those found on the lids of 18th-century wooden chests, while a butt hinge may have served on the lid of the escritoire which Mercer owned in 1731 (ill. 63).

ARCHITECTURAL AND STRUCTURAL HARDWARE

Iron was a fundamental material in the construction of any 18th-century building. Mercer's ledgers make repeated references to the purchase of hinges, locks, latches, and other related iron equipment. Most of this material was obtained from local merchants and was probably English in origin. However, the ledger records numerous purchases from Nathaniel Chapman of iron that was undoubtedly made at his ironworks. It is probable also that many simple appliances were made at Marlborough by slaves or indentured servants trained as blacksmiths.

HINGES.--Hand-forged strap hinges were employed throughout the colonies from the first period of settlement to the middle of the 19th century. In addition to the many fragments that probably came from such hinges, one artifact is a typical spearhead strap-hinge terminal with a square hole for nailing (USNM 60.146, ill. 64). Three pintles--L-shaped pivots on which strap hinges swung--were recovered. One was found at the site of a gate or door in the wall south of the kitchen (USNM 60.59, fig. 88l).

Fragments from at least four different H and HL hinges occur. Several entries in the ledgers refer to the purchase of such hinges. A nearly complete HL hinge, probably used on a large door, recalls an item in the account with Charles Dick for June 14, 1744, "2 p^r large hinges 9/" (USNM 59.1945, fig. 88). A piece of a smaller H or HL hinge is of the type used on interior doors (USNM 59.1767, fig. 88), while a still smaller section of an H hinge was perhaps used on a cupboard door. H hinges were more properly known as "side hinges," and we find Mercer using that term in 1729 when he bought a pair of "Sidehinges" for 9d. "Cross-garnet" hinges, where a sharply tapering, spear-headed strap section is pivoted by a pin inserted in a stationary, rectangular butt section, are represented by three imperfect specimens (USNM 59.1657 and 59.1881, fig. 88). Both these types are named, described, and illustrated by Moxon.[213]

LOCKS, LATCHES, AND KEYS.--Only one remnant of the ubiquitous 18th-century "Suffolk" thumb-press door latch was found at Marlborough. This fragment comprises the handle but not the cusps at the ends, by which the age might be determined (USNM 60.137, fig. 88). Mercer purchased an "Iron door latch" from Nathaniel Chapman for ninepence in 1731. In a complete assemblage for these latches, a thumb press lifts a latch bar on the reverse side of the door, disengaging it from a catch driven into the edge of the jamb. One large latch bar was recovered (USNM 59.1972, fig. 88f), as well as two catches (USNM 59.1644, fig. 88i, and 59.1801, ill. 65). Sliding bolts were the usual locking devices when simple thumb latches were used. A survival of one of these is seen in a short iron rod with a shorter segment of rod attached to it at right angles (USNM 59.1942, ill. 69).

Purchases of padlocks are recorded, but there is no archeological evidence for them. However, a well-made hasp (USNM 59.1655, ill. 66) has survived, and also three staples (USNM 59.1644, 59.1659, 59.2027, fig. 88j). Mercer bought six staples in 1742 at a penny each.

Apparently the principal doors of both the 1730 house and the mansion were fitted with box locks, or "stock-locks," in which wood and iron were usually combined. A heavy iron plate comes from such a lock (USNM 59.1943, fig. 88). Two stock-locks were bought from John Foward in 1731. Another was purchased from William Hunter in 1741. In the same year Mercer acquired from Charles Dick "8 Chamberdoor Locks w^{th} brass knobs." If by knob was meant a drop handle, then a fine brass specimen may be one of these (USNM 59.1944, fig. 83h, ill. 67). Fragments of three iron keys have survived, the smallest of which may have been used with a furniture lock (USNM 59.1644 and 59.1656, fig. 88h).

NAILS AND SPIKES.--The ledgers point to a constant purchasing of nails which is reflected in the great quantity recovered from the excavations. A 1731 purchase from Chapman comprised 2-, 3-, 4-, 6-, 8-, 10-, 12-, and 20-penny nails, while in the 1740's not only nails but 4-, 6-, 8-, and 10-penny brads were purchased, as well as 20-penny flooring brads. Excepting the last, nearly all these sizes occur in the artifacts. There is also a variety of heavy spikes, ranging from 3 inches to 7 inches in length (see ills. 70-73).

FOOTNOTES:

[213] ALBERT H. SONN, _Early American Wrought Iron_ (New
York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1928), vol. 2, p. 9.

HANDCRAFT TOOLS

Marlborough, like most 18th-century plantations, was to a large extent self-sufficient, and therefore it is not surprising to find handtools of several kinds. A blacksmith's hammer (USNM 59.2081, ill. 74), for example, strengthens the view that there may have been blacksmiths at Marlborough. Other tools include a smoothing-plane blade of iron with a 1-inch steel tip (USNM 59.1897, fig. 89a); a set wrench for a 3/4-inch square nut or bolt (possibly for bed bolts), equipped originally with a wooden handle (USNM 60.91, ill. 75); a steel scraping tool or chisel with handle set at an angle (USNM 60.133, fig. 89b, ill. 76); a small half-round bit or gouge chisel (USNM 59.1644, fig. 89c, ill. 77). Three crude lengths of iron with stubby L-shaped ends appear to be work-bench dogs (fig. 89f).

One fine tool is from the equipment of a jeweler or a clockmaker (USNM 59.1664, ill. 78). It is a very small hammer with a turned, bell-shaped striking head. Originally balanced by a sharp wing-shaped peen, which was, however, badly rusted and which disintegrated soon after being found, the tool has a tubular, tinned, sheet-iron shaft handle which is secured by a brass ferrule to the head and brazed together with brass. The lower end is plugged with brass, where a longer handle perhaps was attached. In 1748 Sydenham & Hodgson, through William Jordan, imported for Mercer "A Sett Clockmakers tools." This entry is annotated, "Return'd to M^r Jordan." Although the hammer cannot be related to this particular set of tools, the ledger item suggests that fine work like clockmaking may have been conducted at Marlborough. This tool may have been used in the process.

FARMING, HORSE, AND VEHICLE GEAR

The 1771 inventory is in some ways a more significant summary of 18th-century plantation equipment than are the artifacts found at Marlborough, since its list of tools is longer than the list of tool artifacts and is pin-pointed in time. However, artifacts define themselves concretely and imply far more of such matters as workmanship, suitability to purpose, source of origin, or design and form, than do mere names. The Marlborough tools and equipment, moreover, correspond, as far as they go, very closely with the items in the inventory, thus becoming actualities experienced by us tactually and visually.

