Chapter XVIII: The First Parliament

The 10th of May had long been announced as the official birthday of Russian freedom, but every one was astonished when the birth actually took place, and the officials were the most astonished of all. Stars and omens were unpropitious. The astrologers muttered of a secret and violent influence, already blighting the future hope before it breathed. At the door was sitting an obscure and gigantic form with hands ready to throttle its earliest cry; and in the heavens, Orion’s sword, with point directed at the house of birth, was seen hanging by a single hair.

It required no divination to prophesy evil. Every art of provocation had been used by the pensioners of violence to arouse a popular outbreak, so that in the name of order the people’s hopes might again be thwarted. Martial law was maintained, and meetings were suppressed. Only on the Tuesday night before the fateful Thursday, I visited the hall of the Free Economic Society for old acquaintance’ sake, because the Strike Committee used to meet there, and sat among a peaceful audience of Constitutional Democrats and peasant members of the Duma, listening to a statistical discourse on the agrarian question. Suddenly a measured tramp was heard outside, thirty armed police forced their way into the crowded hall, and their officer declared the meeting closed. White-haired Annensky, the club’s aged President, famous equally for learning and imprisonment, vainly recited the Society’s statute of freedom, granted by Catherine II. herself. Speakers and audience, Members of Parliament, men and women alike, were driven out into the street, and in the name of the law we were commanded to learn nothing further about the comparative statistics of agricultural productivity.

The change of Ministry during the previous week was claimed as an advantage by both sides. The removal of Witte and Durnovo simultaneously at least made the assembly of the Duma possible, and the appointment of Goremykin as Premier was greeted even by many Liberals as a harmless and natural thing, just as in England it is harmless and natural to make a lord chairman of an agricultural show. On the other hand, it was seen that the new Ministers as a body belonged to the familiar old gang of bureaucrats, trained in the routine of officialdom, and untouched by the realities of wider life. Finally, the publication of the new version of “Fundamental Laws” only three days before the Duma met was clear evidence that the party of reaction still controlled the hesitating Tsar; for as long as those Fundamental Laws remained above change and above discussion, the power promised to the people--the power that we call freedom--must inevitably continue ineffectual as an infant spirit in limbo.

So the omens of freedom’s birth were dark; but omens are usually dark in Russia, and when the expected morning came, the church bells set up a famous clanging, and the beautiful city of St. Petersburg woke light-hearted as usual in the midst of her perils. For the security of the despotism every precaution had been taken. The palace arrangements had been made by Trepoff himself, whose influence in the Imperial household remained unabated. The deep and brilliant river ran silent and empty of traffic, while up its course the Tsar was spirited back to the city which had not known him since Bloody Sunday. All the approaches to the Winter Palace were barred from dawn. The two nearest bridges over the Neva were closed. Troops were drawn across the neighbouring streets. Bodies of variegated Cossacks and Guards, their horses bright with scarlet cloths, stood patient for hours upon the vast and stony square before the palace doors. No common eye might gain a glimpse of the glory to be revealed. No cabman brought a duke without displaying a special green ticket in his hat. For days before, the most elaborate system of coupons and signatures and photographs for identification had been organized with infinite effort to prevent any dreadful occurrence. Yet when the moment came, no one consulted the nice photographs with which I had freely supplied the palace, and I walked in far more easily than its owner. I have often noticed that despotism affords these little advantages over decent government.

As the scene of the day’s first ceremony, Trepoff had chosen the large Coronation Hall, constructed with columns of genuine marble--so few things are genuine in these palaces--and decorated with gold and crimson hideousness, to which all Emperors are obliged to grow accustomed. At the end of the hall, upon a few low steps, stood a rather old gilded throne. Over it was thrown a robe of ermine and yellow stuff in studied negligence, and round it stood four little gilded camp-stools. A praying-desk and a table, both covered with gold cloth, were placed in the middle of the inlaid floor, and some priests or deacons carried in the miraculous Icon, representing the head of Christ, from the little old palace of Peter the Great. But when they had set it on the praying-desk they found it was so dusty, or had been so much kissed of late, that they had to spend the leisure time in polishing it up with a fairly clean handkerchief. Beside them was presently drawn up a choir of men and boys, all dressed in long cassocks of crimson and gold to match the furniture.

Meantime the new State Council (or Council of Empire) had begun to arrive and gather on the low platform constructed down the side of the hall to the right of the throne. Senators also came in brilliant scarlet and gold, past and present Ministers with long beds of gold-lace flowers and foliage down their coats, a whole school of admirals (if one may borrow a marine phrase from the porpoise), a radiant company of Field Marshals and generals in blue or white cloth with gold or silver facings and enormous epaulettes, and the members of the Holy Synod in the panoply of holiness. Soon the entire platform was full of uniforms, and on the breast of each uniform gleamed stars and crosses and medals, a few of which were gained by service in foreign or civil war. Sometimes one could only hope that the hero would live to win no more distinction, since there was no more room for orders, so great had been the wisdom or courage of the heart that beat below.