For instance, the inventory lists 22 plows at Marlborough. Among the finds is an iron colter from a colonial plow in which the colter was suspended from the beam and locked into the top of the share (USNM 60.88, ill. 79). The colter is bent and torn from exhaustive use (Chapman, in 1731, fitted a plow "w^{th} Iron" for Mercer). From it we learn a good deal about the size of the plow on which it was used and the shallow depth of the furrows it made.

Four chain traces were on the list, one of which is represented by a length of flat links attached to a triangular loop to which the leather portion of the traces was fastened (USNM 60.64, fig. 91b). The halves of two snaffle bits (USNM 59.2078, 60.67, fig. 91c; ill. 87) correspond to an item for eight "Bridle Bitts." (A "snafflebit" costing 1s. 8d. was among Mercer's purchases for 1743.) A third bit, crudely made of twisted wire attached to odd-sized rings, is a makeshift device probably dating from the 19th century. Three ox chains listed in the inventory are not distinctly in evidence in the artifacts, although a heavy hook, broken at the shank, is of the type used to fasten an ox chain to the yoke (USNM 60.9, ill. 80).

Archeological evidence of the two oxcarts and one wagon listed in the inventory is confined to nuts and bolts that might have been used on such vehicles. A long axle bolt (USNM 59.1802) measures 23 inches. A small bolt or staple, split at one end and threaded at the other, has a wingnut (USNM 60.145, ill. 81). A hook with a heavy, diamond-shaped backplate and a bolt hole was perhaps used on a wagon to secure lashing (USNM 59.2030, ill. 82). A heavy, curved piece of iron with a large hole, probably for a clevice pin, appears to be from the end of a wagon tongue, while a carefully made bolt with hand-hammered head (USNM 59.1821) and a short rivet with washer (USNM 59.1881, fig. 91g) in place seem also to be vehicle parts.

The inventory listed four complete harnesses, the remains of which are probably to be found in four square iron buckles (USNM 59.1644, 59.1901, 60.131, fig. 91h), a brass ring (USNM 59.1678, fig. 83), and an ornamental brass boss (USNM 59.1878, fig. 83j).

Twelve "Swingle trees" (whippletree, whiffletree, singletree) are listed in the inventory. The artifacts include three iron loops or straps designed to be secured to the swingletrees. One (USNM 59.2042, fig. 91b) still has two large round links attached. (In 1731 Chapman fitted ironwork to a swingletree.)

Ten "Hillinghows," 17 "Weeding hows," and 8 "Grubbing hows" are listed. In the long Chapman account for 1731 we see that Mercer then purchased "5 narrow hoes" and "2 grubbing hoes." The only archeological evidence of hoes is a fragmentary broad hoe (probably a hilling hoe) (USNM 59.1848, ill. 83) and the collar of another.

Thirteen axes are listed in the inventory. Again we find Nathaniel Chapman providing a "new axe" in 1731 for five shillings, while William Hunter sold Mercer "2 narrow axes" and "4 Axes" in 1743. One broken ax head occurs among the artifacts, worn back from repeated grinding and split at the eye (USNM 59.1740, fig. 89e).

There were four spades and an iron shovel at Marlborough in 1771. An iron reinforcement from a shovel handle occurred in the site (USNM 59.1847, ill. 84), while a slightly less curved strip of iron may have been attached to a spade handle (USNM 59.1662). Once more in Chapman's account we find evidence of local workmanship in an item for "1 Spade."

Thirteen scythes were listed in 1771; perhaps the one excavated from the foundation of Structure H on Potomac Creek may have been among these (USNM 59.2400, fig. 90). There were eight sheep shears; half of a sheep shears was found in Structure G (USNM 59.1734, ill. 85). Of the other items on the list, a few, such as stock locks and hammers, have already been mentioned, while the remainder of the list is not matched by artifacts. An item for a chalk-line is supported by a piece of chalk (USNM 59.1683, fig. 84).

A few specimens are not matched in the inventory. One is a springtrap of hand-forged, hand-riveted iron (USNM 59.1715, ill. 86) for catching animals. Another is a fishhook (USNM 59.1681, ill. 88), possibly one of 95 bought in 1744. An iron stiffener for the framework of a saddle is fitted with 10 rivets for securing the leather and upholstery (USNM 59.1847, fig. 91d). The third artifact is an elegantly designed brass fitting for a leather curtain or strap (USNM 59.1736, fig. 83j, ill. 89). It is fitted with a copper rivet at the stationary end for securing leather or cloth; just below the rivet is a recessed groove and shelf, perhaps to receive a reinforced edge; to the lower part of this is hinged a long handle cut in a leaf design. An iron hinge bar is part of the equipment for folding back the top of a chaise (USNM 60.178, fig. 91a). There are several horseshoes, two whole shoes and numerous fragments (fig. 91i and j). Finally, the handle shaft and decorative attachment of an iron currycomb (USNM 59.2077, fig. 91f) recalls Mercer's purchase of "1 curry comb and brush" in 1726.

XIX

_Conclusions_

Almost no exclusively 17th century artifacts were found at Marlborough; at least, there were very few sherds or objects that could not have originated equally well in the 18th century. The exceptions are the following: Westerwald blue-and-white stoneware with gray-buff paste; several sherds of delft and other tin-enameled ware, late 17th century in type, and an early 17th-century terra cotta pipestem. Otherwise, we find a scattering of things belonging to types that occurred in both centuries: North Devon gravel-tempered ware, which was imported both in the late 17th and early 18th centuries; yellow-and-brown "combed" ware, which elsewhere occurs most commonly in 18th century contexts; pewter trifid-handle spoons, the form of which dates from about 1690 but which may have been cast at a later date in an old mold (a wavy-end spoon in the style of 1710 may also have been cast later). Fragments of an onion-shaped wine bottle may date from the first decade of the 18th century, but the presence of such bottles in the Rosewell trash pit shows that bottles, being too precious to throw away, were kept around until they were broken--in the case of Rosewell for 60 or 70 years. Thus the Marlborough sherds cannot be excluded from the Mercer period. The same may be said of a late 17th-century type of fork. Thus, there is virtually no evidence of the Port Town occupation, especially as the few 17th-century artifacts that were found may well have belonged to the Mercers rather than to Marlborough's previous occupants.

The ceramics and glass are the most readily datable artifacts, and these coincide almost altogether with the period of John Mercer's lifetime. Common earthenwares are predominantly Tidewater and Buckley types, with a scattering of others, most of which are recurrent among other Virginia and Maryland historic-site artifacts. No distinct type emerges to suggest that there may have been a local Stafford potter. Common stonewares occur in such a variety of types that no source or date can be attributed, although there is some evidence of the work of William Rogers' shop in Yorktown. Westerwald stonewares are predominantly of the blue-and-gray varieties commonest in the second quarter of the 18th century.

There is only a small quantity of delftware, but a great deal of Chinese porcelain. Evidences are that the first kinds of English refined wares, such as drab stoneware, Nottingham stoneware, and agateware, were used at Marlborough, thus pointing to an awareness of current tastes and innovations. The large quantity of white salt-glazed ware suggests that, although it was a cheap commercial product, it was regarded as handsome and congenial to the environment of a plantation house that was maintained in formal style.

Except for the white salt-glazed ware, which was probably acquired in the 1760's, most of the table ceramics date from about 1740 to 1760. Bottles and the few datable table-glass fragments are also primarily from this period. Creamwares and late 18th- and early 19th-century whitewares diminish sharply in numbers, reflecting a more austere life at Marlborough in its descent to an overseer's quarters. Later 19th-century wares are insignificant in quantity or in their relation to the history of Marlborough. Tool and hardware forms are less diagnostic. Most of them correspond to ledger entries and to the 1771 inventory, so, without contradictory evidence, they may be assumed to date from John Mercer's period.

In general, the artifacts illustrate the best of household equipment available in 18th-century Virginia, and the tools and hardware indicate the extensiveness of the plantation's activities and its heavy reliance on blacksmith work.

GENERAL CONCLUSIONS

XX

_Summary of Findings_

Marlborough's beginnings as a town in 1691 cast the shape that has endured in a few vestiges even until today. The original survey of Bland and Buckner remains as evidence, and by it we are led to believe that the courthouse was located near the "Gutt" to the west of the town, near a change of course that affected the western boundary and all the north-south streets west of George Andrews' lots. Archeological excavation in the area disclosed Structure B, which subsequent evidence proved to be the foundation of Mercer's mansion, built at the pinnacle of his career between 1746 and 1750. No evidence exists that this foundation was associated earlier with the courthouse.

Two years after the second Act for Ports was passed in 1705, the second survey was made and was lost soon thereafter. There is evidence that the house built by William Ballard in 1708, on a lot "ditched in" according to this plat, was also in the vicinity of the courthouse. After Mercer moved into this house in 1726, it became clear that the two surveys were at odds, and a new survey was ordered and made in 1731. The maneuvers which followed make it fairly clear that Mercer's residence was encroaching upon the two acres that had been set aside for the courthouse, which by Act of Assembly had reverted to the heirs of Giles Brent after the courthouse had burned and been abandoned about 1718. The 1731 plat provided a whole new row of lots along the western boundary of the town, while pushing the original lots slightly to the east. This device would have assured the integrity of the courthouse land, while relieving Mercer of the uncertainty of his title. When Mercer's petition to acquire Marlborough was submitted in 1747 (the 1731 plat still remained unaccepted), he offered to buy the courthouse land for three times its worth. Since Mercer was guardian of the heir, "Mr. William Brent, the Infant," he was called upon to testify in this capacity at the hearings on his petition. Thus the courthouse, Ballard's house, and Mercer's mansion all appear to have been involved in a boundary difficulty, and we may assume, therefore, that the courthouse during its brief career stood close to the spot where Mercer later built his mansion.

This difficulty, in particular, was influential in determining the shape of the town, the manner in which Mercer developed the property and the peculiarities that made Marlborough unique. It was not until 1755 that he was permitted to acquire all the town and by that time Marlborough's character had already been fixed. We have seen that its outstanding feature, the mansion, was architecturally sophisticated, that leading craftsmen worked on it, and that it was as highly individualistic as its master. It was lavishly furnished not only with material elegancies but with a library embracing more than a thousand volumes.

Aside from the mansion, the area most actively developed by Mercer lay between it and Potomac Creek, with some construction to the north and the east. In 1731, Mercer built two warehouses which probably stood near the waterside at Potomac Creek where his sloop and schooner and visiting vessels found sheltered anchorage. These burned in 1746, but must subsequently have been rebuilt, since Thomas Oliver in his 1771 report to James Mercer commented that the "tobacco houses" must be repaired as soon as possible. They were probably among the buildings that Mercer had constructed up to 1747, when he reported that he had "saved" 17 of the town's lots by building on them. These lots comprised 8-1/2 acres in the southwest portion of the town.

The windmill was built on land near the river shore, east of the mansion. It was probably located a considerable distance from the shore, although erosion in recent times has eaten back the cliff. In the fall of 1958, half of the stone foundations collapsed, leaving a well-defined profile of the stone construction. Fragments of mid-century-type wine bottles found in the lower course of the stones support other evidence that the mill was built in 1746.

Mercer mentioned his "office" in 1766. This may have been a detached building used for a law office. Oliver in 1771 listed a barn, a cider mill, two "grainerys," three cornhouses, five stables, and tobacco houses. He mentioned also that "the East Green House wants repairing, the west d^o wants buttments as a security to the wall on the south side."

Besides the malthouse and brewhouse built in 1765 (which may have been situated at Structure H and the 100-foot-long stone-wall enclosure attached to Wall A), John Mercer in his 1768 letter mentioned "Cellars, Cooper's house and all the buildings, copper & utensil whatever used about the brewery," as well as the "neat warm" house built for the brewer. When the property was advertised in 1791, "Overseers houses," "Negroe quarters," and "Corn houses" also were mentioned.

The development of the area in the southwest portion of the plantation probably sustained--or established for the first time--the character originally intended for Marlborough Town. The situation of the mansion was undoubtedly affected by this, as indeed must have been the whole plantation plan. The archeological evidence alone shows that the plan was abnormal in terms of the typical 18th-century Virginia plantation. The rectangular enclosure formed by the brick walls east of the mansion doubtless framed the formal garden over which the imported English gardener, William Black, presided. It connected at the northwest with the kitchen in such a way that the kitchen formed a corner of the enclosure, becoming in effect a gatehouse, protecting the mansion's privacy at the northwest from the utilitarian slave quarter and agricultural precincts beyond. Walls A-I and A-II, however, related the mansion directly to this plantation-business area and caused it to serve also as a gate to the enclosure.