By some mistake, three peasant deputies, in high top-boots, with leather belts round their long Sunday coats, entered among all this brilliance, contemplated it as though working out its value in grain, and then were hurriedly conducted away by a being with a queer gold crook. But they were only a few minutes wrong in the programme, for directly afterwards all the Duma members came trooping in--sturdy peasants in homespun cloth, one Little Russian in brilliant purple with broad blue breeches, one Lithuanian Catholic bishop in violet robes, three Tartar Mullahs with turbans and long grey cassocks, a Balkan peasant in white embroidered coat, four Orthodox monks with shaggy hair, a few ordinary gentlemen in evening dress, and the vast body of the elected in the clothes of every day.

All down the left side of the hall they ranged themselves, about four hundred and sixty of them altogether; for, at the last moment, all had consented to come, though many of the peasants and Constitutional Democrats had threatened to stay away, in protest against the Fundamental Laws. There they stood, confronting the brilliant crowd across the polished floor, and it was easy to see in them the symbol of the new age which now confronts the old and is about to devour it. Shining with decorations and elaborately dressed in many colours, on the one side were the classes who so long have drained the life of the great nation they have brought to the edge of ruin. Pale, bald, and fat, they stood there like a hideous masquerade of senile children, hardly able to realize the possibility of change. But opposite to them thronged the people--young, thin, alert, and sunburnt, with brown and hairy heads, dressed like common mankind, and straining for the future chance.

In that sharp contrast between obsolete failure and coming hope lay the only significance of that palatial scene, unless a dim significance still lurked in the dozen Byzantine bishops and metropolitans, who, in stiff gold and domed mitres, tottered up the space between the confronting ages, and embraced each other’s hoary beards with holy kisses. They had hardly been brought into line before the altar when a sudden hush was felt by all, and far away was heard the melancholy and beautiful Russian Hymn. It heralded the approach of the regalia, and presently there entered the golden sceptre and the golden orb, the seal of bronze, and the diamond crown, each reposing upon a velvet cushion and escorted by golden staves and the flag of Empire and the big gilt sword. Then at last I discovered the purpose of those four gilded camp-stools round the throne. I had hoped to see one of the Tsar’s four little daughters seated on each, but they served only as resting-places for the majestic toys of kings.

Close behind his toys, the little Tsar himself was seen advancing. There was a timid swagger in his gait, but he walked alone, and his uniform looked simple after the finery we had seen. The aged metropolitan of St. Petersburg stood in wait for him with the holy kiss and a bunch of green herbs dipped in consecrated water. Behind the Tsar came his mother and his wife, who were refused the sprinkling, but gained the other blessing. Twelve feet behind them their trains extended flat along the floor, and, as in a fairy tale, armed men stood ready to help with the weight of each. At a safe distance behind the trains were halted the Grand Dukes in two or three rows of repeated splendour.

With voices of thunder and voices from the tomb, the priests chanted, and called, and read the golden book as only Russian priests are able, and the rows of crimson choir sang the wailing responses between. Upon the right the flashing crowd was busy bowing and signing the cross. Rarely is such religious zeal to be witnessed as the Grand Dukes displayed in crossing themselves; for in this evidence of sanctity they surpassed the very bishops. But the stiff-necked generation on the left remained unmoved. One or two peasants crossed themselves as they were accustomed; a few more complied when the priest shook the solid cross threateningly in their direction; but the black phalanx stood unmoved--polite but detached spectators of these curious survivals.

The service ceased, the bishops stood aside, the altar was carried away, the Empresses swept to their corner among the white-shouldered ladies on the right of the throne. In the open space the little Tsar stood solitary. Gathering together all the initiative in his nature, he walked slowly up the floor, mounted the steps, faced round to the assembly, and sat down upon the negligent ermine robe. A brilliant official handed him a large parchment, and he stood up to read. Amid the intent silence of contrary hopes and expectations, his voice sounded clear. All knew that a turning-point in history had come, and that to this little man one of the world’s great opportunities had been offered.

But with every sentence that was pronounced, the hopes of the new age faded. As commonplace succeeded commonplace, amid the usual appeals to Heaven and the expression of such affection as monarchs always feel for their subjects, it was seen that no concession was made, no conciliation attempted. The one paragraph in which something comparatively definite was said about the Imperial heart’s solicitude for the peasants and the future enlightenment of the people--that paragraph was marked by the dangerous old phrase of “unwavering firmness,” and by fresh insistence upon the necessity of order.[7] When the end came, and the colours were waved, and the band played, and the officials shouted, “Hurrah!” while the Imperial procession marched from the hall, the members of the party of progress stood dumb. They knew now that for the future they had only themselves to look to, and that the greatest conflict of all still lay before them. Had the Tsar but granted an amnesty to the thousands on thousands of prisoners still lying in gaol because their political views did not coincide with his own, it would have been difficult to measure the extent of his future influence. But one of the world’s opportunities had again been offered him, and not for the first time he had refused it.