The position of the kitchen dependency northwest of the house is the only suggestion of Palladian layout, other than the garden. The southern aspect of the house and the rigid boundary to domestic activity imposed by Walls A-I and A-II probably prevented construction of a balancing unit to the southwest. Slave quarters, stables, and perhaps the barn apparently were located to the north.

Since it was not until 1755 that Mercer came into full title to the town, the town plan and its legal restrictions were influential in determining the way in which the plantation was to grow. The house and the surrounding layout were, therefore, wholly peculiar to the special circumstances of Marlborough and probably also to the individuality of its owner. The approach to the house from the waterside was to the south end of the building, leading up to it by the still-existing road from the creek and along the old "Broad Street across the Town," which probably bordered Walls A-I and B-I. The mansion thus had a little of the character of a feudal manor house, as well as some of the appearance of an English townhouse that abuts the street, with the seclusion of its yards and gardens defended by walls. In many respects it only slightly resembled, in its relationship to surrounding structures, the more representative plantations of its period.

The house was well oriented to view, ventilation, and dominant location. The veranda, which afforded communication from one part to another out-of-doors, as well as a place to sit, was exposed to the prevailing southwesterly summer winds. In the winter it was equally well placed so as to be in the lee of northeast storms sweeping down the Potomac. The view, hidden today by trees, included Accokeek Creek and a lengthy vista up Potomac Creek. Presumably, a road or driveway skirted the kitchen at the west and perhaps ended in a driveway in front of the house. The gate in Wall E south of the kitchen would have been a normal entrance for horses and vehicles.

Within the garden was the summerhouse built by Mercer in 1765. From the east windows and steps of the house and from the garden could be seen the Potomac, curving towards the bay, and the flailing "drivers" of the windmill near the Potomac shore.

The excavated and written records of Marlborough are a microcosm of Virginia colonial history. They depict the emergence of central authority in the 17th century in the establishment of the port town as a device to diversify the economy and control the collecting of duties. In the failure of the town, they demonstrate also the failure of colonial government to overcome the tyranny of tobacco and the restrictive policies of the mother country. They go on to show in great detail the emergence in the 18th century of a familiar American theme--the self-directed rise of an individual from obscure beginnings to high professional rank, social leadership, personal wealth, and cultural influence. They demonstrate in Mercer's career the inherent defects of the tobacco economy as indebtedness mounted and economic strains stiffened. In Mercer's concern with the Ohio Company and westward expansion they reflect a colony-wide trend as population increased and the need grew for more arable land and areas in which to invest and escape from economic limitations. They show that the war with the French inevitably ensued, with its demands on income and manpower, while following this came the enforcement of trade laws and the immediate irritants which led to rebellion. So Marlborough gives a sharp reflection of Virginia's history prior to the Revolution. It was touched by most of what was typical and significant in the period, yet in its own details it was unique and individual. In this seeming anomaly Marlborough is a true illustration of its age, when men like Mercer were strong individuals but at the same time typifying and expressing the milieu in which they lived.

Mercer's rise to wealth and leadership occurred at a time when favorable laws held out the promise of prosperity, while boundless lands offered unparalleled opportunities for investment. It remained for those best able to take advantage of the situation; Mercer's self-training in the law, his driving energy, and his ability to organize placed him among these. The importance of his position is signified by the justice-ship that he held for so many years in Stafford County court; the brick courthouse on the hill overlooking the upper reaches of Potomac Creek was the architectural symbol of this position. Although most of his income was derived from legal practice, it was his plantation that was the principal expression of his interests and his energies. Mercer was in this respect typical of his peers, whose intellectual and professional leadership, on the one hand, and agricultural and business enterprise, on the other, formed a partnership within the individual. The great plantation house with its sophisticated elegancies, its outward formalities, and its rich resort for the intellect in the form of a varied library, was the center and spirit of the society of which men like Mercer were leaders. With the death of the system came the death of the great house, and the rise and fall of Marlborough symbolizes, as well as anything can, the life cycle of Virginia's colonial plantation order.

Appendixes

APPENDIX A

Inventory of George Andrews, Ordinary Keeper

[Stafford County Will Book--Liber Z--1699-1709--p. 168 ff.]

An Inventory of the Estate of George Andrews taken the (six)
October 1698. 6 small feather beads with Bolsters 5 Ruggs 1 Turkey
Work 1 Carpet 1 old small Flock Bed boulster Rugg 4 pair Canvis
Shooks 2 pair Curtains and valleins 4 Chests 1 old Table 1 Couch 1
Great Trunk 1 small ditto 1 Cupboard 2 Brass Kettles 1 pieis Dowlas
2 spits 1 Driping pan & fender 6 Iron Pots 5 pair Pot-hooks 6
dishes 1 bason 2 dozen of plates 4 old chairs made of kain 9 head
horses + mares 3 Colts of 1 year old each 4 head Oxen 2 Chaine
Staples 8 Yoaks 7 Cows + calves 1 Bull 2 barron cows 2 five year
old stears 6 Beasts of a year old each 30 head of sheep being yews
and lambs 4 Silver spoons 1 Silver dram cup 1 Lignum vitae punch
Bowl 1 Chaffing Dish 1 Brass Mortar & Iron Pestle 2 ditto & 1 great
iron pestle 1 broad ax 2 narrow D^o 1 Tennant Saw 1 Whipsaw 1
drawing knife 2 augurs 1 Frow 1 pair Stilliards & too with Canhooks
1 Saddle & Curb bridle 3 servants 2 Men 1 Woman 3 years + 6 months
to serve 1 Welshman 4 years to serve the other servant named
Garrard Moore 13 months to serve 1 old Chest drawers 1 old plow 1
old pair Cart wheels w^{th} a Cart 2 old Course Table Cloths & 8
Napkins 4 Towels 1 Gall^n Pott 1 Paile Pott 2 Chamber Potts 2
tankards a parsil of old Bottles 1 old Looking Glass 1 Grid Iron 1
Flesh fork & Skimmer 1 pair Spit hooks Iron square 3 pair Iron
tongs 2 Nutmeg graters 3 Candlesticks 1 old Great Boat old Sails
Hawsers Graplin 1 Box Iron 1 Warming pan 2 pair Pot racks

Jurat in Curia

Returned by
John Waugh Jun^r

APPENDIX B

Inventory of Peter Beach

[Stafford County Will Book--Liber Z--1699-1709--p. 158-159.]

Estate of Peter Beach. Inventory taken by William Downham, Edward
Mountjoy, W^m Allen "having mett together at the house of Mr.
Peter Beach."

"Dan'l Beach
Alex and Mary Waugh executors Nov. 20, 1702"

To 4 three year old heifers. at 350 Tob^o p 1400

To 1 stear 6 years old at 600 To 5 D^o 4 year old at 2000 2600

To the 2 yr old at 2800 To 2 Bulls at 600 3400

To 8 Cows & Calves at 4000 To 2 Barron Cows 900 4900

To 1 Mare & Mare Filly at 1200 To 1 two year old horse 400 1600

To 1 D^o 5 years old at 1000 To 1 very old D^o at 150 1150

To 1 Feather bedd + Bedstead + furniture 1500 To 1 do at 1200 2700

To 2 D^o at 2000 To 1 Old Flock Bed + Feather pillow at 300 2300

To one servant Bot 9 years to serve 3000 to 4 stoolth 8 Chairs
@ 160- 3160

To 9 old flagg & boarded Chairs 130 To 1 small old table & stool
100 230

To 1 old Standing Cupboard 150 To Looking Glass at 30 100

To 1 pair small Stilliards at 60 to 1 Iron Spit+Dripping pan
at 80 140

To 1 pair old Tongs and fire shovel at 30 To 2 Ladles+Chafing
Dish 50 80

To 1 old Narrow Ax + frow at 30 To 1 Box Iron & Heaters at 25 55

To a passel of Glass Bottles at 40 To a Parcel of old Iron at 50 90

To 8 old Pewter Dishes and three Basons Ditto at 228

To 1 small Table Cloth + 6 Napkins at 50 to 4 Tinpanns 1 Copper
Sawspan at 150 100

To 2 2 quart Potts 1 Pewter Tankard Old 20

To 1 old Warming Pan 20 To 1 Brass candlestick 1 Skimmer Old 15 35

To pasl of Earthen Ware 50 To 3 Iron Potts 2 p^r potthooks 250
To 1 Brass Kettle at 300 600

To 1 Brass kettle at 60 To 23 pewter plates old 110 To 4 old
Chests 250 420

To 1 Frying Pan 1 Meal Sifter 15 To a parcel of old Tables and
Cyder Cask 350 365

To 1 Pewter Sheaf[214] 50 To 1 old Gun 100 To 2 Bibles at 40 190

To 1 Pewter Chamber Pott 10 To 3 Pewter Salts 1 Dram Cup 15 25

To 1 pair Iron Spansils[215] at 50
-----
Total [_sic_] 26010

Daniel Beach was janitor of the Court House, being paid 200 pounds tobacco annually 1700-1703:

1700 and 1701--"To Daniel Beach for cleaning the Court House"
1702 and 1703--"To Daniel Beach for Sweeping the Courthouse."

FOOTNOTES:

[214] A cluster or bundle of things tied up together; a
quantity of things set thick together. [New Oxford
Dictionary]

[215] SPANCEL: A rope or fetter for hobbling cattle, horses,
etc.; especially, a short, round rope used for fettering the
hind legs of a cow during milking. [New Oxford Dictionary]

APPENDIX C

Charges to Account of Mosley Battaley for Goods Sold by Mercer

[From Ledger B, p. 1]

£ s. d.
1725
October

12^{th} To Ball^{ns}. y^r Acco^{tt} Book
A for (75) 3 10 3
To a Sword & Belt 14
To 1 Snuff 8
To 1 best worsted Cap 5
To 1 p^r Neats Leather Saddlebags 12 9
To 2 silk Romall handkerchiefs @ 3/ 6
To 1 p^r Seersuckers 1 13
To 1 fine Hat N^o 7 13 6
To Cornelius Tacitus in fol. 7

13^{th} To 1 p^r mens white topt Gloves 1 6
To 50 4^p Nails 2

14^{th} To 5-1/4 y^{ds} Broadcloath at
9/ 2 7 3
To 7 y^{ds} Shalloone at 2/ 14
To 8 Sticks Mohair at 3^d 2
To 7 doz Coatbuttons at 7-1/2^d 4 4-1/2
To 4 doz. breast d^o at 3-3/4 1 3
To 3 hanks Silk at 9^d 2 3
To 1-1/4 y^{ds} Wadding at 10^d 1 3
To 1 p^r Stone buttons set in Silver 5

15^{th} To 1 p^r large Scissars 7-1/2
To 1 p coll^d binding 1 7-1/2
To 1 p holland tape 1 6
To 6 ells broad Garlix N^o F at 2/11 17 6
To 1 p^r womens wash gloves 1 6

19^{th} To 1 y^d black ribband 10
To 1 horn & Ivory knife & fork 1

21 To 1 fine hat N^o 7 13 6
To 1/4 y^d Persian 1 3
To 2 y^{ds} silk Ferritting at 5^d 10

22 To Cash won on the Race against Cobler 5

29 To 1/4 y^d broadcloath 2 3
To 1 q^t Rum 1 3
To a Sword & Belt 14 3
To Club in Punch 2
To 1^£ sugar & 1 q^t Rum 2

30 To Club with Quarles 9

Novb^r 20 To 1 quire best paper 1 6

Dec^r 13 To 1 narrow axe 2 3
16 To 1200 10^d Nails 5
30 To 1 p^r Shooebuckles 7-1/2
To 100 6^d Nails 9
To y^r Stafford Clks notes
162^£ tob^o 1 3

Feb 5 To Cash on Acc^t Thomas Harwood 10
-------------------
Mar 5 To D^o 18 6 11-1/2
-------------------
21 To 1 q^t Rum & 1^£ Sugar 2 3

Ap^l 3 To 2 q^{ts} D^o & 1 y^d Muslin 6

26 To 1 q^t D^o to Tho^s Benson 1 6

Sept^r 16^{th} To 1/2 y^ Druggett 1 10-1/2
To 2 y^{ds} Wadding 1 6
To p^d for rolling down
Thomson's hhd. tob^o 10
-------------------
£19 10 1