Nevertheless, come what will, the 10th of May was really a turning-point in history. On the evening after the battle of Valmy, where the new order of citizen-soldier held its own against the mercenaries of kings, Goethe said to his comrades on the field, “To-day a new age begins, and we can say we were present at its birth.” Those were the words that rang in my mind as I watched the uniforms and decorations disappear in their carriages, and then followed the new deputies, and saw the prisoners waving their handkerchiefs in greeting from the barred windows of the Cross prison over the river, and stood among the crowd at the new Duma’s door, and listened to the deep-mouthed cheers, while the whole air sounded with the cries of “Amnesty!” and “Freedom!”

St. Petersburg is particularly rich in the dignified classic architecture of the eighteenth century, but of all the examples of this style none is so beautiful as the interior of the Taurida Palace, which Catherine II. built as a present for her lover Potemkin. With little change it has now been converted into the simplest and noblest of all Houses of Parliament, and it was there that the first meeting of Russia’s chosen representatives was opened at four o’clock that afternoon. The first business was the election of a Speaker or President. Every one knew that Muromtzeff, a Constitutional Democrat, and one of the members for Moscow, would be elected. In his youth he had been Professor of Law in Moscow University, but had been driven from his Chair by a Government which trembles at excellence in any form. Since then he had won a high reputation at the bar, and was known as the greatest authority on Parliamentary procedure. His character, his dignified bearing, and his long service to liberty all contributed to make his election certain, but when it was found that he had been chosen by 426 votes to 3, this evidence of the Duma’s spirit rather startled the politicians who believe in the blessings of a solid Opposition.

His few and dignified words in thanking the members for raising him to this high position in a State that at last had become constitutional, formed a fit opening for the new Parliament’s work. But it had been arranged beforehand that the first real speech should be delivered by Petrunkevitch--Ivan Petrunkevitch, one of the members for Tver, an aged and distinguished Zemstvoist, and leader among such Radical reformers as are not Socialists--one of those who at the beginning of the Tsar’s reign urged him in vain to constitutional ways. Inevitably he chose as his subject the demand for amnesty. His speech was utterly irregular. There was no motion or question before the House. He broke every rule of Parliamentary procedure. But that did not matter in the least. One thought filled all hearts--the thought of those thousands of prisoners--seventy-five thousand of them, it was said--still lying in gaol for their love of freedom, and it was of amnesty and amnesty alone that all except a few ungenerous spirits wished first to hear.

The meeting was then adjourned over the next day, in order that Muromtzeff might report his appointment to the Tsar, who from the Winter Palace had rapidly sought the country retirement where he could feel himself comparatively courageous.

On the afternoon of that Friday, the 11th of May, the State Council, to which had been entrusted equal powers with the Duma, condescended to meet. No crowd watched its members arriving, no prisoners waved them good wishes. An Upper Chamber is raised above the interest of the masses and the gaol-birds of freedom. Its members were quite aware that it was their part in the new constitution only to fulfil the two functions required of such bodies as the British House of Lords--to oppose a permanent barrier to progress, and to provide a cheap reward for obsolete insignificance. As there was yet no progress to bar, and few but themselves were obsolete, they had no call to hurry.

So in the heat of the summer afternoon, having taken a day to recover from the strain of the previous ceremony, they began to gather leisurely in their new hall. In theory they were the same old “Council of Empire” which for many years had served as a field for the display of decorations. And certainly the decorations had not lost their lustre. It was the same uniformed throng as had gathered in the Winter Palace, and they had assumed the same glitter. Conspicuous even among their glories was one ancient courtier, who had maintained the Empire under Nicholas I. before the Crimean War, and still went smiling round his orbit, brave with the sixty-five medals of his years of service, while Orders stood clustered on his breast thick as stars upon the Milky Way; for, unhappily, he had not followed the example of others, and made room for his honours by increasing his girth.

But even the oldest members of the Council must have been dimly aware of changing times, for instead of the familiar old Marie Palace on the square opposite St. Isaac’s cathedral, where so many happy afternoons of important idleness had been spent, they now found themselves in the “Noblemen’s Assembly” or Club, quite a dignified and classic place, but not the house they were accustomed to. And actually mixed up among them stood a lot of elected and unknown gentlemen, representing the Church, the Universities, Commerce and Industry, the big towns, and other dubious institutions that hang upon the borderland of vulgarity. What was worse, all the six representatives of the Universities openly professed the Constitutional Democratic faith, and five or six more were known to lean towards that terrible party which dominated the Lower House. The only consolation was that just half the Council were still nominated by the Tsar himself, and that of the rest some eighty per cent. could be trusted to agree with any Tsar’s nominees. It was a relief also to discover that the very few who possessed no uniforms had shown the decency of putting on evening dress when they got up that morning.

By two o’clock a good many members had assembled. Goremykin, the new Premier, was there, languid and neutral in the ministerial stalls. Alexeieff of Manchuria came, and Ignatieff, the Tsar’s fat friend, and no one thought it strange when the Metropolitan of St. Petersburg bestowed three kisses of holy peace upon Golitzin, the slaughterer of the Caucasus. Trepoff, who rules the Imperial circle, and parched old Pobiedonostzeff, so long Russia’s guide to God, were reported present. Durnovo, late ill-omened Minister of Interior, was there, and at his side Witte, his uncertain enemy, had come to hear his own belated appointment as member of the Council read out, and to meditate the tearful appeal for amnesty by which three days later he was to reveal to his brothers the workmen a heart melting in pity over the woes he had himself inflicted.

So they gathered and chatted and sat down, and then, having nothing else to do, they prayed. For forty minutes the golden priests prayed and sang at golden tables placed before the portrait of the Tsar. Then Count Solsky, whom the Tsar had chosen as President, took his seat, a few messages were read, it was agreed to return a gracious answer to the speech from the throne, and Count Solsky, who is much like the late Lord Salisbury in appearance, did what Lord Salisbury himself would have done under the circumstances: he yawned, muttered something inaudible, and adjourned the assembly by turning his back upon it.

The action of the Council throughout would well have become any Second Chamber in the world, but in the Duma things did not go so leisurely, nor were the members so content with the result. On Saturday, May 12th, at eleven, the first true meeting of a popular assembly in Russia began. For nearly twelve hours on end that sitting continued, and yet the immense labour of Russian reform seemed to have advanced no step. Members chafed with impatience. Why not make a beginning since all were agreed, and so much had now to be accomplished? The same impatience was seen lately even in England, where we have spent six centuries in attempting to perfect the method of self-government. But in Russia the lesson began that day, the evils to be amended were incomparably vaster, and the need of haste was such as England cannot conceive. For over the Duma the sword hung by a hair. The very approach to the Taurida Palace passed through long lines of barracks, and in the left wing of the building itself companies of the Guards had just been stationed, ready for any event.

And as to waste of time, let us remember the difficulties that beset the infant Parliament. The chamber itself was a large amphitheatre of seats gently rising on steps, each seat fitted with a desk. In a long gallery at the back of the amphitheatre, ambassadors, strangers, and ladies were allowed to be present, and the Russian ladies are so far advanced in civilization that no metal bars were thought necessary to restrain their savage tendencies. Opposite, in the middle of the semicircle’s diameter, rose the President’s high box, and just below it was the Tribune, from which all members were obliged to speak, except for very short questions or explanations. The President grasped a large bell, but managed to control the assembly without a wig or robes. Behind his chair was a large open space, furnished with tables, where the ballotting and counting took place. On each side of the chamber was a large, empty lobby, and behind it a vast hall with polished floor ran from end to end of the building, for the meetings of groups and the discovery of wisdom by members as they walked. Beyond the hall were dining-rooms, tea-rooms, telegraph rooms, telephones, committee-rooms, receptacles for goloshes, and all else that the nature of a member of parliament requires.

To return to the Chamber, on the right and left of the President’s box, and facing the assembly, were a number of raised seats for any Ministers who might choose to attend. The Ministers had no connection with the assembly; they might not vote; they were responsible only to the Tsar, who appointed them. Among the members there were no Ministers, there was no “Government,” there was no one to arrange the order of business or the introduction of measures. Any member got up and proposed what he pleased. In the subsequent discussion on the Address, for instance, from eleven in the morning till seven at night, members rose in succession and made stupendous proposals of reform that were neither discussed nor rejected. At first the parties did not even divide themselves into Right and Left, but members took their seats anyhow, and when in a few days the inevitable division began to show itself, the Right was so scanty as to be hardly visible. Though the true Right numbered about seventy, they were ashamed to be seen on the right, and all members edged as far left as possible. Votes were taken sometimes by members standing up, sometimes by division into lobbies, but the ultimate appeal was to secret ballot, so that it was impossible to calculate a party’s votes or to control the relation of a member to his constituents’ desire. During the speeches, applause was rare, but at the end members vigorously clapped their hands if they were pleased. They spoke of each other by bare surnames, and would probably use Christian names in Russian fashion as they became more intimate. They addressed the assembly as “Gentlemen,” and even as “Comrades.” The President freely interrupted speakers, argued with them, and gave them little lectures on the procedure and Constitutional Law of other countries. On the first day several members wanted to speak two or three times upon the same question, and explanations of previous speeches were as long as the originals.

There were many difficulties and many differences from our own ancient habits, around which the interesting rags and tatters of the past still flutter. But in starting fresh, the Russian Parliament had at least as much advantage as difficulty, and it will rapidly develop improvements for which we ourselves shall long have to fight against the ghostly influence of our forefathers. One of the first acts of the Duma was to appoint a committee of nineteen to draw up a new scheme of procedure, and they had many lessons to suggest to older Parliaments. But all these discussions on methods and the inevitable mistakes of beginners meant waste of time, and waste of time was more irritating to the Duma members than to our own, because, being peasants and workmen, the majority of them were more serious, their hopes were younger, and, having no Ministers, they had no one to abuse.