APPENDIX D

"Domestick Expenses"

[From Ledger B]

£ s. d.
1725

Sept^r 9^{th} To Cash for Exp^s at Stafford
& Spotsylvania 1 3
To 7-1/2 y^{ds} Grown Linnen
Sarah & Pitts 7 6
To 11 fowls & 1 quarter beef 17 6
To 100^£ Sugar to this day expended 2 16 6
To Cash for Exp^s Urbanna 3 1-1/2
To Horsehire &c 6
To p^d John Marnix for bringing
my Sloop 2^d 10
To p^d his ferrage 1 3
To Cash for Exp^s Poplar Spring 1 3
To Exp^s at Bowcocks 10
To Exp^s at M^{rs}. Powers's 1 5 7-1/2
To a man to cart down Cook & barber 1 3
To Exp^s at Gibbons's 2
To Exp^s at Dalton's 15
To given Serv^{ts} at Col^o
Page's 2 6
To 1-1/2 doz. red Port at 22/6 1 13 9
To 1-1/2 doz. mountain at 30/
[Note 1] 2 5
To Exp^s poplar Spring 2 3
To 1 bar^l tar & pitch for the
Sloop 1 6 6
To 50^1 pork 8 4
To 25^l bisquet 3 6
To 1 China punch bowl 10
To 6 Glasses 3
To 8^l Candles 6
To given Servants at M^r Standard's 3 1-1/2
To Ferrage & Exp^s Piscattaway
& Hob's Hole 4 4-1/2
To Exp^s Essex Court &
Ferrage at Keys 1 3
To p^d William Warrell Wages 1
To p^d Patrick Cowan D^o 1 2 11
To horsehire from York 2
To a Trunk 6
To a Saddle & Furniture self 3 15
To 1-1/2 y^d Cotton 2 5-1/4
To 1 horsewhip 6 9
To 1 p^r Shooes & buckles Pitts 6 7-1/2
Oct^r 2 To 2 silk Romall handkerchiefs
[Note 2] 6
To 6 loaves 9^s 38-3/4^£ double
refin'd Sugar 2 18 7-1/2
To 2^l Tea at 15/ 1 10
To 6^l Chocolate 15
To 15-1/4^l Castile Soap at 13^d 17 1-3/4
To 15^l Gunpowder at 9^d 11 3
To 1 mans worsted Cap 3 10-1/2
To 1 Wig Comb & Case 9
To 1 purse wrought with Silver 2 3
To 2 p^r buttons set in Silver at 3/ 6
To 1 p^c 9^d 14-3/4 Ells bag
holland at 7/10-1/2 5 14 2
To 2 p^r mens fine worsted hose at 6/ 12
To 2 p^r mens fine thread D^o at 5/ 10
To 1 p^r womens silk D^o 12
To 1 p^r womens fine worsted D^o 5 6
To 1 p^r Scissars with silver Chain 10 6
To 1 box Iron & heaters 9 9
To 1 fine hat n^o 6 12
To 1 fine Dandriff Comb 1 6
To 1 ounce fine thread 7-1/2
To 1 fine hat N^o 7 9
To 30 y^{ds} fine Dutch Check at 2/6 3/15
To 1 m^s pins 1 6
To 2 p^c tape 2 4
To 1 hat N^o 5 gave Sam 2 6
To 1 quire best paper 1 3
To 1 Storebook 1 5
To 1 p^r Seersuckers 1 13
To 1 hoop petticoat 1 1
To 1 womans side Saddle & furniture 3 11 3
To 2 y^{ds} silver ribband at 22-1/2 3 9
To 1 hat N^o 12 9
To 1 y^d fine strip't muslin 6
To 1 y^d fine Kenting [Note 3] 4
To 4-1/2 y^{ds} white Cotton Sarah at 18^d 5 9
To 4-1/2 y^{ds} filletting D^o at
3^d [Note 4] 1 1-1/2
To 2 skeins thread 2
To 1 p^r wom^s wash gloves 1 6
To 1/4^l w^t bio: thread 1 5
To 1/2 doz: plates 7 6
To 2 porringers 2 6
To 1 p^r fine blankets 1 13
To 1 y^d fine strip'd muslin 6
To 1 Cadow Sarah [Note 5] 3 6
To Earthen Ware 10
To 1-1/2 bushel Wheat 4 6
To 2 fowls 10
To Battalay's Account for
Rum both in day 2 1 3
To 1-1/2 y^d red Cotton 2 5-1/4
To 1 p^r womens Shooes 3 6
To 1 p^r patterdashers [Note 6] 14 3
To 5 Candlesticks 17 6
To 1 Bed Cord 2
To 3 maple knives & forks 2
Oct^r 22 To Cash lost at a Race 2
To Tho^s Watts for Ditto 10
To Expences there 1 4
To 6 y^{ds} silk ferriting at 5^d
[Note 7] 2 6
25 To 16-1/2 y^{ds} Cantaloons at 7-1/2
for Pease [Note 8] 10 3-3/4
To 1 P^r mens thread hose 5
To 1 p^r mens silk Ditto 1 1
To 2-1/4 y^{ds} fine Kenting at 4/6 10 1-1/2
26 To 1 p^r wom^s worsted hose 3
To 1 knife & fork 8
27 To a Steer 1 11 9
To 2 yew haft knives & forks 1 3
28 To 2 q^{ts} Rum 4 6
To 1 yew haft knife & fork &
1 p^r Studds 1 10-1/2
29 To 1 p^r Salisbury Scissars 2 6
To 1-1/2 Gallon Rum 4 6
To 1 speckled knife & fork 5
Nov^r 4 To 1 writing Desk 5 16 8
To 1 Glass & Cover 8 9
To 18^l Pewter at 1 8
To 6 tea Cups & Saucers 14
To 2 Chocolate Cups 2 4
To 2 Custard Cups 1 9
To 1 Tea Table painted with
fruit 16 4
To 6 leather Chairs at 7/ 2 2
To 1 sm^l walnut eating table 8
To 1/2 doz Candlemoulds 10

GLOSSARY

1. "Mountain: 5. (In full _mountain wine_). A variety of Malaga
wine, made from grapes grown on the mountains."--_A New English
Dictionary on Historical Principles,_ Sir James A. H. Murray, ed.,
vol. 6 (Oxford, 1908), p. 711.