As to the course of business itself, almost the whole of the first full day was occupied in nominating candidates as Vice-Presidents and four secretaries. The names of the members proposed had to be collected in boxes and arranged in lists. Then followed a slow march round and round the President’s box for the ballot. That slow march lasted for hours. Next day (Sunday) it was renewed for the election of thirty-three members to draw up an Address in answer to the Tsar’s speech. When that was over the committee of nineteen had to be elected for procedure. Monday there was no meeting because the Address was being prepared. Tuesday they began to talk about the Address. Wednesday they continued talking about the Address, and the wrongs of Russia were at least mentioned. On Thursday the Address was discussed clause by clause, and a week of the Duma had gone.[8]

To most of the Constitutional Democrats who held the majority inside the Duma, to highly educated men like Professor Muromtzeff, the President, or Professor Miliukoff, who directed the party from the outside, because the Government did not allow his election--to men like these it was probably evident that all this talk on procedure and discussion of principles were essential to popular government, and that delay was part of every great beginning. But the Duma was democratic beyond anything that our House of Commons has yet imagined. Certainly it contained only about fifteen workmen from the towns, because the election of others was annulled by the violence of authority. But it contained about 170 of the peasant class, a few of whom had educated themselves highly and quitted their villages; but some could not read, and nearly all were fine, heavy-browed countrymen, with big shoulders and great brown hands. They had left their dear strips of earth, their dear horses and ploughs, and had come to the smelling city for the one and only purpose of winning the land back for the people who work it. What did it profit them to walk on polished floors with top-boots clean and long coats neatly brushed; to listen to discourses on constitutional procedure; to talk in tea-rooms with men who do not know sand from clay; to tramp for hours dropping marbles into green boxes; and to receive invitations to banquets which they most honourably refused?

They yearned for the old horse at home, and for the fragrant earth where the corn was sprouting now. They were on a holy mission; they would not go back. “We dare not go back without the land,” they said; “our villagers would kill us.” In some cases, aged peasants of pious gravity had been sent up at the expense of the village as overseers to watch that the members did their duty, and to complain straight to the Tsar if the land was not restored to its cultivators at once. Forty-three of the peasant members were supposed to belong to the Right and were roughly classed as the “Black Hundred,” though in these early days of the Duma they voted steadily with the rest. But if the Labour Party, as the majority of the peasants and the workmen combined began then to be called, felt a little puzzled and impatient at the number of things that had to be done before anything could be done, it was no wonder. We can also understand the difficulties of a Professor of Constitutional Law brought face to face with such a situation.

Behind these passing apprehensions and disappointments lay the one great question which occupied the thoughts of all during the Duma’s first regular day of meeting. The sitting opened with messages of congratulation from Russian towns, from the Finland Diet, and from many foreign countries, even down to Bohemia and Montenegro. From England, from the Labour Party at all events, a message had been expected, but none came. Last of all, four telegrams were read from groups of “politicals” still in gaol, and amid shouts of “Amnesty!” the whole Duma rose and remained standing till the reading was finished. The world-without-end hours of balloting and discussion of procedure next intervened, and it was not till late in the evening that the burning question was reached at last. Roditcheff, another of the members for Tver, had won the right to introduce it by his long service to the growth of constitutional liberty; for, like his colleague Petrunkevitch, he had been among those whose petition for some degree of popular representation in the government had been rejected by the Tsar twelve years before as an “idle dream.” A peasant leader, Anikin, member for Saratoff, followed him with an even stronger and more eloquent claim for justice towards those who still suffered in the cause of such freedom as Russia now appeared to have won. Other speeches were made, each becoming shorter and stronger as the excitement rose. At last the speeches ended. The question that the demand for amnesty be included in the address to the Tsar was put, and like one man, with one great shout, the whole assembly of Russia’s first representatives rose in answer.

With that scene, this simple record of the things I have lately witnessed may close. I have been told by men of high judgment and authority that the title chosen for the book is too hopeful, that the hour of dawn is still far off in Russia. In moments of despair during last winter I should have agreed; the forces of ancient oppression still appeared irresistibly strong. But writing as I do within the Duma itself, face to face with the grave and determined representatives of the Russian people, I cannot but hope that something has been gained which no violence in the world can compel them ever to surrender. I know the power of tradition, and I know well the power of the sword. But perhaps it may still be proved that more powerful even than tradition and the sword is the passion for freedom and justice which lives in the soul of many.