2. "Romal: 1. A silk or cotton square or handkerchief, sometimes
used as a head-dress; a thin silk or cotton fabric with a
handkerchief pattern."--Ibid., vol. 8, pt. 1 (Oxford, 1910), p.
764.

3. "Kenting: A kind of fine linen cloth."--Ibid., vol. 5, (Oxford,
1901), p. 673.

4. "Filleting: 2. a. A woven material for binding; tape; a piece of
the same; a band or bandage."--Ibid., vol. 4 (Oxford, 1901), p.
217.

5. "Caddow: A rough woolen covering ... 1880. _Antrim & Down
Gloss._ (E. D. S.) _Cadda_, _Caddaw_, a quilt or coverlet, a cloak
or cover; a small cloth which lies on a horse's back."--Ibid., vol.
2 (Oxford, 1893), p. 13.

6. Patterdashers. Probably the same as "spatter-dash. A legging or
gaiter extending to the knee, worn as a protection from water and
mud." Webster's _New International Dictionary of the English
Language_, second ed., unabridged; Springfield, Mass., G. & C.
Merriam Co., 1958.

7. Ferreting. Same as "Ferret. 2. A stout tape most commonly made
of cotton, but also of silk; then known as Italian ferret." Murray,
_op. cit._, (no. 1) vol. 4 (Oxford, 1901), p. 165.

8. "Cantoloon. _Obs._ A wollen stuff manufactured in the 18th c. in
the west of England." Ibid., vol. 2: (Oxford, 1893), p. 79.

9. "Soosy ... 1858. Simmond's _Dictionary of Trade._ Soocey, a
mixed striped fabric of silk and cotton in India."--Ibid., vol. 9.
pt. 1 (Oxford, 1919), p. 428.

£ s. d.

To 1 Tea table 18
To 1 brass chaffing dish 5
To 6 copper tart pans 6
Nov^r 4^{th} To 1 p^r mens yarn hose 2
To 1 silk Romal 3
To Expences Spotsylvania Court &C 1 7 4
To 1 p^r bellows
To 2 funnells
To Coffeepot, teapots, &c 7
To 1 Seabed Sheets Table Linnen &c 3 10
To Cash to Pitts to bear
Expences at Court 2 9
To a pack of Cards 9
To 1 pair mens Shooes 5
6 To 1 silk Romall handkerchief 3
11 To 6-1/2 y^{ds} Cantaloons @ 9^d 4 8-1/2
17 To 16 q^r 22 y^{ds} Scotch Cloth
@20^d-1/4 1 17 1-1/2
20 To p^d William Warrell Wages
for this day 1 6 8-1/2
22 To 6-1/4^l tallow @ 6^d 3 16
To 3-1/2 y^{ds} Cantaloons & 40^l
coll'd thread 3 4
To 1 maple knife & fork 1
25 To 154^l pork at 1-1/2 19 3
To 91^l D^o at 1-1/2 11 4-1/2
Dec^r 19 To 2 p^r wom^s Shooes 11
X^tmas To Cash for Lost at Cards &
sundry Expenses 1 18 19
To p^d Thomas Morris for pork 6 7 5
To p^d Pitts Wages till February 4 19 9-1/2
To p^d Thomas Collins D^o
till March 18 2
To 3 Ells y^d w^d Garlix 3/ 9
To sundrys from M^r Crompton p^r Acc^t 1 19 1-1/2
Feb 26 To 1 q^t rum 27 4 q^{ts} D^o 7 6
Mar 2 To 2 q^{ts} D^o 5. 1 q^{ts} D^o 7
2 q^{ts} D^o 8^{th}. 5 q^{ts} D^o 15
9 To 2 q^{ts} D^o
To sundry Exp^s to this Day 1
10 To 2 q^t Rum 12th 2 q^{ts} D^o
15th 2 q^{ts} D^o 9
15 To 5 p^{ts} Rum 1^l Sugar & 2
y^{ds} Check 7 6
18 To 7 gall^s Rum & 16^l Sugar 2 9 6
To Cash for taking up W^m Hall's horse 10
To D^o at Stafford Court 4
To Sundrys to W^m Dunn 1 17 6
June 11 To cleaning out the house 6 9
To 1500 10^d Nails used about it. 11 3
To 1 doz. Canary 1 10
To p^d Tho^s Collins his Wages to May 11 3
To 2 doz & 8 bottles Claret 2 8
To 3 Cows & Calves & 1 featherbed 11
To 1 [?] Chints 18
To 21-1/2y^{ds} coll^d blew at 2.6 2 13 1-1/2
To 15 y^{ds} course Check at 16^d 1
To 12 y^{ds} best D^o 18
To Account Rum &c to this day 2 10
To Wheat Corn fowls &c 3 2 3
To sundrys of M^c farlane as p^r Acc^t 5 11 1-1/2
To sundrys of Alex^r Buncle as p^r D^o 15 17 9-1/2
To 7-1/2 y^{ds} y^d w^d Check @
2/ to W^m Dunn 15
To 2-1/2 y^{ds} brown linnen @
10^d to D^o 2 1
To p^d M^{rs} Bourne for sundrys 5
To p^d for a Coffin & digging
ye Child's grave 1 5
To sundry Expences for fowls &c 17 4
To John Chinn's Acc^t ferrages
&c for going to W^{ms}burgh 2 5 6
To 2 p^r Andirons 2 Trunks &c 2 7 6
To 2 dishes & 4-3/4 y^{ds} India
Persian 1 13 1-1/2
To 1 p^r Shooes & buckles 6
To Cash to Bates to go for my horse 7 2
To D^o lost at Race & gave
Scarlett Handcock 2 12
To Cash for Exp^s 3 9
To John Barber for going to Gloucester 11 6
To gave W^m Johnson 7-1/2
To paid for Apples 6
To paid Eliz^a Rowsey Wages 6 9
To 5 gall^s Rum 1 5
To sundrys bought of Thomas
Hudson as by his account 12 6 10
To 1 y^d princes Linnen W^m Johnson 1 3
To Cash for 1/2 doz. Spoons &c 4 10-1/2
To D^o for Exp^s on a Journey
to W^{ms}burgh 1 19 3-1/2
To Mosley Battaley's Acc^t for
his fee for 1726 2 10
To allowed him for extraordinary
service 4 15 1
To Peter Whitings Account Palms &
Sail Needles 2 6
56^1 Cordage 1 8 3
To Cha^s McClelland's
Account for sundrys
Going to Col^o Mason's
for Eliz Rowsey 10
Going to York & sundrys 1 5 6
Going to Nich^o Smith's 10
To Rob^t Spotswood's
Account for sundrys 1 10
To Geo. Rust's Acc^t for 1 Ironpot 5
To John Dagge's Acc^t of sundrys
1 Oven 17 6
Bringing over 10 Sheep from Sumn^{rs} 5
To John Randolph's Acc^t for
Lawyers fees 4 2
To Esme Stewart's D^o for Toys 2
To George Walker D^o for Law Charges 4 15 5
To 2 Gall^s Rum of Simon Peirson 10
To John Maulpus's Acc^t for
2 bar^{ls} Corn 1 1
To Thomas Hudson's D^o for
2 bar^{ls} D^o 15
To Joshua Davis's D^o for paid
Thomas Jefferies for a Gun 2
To M^r Graeme's Acc^t for sundry books 2 9 3
To Jn^o Quarles's D^o for 1 p^r
sm^l Stilliards 7 6
To Hen Woodcock's D^o for Ferrages 9
To Harry Beverley's D^o for
Lawyer's fees 4 2
To Rob^t Wills's Acc^t for sundrys 18 8
To Rose Dinwiddie's Acc^t for
1 p^r mens yarn hose & 2
bush^{ls} Wheat 7 6
To Peter Hedgman's D^o for sundrys 2 2 7
To Mary Fitzhugh's D^o for 8
bus^{ls} Wheat 9
To Lazarus Pepper's D^o for Quitrent
of 187 Acres of Land 4 6
To Quitrents of 2087 Acres of
Land for the year 1725 2 8
To Cash Account for sundrys 11 8
To Rawleigh Chinn's Acc^t for sundrys 0 0 0
Keeping my horse for a Race 15
1-1/2 barr^l Corn 15
1 Shoat 18 Fodder 17^d
5 Geese 7/6 10 5
4 days hire Moll 1 3
Dressing Deerskins for Will Dunn 4
Plowing & fencing my Garden 1 4
A Gun 18
To Alexand^r M^cfarlane's Acc^t
A Caddow & 1 p^r blankets 16
1 wom^s horsewhip 6
1£ Gunpowder & 10^£ Shot 5 10
1 womans bound felt 4 6
To 12^l Gunpowder & 20^l Shot 2
To Henry Floyd's Acc^t for 5 pecks Corn 2 6
To Ja^s Whalley's D^o for 7 fowls 3
To Ja^s Horsenaile's D^o for sundrys 1 19 9
To John Holdbrook's Acc^t
for taylor's work 2 11 6
To John Tinsley's Acc^t for
Fodder & tallow 14
To Hugh French's Acc^t for a
Serv^t woman 12
To D^r Roy for a visit &
medicines my Child 12 6
To Edw^d Snoxall's Acc^t for 1
bush^l hommonybeans 4
To Edw^d Simm's Acc^t for sundrys 6 11 11
To Ralph Falconer's D^o for D^o 1 10
To Tho^s Eves for fowls 4 6
To 1 olives 5
To 1 pair mens Shooes W^m Dunn 5
To 3 Ells Dowlass D^o 5 6
To 1-1/2 bush^l Corn 3
To 3-3/4 y^{ds} Check for finding
my Saddle 5
To 10 y^{ds} fustian 2/6 1 5
To 5-1/4 doz Coat Buttons 10^d 4 2
To 3 hanks silk & 2 hanks mohair 3 2
To 4 Soosey handkerchiefs [Note 9] 12
To 12 yd^s Check & 1 p^r mens gloves 4
To 2 yd^s Wadding 1 6
To 6-1/4 bush^{ls} Corn 13
To 2-3/4 bush^{ls} pease 11
To 2 bush^{ls} potatoes 4
--------------------
£285 2 3-1/4