PLAN OF
MOSCOW]

INDEX

Akinoff, Minister of Justice, 242

Aladin, M., and peasant deputies, 315

Alexander III., system of Russification, 270

Alexandrovsky ironworks, 40;
government ways of industry, 41

Aliens Act, 227

Anarchists, message from, 56;
no paper in Russia, 73;
use of word by Government, 299

Anikin, member of Duma, 339

Annensky, President of Economic Society’s Club, 318

Army, increased pay, 175;
part in national tragedy, 303

Assassination of, Sipiaguine, 2;
Bobrikoff, 6;
Plehve, 6;
Grand Duke Sergius, 13;
Sakharoff, 77;
Voiloshnikoff, 178;
Jeoltanowski, 314

Baku, race feuds at, 16;
journey to, stopped by strike, 129–130

Baltic Provinces, Home Rule for, 74;
revolt in, 78;
shooting, hanging and flogging in, 263–281;
Governor-General accused of mildness, 265;
revolutionary reprisals, 279–280

Barashoff, chairman at Salt Town meeting, 52

Bauman, funeral of, 97

Bielenstein, Pastor, sufferings of, 274–275

Bireleff, Minister of Marine, 242

“Black Hundred,” 21, 33;
incited to murder, 121;
plunder Kieff, 208–209

“Bloody Sunday,” 11, 12;
honour to victims of, 52;
anniversary of, 228–232

Bobrikoff assassinated, 6

Bombardment, of private houses, 139, 140, 159, 162, 164, 176;
of factories, 184–189

Buliguine, Minister of Interior, 14

“Bund,” Jewish, 225, 284;
methods and aims of, 298

Carlyle, on Russia, 54;
on Livonia, 267

Caucasus, Home Rule for the, 74;
fighting in the, 78, 129

Clementz, Professor, 244

Congress, of Peasants at Moscow, 49;
of Constitutional Democrats in St. Petersburg, 313

Constitutional Democrats, 224;
programme in Odessa, 225;
meetings of, in St. Petersburg, 244–247;
policy of, 245;
leaders of, 246–247;
elections of, 311–312;
meeting broken up, 317–318

Cossacks, taunted in streets, 35;
brutal methods of, 38–40, 102, 134–135;
protect Heavenly Powers, 125;
employed with Semenoffsky Guards, 186;
connive at plunder, 208–209;
terror of, 277;
to guard Winter Palace, 319

Council of Empire, 313, 321, 329–332

Cross (_Kresty_) Prison, 238;
demonstrations from, 327

Courland, revolt in, 78

Davidoff, murder of, 228

Democrats, (_see_ CONSTITUTIONAL), 311;
National, 293, 295;
Progressive, 296

Diedulin, General, Chief of Police, 243

Dubasoff, Admiral, as butcher, 72;
Governor-General of Moscow, 122;
special prayers for, 124;
speech to patriots, 127;
fires on Red Cross, 15;
decrees business to be resumed, 180;
orders boys and girls to be flogged, 194–195;
attempted assassination of, 313

Duma, promised for January, 1906, 15–16;
Zemstvo’s attitude towards, 16;
Constitutionalists’ attitude towards, 245;
preparations for, 224;
reactionary designs on, 245–246;
Poland under, 287;
represented in, 294;
how elected, 303, 306;
date fixed, 310, 313;
elections for, 310, 311, 312;
candidates imprisoned, 311;
Durnovo’s attitude towards, 313;
Government’s precautions about, 316, 317–319;
opening of, 320;
first week of, 332–340

Durnovo, assistant Minister of Interior, 21, 57;
petition to, 103;
confirmed Minister of Interior, 242;
mean tactics of, 313;
resigns, and is rewarded, 313;
in Council of Empire, 318

England, quoted in support of tyranny, 285

English, manufacturers, 142, 182;
hide in cellars, 178;
under fire, 182–189;
Consulates attacked by troops, 209–210;
opinion on Russian revolution, 239

Ermoleff, police officer murders Dr. Vorobieff, 187

Esthonia, revolt in, 78;
prisoners shot in, 238

Fiedler, leader of revolutionists, 138;
house bombarded, 139;
death of, 140

Finance, 306;
Budget of 1906..., 309;
fresh loans and increased taxation, 312

Finland, liberties restored, 21;
Home Rule for, 74;
crossing Gulf of, 248–249;
concessions to, 286;
troops sent into, and withdrawn, 311

Flogging, abolished nominally, 6;
“as before,” 34, 41, 243;
of peasants, 91;
of boys, 193;
of young men and girls, 194–195;
in Livonia, 263–264, 278–279

Free Economic Society, hall in St. Petersburg, 25, 79, 315, 317–318

Fundamental laws, altered to frustrate Duma, 314–315;
criticized, 315;
resolution against, 316;
effect of, 319

Gapon, Father, founds Russian Workmen’s Union, 9–10;
appeals to Tsar, 11–12;
fails to attend meeting, 51–53;
amnesty demanded for, 55;
in hiding, 57;
described, 57–58;
escape of, 59;
reported dead, 313

Georgians, reported independence of, 129

German landowners, 270–274;
pastors, 274–276

Germany, dislike of, 295

Goethe, on the birth of a new age, 327

Golitzin, 331

Goremykin, new Premier, 313, 315, 331.
See MINISTERS.

Gorky, Maxim, edits _New Life_, 65–66;
explains revolution, 115–116;
his play, _The Children of the Sun_, performed, 116, 117;
his heroes, 118;
sombreness of, 269

Government, tactics of, 138, 167, 168, 301–306;
methods of business and of warfare, 231;
methods of justice, 233–234;
position of, 301-302;
loans to, 306, 310, 312

Gramen, shot for making bombs, 300

“Houses of Inquiry,” 233–236

Ignatieff, 331

“Intelligence,” The, definition of party, 9;
despised by Socialists, 297

Isvolsky, Minister at Danish Court, recalled, 315

Ivan the Cruel, 126

Japan, War with, 2, 3, 4;
peace with, 18;
effect of war on Poland, 288–289

Jeoltanowski, General, assassinated 314

Jews, massacre of, 3;
newspapers of, 68;
“Black Hundred,” to murder, 121;
arrested at Kieff, 210;
laws against, 225–227;
“Bund,” 225, 284, 298;
in Warsaw, 294;
classed as Anarchists, 299

Jewesses, courage of, 300

Journalists, beaten by soldiers, 188;
shot in batches, 238;
reactionary chorus of, 304, 306

Kaufman, Minister of Education, 315

Kempski, Edmund, tortured, 311

Khroustoloff, president of Strike Committee, 27, 28;
arrested, 77;
in prison, 237

Kieff, journey to, 203;
description of, 203–208;
Jews arrested at, 210;
revolutionists shot, 210;
prison fever, 210–211;
meeting at, 211;
wealth of, 211

Kishineff, massacre of Jews at, 3

Kokovtsoff, negotiates loans, 202, 312

Königsberg, case, 5

“Koulak,” a village usurer, 87

Kremlin, floating in blood, 72;
by moonlight, 119

Krasnaya (Red Square), prayer meeting in, 123

Krivoy Rog, trade with Siberia, 289

Kronstadt, visit to, 249;
Father John of, 249–255;
mutiny at, 303

Kropotkin, Prince, writer on Russian struggle for freedom, 2;
quoted by Tolstoy, 93;
quoted, 103

“Kursistki,” 257

Lavra, at Kieff, 204

Letts, revolt of, 78;
butchery of, 262–281;
language, music, and literature of, 267;
homes of, 268–269;
Russification of, 270;
drive out landowners, 270–273;
strange union with Germans, 273–274;
hiding from Cossacks, 277;
sentenced by telephone, 278

Livonia, revolt in, 78;
“Bloody Assize” in, 262–280

Lodz, trade of, 288

Manifestoes (Imperial), promising revision of laws, 7, 8;
appealing to people, 13;
promising Duma, 15;
announcing peace with Japan, 18;
promising personal freedom and constitution (Manifesto of Oct.
30th), 19, 20, 120;
restoring ancient liberties of Finland, 21;
withdrawing promised reforms, 22;
reducing peasants’ payments for land, 22;
peasants’ opinion of, 90;
making strikes a capital offence, 103;
promising army reforms, 201;
reorganizing old Council and limiting the power of Duma, 310;
worthlessness of, 243

Manifestoes (Revolutionary), on Government finance, 78;
accepting Government’s challenge, 80;
of strike committee to St. Petersburg citizens, 229

Manifesto of Oct. 30th violated, 310, 315, 316

Manioukoff, Rector of Moscow University, 108

Martial law, in Poland, 22;
in Moscow, 153–154;
at Kieff, 203;
in St. Petersburg, 317

“Marseillaise,” Russian, 30, 35

Massacres, at Kishineff, 3;
before Winter Palace, 12;
in streets of Warsaw, 13, 299–300;
at Toula, 81;
at Odessa, 216–220;
in Livonia, 262–281

“Maxim,” socialist leader, 272

Meetings, to discuss eight hours’ day, 28;
to protest against capital punishment, 31;
of Poles to demand overthrow of absolutism, 35;
at Salt Town, 50–57;
interest in, 62–63;
collections at, 104;
of National Democrats in Warsaw, 293–294;
of Economical Society, dispersed by police, 315, 317–318

Miliukoff, historian of freedom, 2;
editor of _Zhisn_ (_Life_), 111;
leader of Constitutionalists, 246–247;
great speech by, 315

Min, Colonel, as slaughterman, 183–186

Ministers, Committee of, 241–242

Ministers (New), 313, 315

Minsky, poet and editor, 66

Mirski, Prince Sviatopolk, Minister of Interior and reformer, 6

Mischenko expected with 7000 Cossacks, 175

_Molva_ (_The Russ_), 68;
publishes horrors, 311;
appeals to France, and is suppressed, 312