APPENDIX E

Mercer's Reading 1726-1732

[From Ledger B]

_Mr. John Graeme_

1726 By sundry Book bo^d of him belong^s to the Hon^{ble} Col^o
Spotswood. Viz.
The History of England 3 vols £4. 2
Clarendon's History 6 vols 2. 2
Tillotson's Works 15 vols 5.15
Plutarch's Lives 5 vols 1.10
Dryden's Virgil 3 vols 17.6
Cowley's Works 2 vols 13.
Milton's Paradise Lost 6.6
Secret Memories 7.7
Chamberlayne's State of England 6.6
Wilkin's Mathematical Works 5.6
Petronius 5.
Tilly's Orations 5.6
[Symbol: dagger]Bible 4
Hudibras 2 vol 5.3
Callipoedia 2.
Dunster's Horace 6.
De Gennes Voyage 3.
Banquet of Xenophon 3.
Congreve's Plays 4.
Lock's Essays 12.
Evelyn's Gardening 1.
[Symbol: dagger]Littleton's Dictionary }
[Symbol: dagger]Present State of Russia }
[Symbol: dagger]Sedley's Works } 1.
[Symbol: dagger]New Voyages }
[Symbol: dagger]New Travels }
[Symbol: dagger]Cole's Dictionary }

[All except those marked by [Symbol: dagger] are listed as returned on the debit side]

* * * * *

Law Books Bought of Mat Stotham
May 1732 Salkeld's Reports 1.18.
Ventris's Reports 1.15.
Jacob's Law Dictionary 1. 8.
Maxims of Equity 10.
Cursus Cancellaris 6.
Hearn's Pleader 1. 5.
Lilly's Practical Register 2 vol 14.
Treatise of Trespasses 6.
Laws of Evidence 8.
Laws of Ejectments 8.
The 5 last extraordinary scarce

_Account of Books lent & to whom_ (1730)

History of the Netherlands Jn^o Savage
July 13 Coles's Dictionary
History of the Royal Society Col^o Fitzhugh
Rochesters Works Andrew Forbes
Evelyn's Sylva Ralph Falkner
Woods Institutes 1^{st} Vol. Parson Rose
Mathesis Juvenilia }
Ozenam's Mathem. Recreations } Edmund Bagge
Cockers Arithmetick Robert Jones
30 Mariners Compass rectified M^r Savage
Travels thro' Italy &c Cap^t Hedgman
Daltons Justice D^o

_A Catalogue of the Books bought March 1730 of Mr Rob^t Beverley_