Moscow, centre of revolution, 80;
description of, 104, 107;
strikes in, 101–104;
Trade Unions in, 105–107;
University closed, 108;
Tsar’s portrait removed at meet-in, 109;
“liberty tempered by assassination” in, 118, 122;
terror in, 121;
fortified, 122;
prayer meeting in Red Square, 123;
stampede of patriots in, 128;
revolutionary days in, 129–197;
light and water cut off, 132;
attempt to win over troops, 134;
shops closed, 135;
garrison distrusted, 136;
bombardment of houses, 139–140;
English factories near, 142–143;
barricades and street-fighting, 145–168, 174;
girls shot down, 149, 150;
Zemstvo organizes ambulance, 150;
aid to the wounded, 152, 175;
Sharpshooters in bell-tower, 153, 161;
“a minor state of siege,” 154;
Christmas Eve rumours, 155;
explosion in gun-shop, 156;
victims, old and young, 160;
officer deprived of sword, 169;
new barricades, 174;
panic, 175;
official estimate of killed and wounded in, 176;
execution in street of, 177;
after bombardment, 179;
estimate of damage in, 181;
struggle for freedom in Presna district, 182–189;
horrors of suppression, 188–195, 240;
Christmas celebration in, 195–197;
lesson of, 203;
prisoners shot in batches, 238;
bank robbed, 311

Mutiny, at Toula, 2;
Odessa, 14, 302;
Baku, 16;
Kronstadt, 22, 302;
Sevastopol, 49, 302, 310;
Kieff, 211

Neidhart, Governor-General in Odessa, 216

Nemeschaeff, Minister of Communications, 241

Newspapers, revolutionary, 64–69, 311, 312;
reactionary, 69–70;
satiric, 71–73;
artistic merit of, 71;
wholesale suppression of, 80, 215, 311;
_Russian News_ joins Progressive party, 104, 111;
unpopularity of _Moscow News_, 106

“Noblemen’s Assembly,” State Council in, 330

Obolensky, Procurator of Holy Synod, 242

Odessa, rejoices at Manifesto of Oct. 30th, 215;
and buries freedom, 216;
massacres Jews, 216–220;
country near, 217;
Jewish obstinacy and misery, 220–221;
docks burned in, 222;
poverty in, 223;
political parties in, 224;
Jewish “Bund” at, 225;
restrictions on Jews, 226;
electors intimidated, 311

Orloff, General, represses Baltic Provinces, 264–265, 276

Parties of Reform and Revolution, 73–77;
in Odessa, 224;
in Poland, 293–294

Peasants, congress of, 49;
descriptions of, 33;
hardships of, 87;
home of, 88;
charity of, 90;
camping in railway-station, 131;
of Little Russia, 212–214;
in Baltic provinces, 262–281;
in Poland, 289–291;
deputies in St. Petersburg, 315;
Parliamentary Party of, 316;
in Winter Palace, 321–322;
in Duma, 337–339

Petersburg, St., general strike in, 228;
prepared for massacre, 229;
manifesto to citizens of, 229;
wholesale arrests in, 233, 238;
fortress-prison in, 237;
Kresty (Cross) prison in, 238, 326;
Constitutional Democrats in, 244, 315, 318;
revolutionary concert in, 255;
Poles in, 282;
opening of Duma in, 319

Peterhof, Tsar and family at, 316

Petrunkevitch, leader of Zemstvoists, 246;
speech in Duma, 327

Plehve, Minister of Interior, 3;
assassination of, 6;
his policy towards workers, 43

Pleske, Minister of Finance, 3

Pobiedonostzeff, resignation of, 21;
keeper of Russia’s Orthodoxy, 242, 331

Poland, demands Home Rule, 74, 295;
position under Duma, 287;
trade losses in, 288;
strikes in, 289;
price of land, rents, wages, population and education in,
290–291;
Jews in, 294;
Russian garrison in, 292;
Political Parties in, 292–300;
prejudices against Germany in, 295

Poles, dissensions among, 75, 282;
disliked by Little Russians, 206–207;
high official’s opinion of, 283–287;
peasant life among, 288–290;
cruelty of, 291;
“learning to vote,” 294;
number in Duma, 294

Police, activity of, 33, 34;
danger from, 82;
house of secret, 54;
in disguise, 167–168;
execution of chief of secret, 177–178;
Diedulin, chief of, 243;
break up meetings of Constitutionalists, 315, 318

Politicals, treatment of, 233–243;
wholesale massacre of, 240;
in exile, 243;
in Warsaw, 299–300;
rescue of, 312;
amnesty demanded for, 325–327, 339

Potemkin, lover of Catherine II., 327

_Potemkin_, mutiny on board the, 221

Poverty, in St. Petersburg, 37–48;
in Little Russia, 212–214;
in Odessa, 223

Presna or Presnensky, manufacturing district, 182;
revolution in, 183;
bombardment of and slaughter in, 183–190;
estimates of killed and wounded in, 190–191;
methods of execution in, 191–193

Press, brief freedom of, 64–74.
_See_ NEWSPAPERS.

Prison, life of “political” in, 235;
fortress of St. Peter and St. Paul, 237;
Kresty (Cross), 238;
greetings to deputies from, 326;
estimate of numbers in, 238

_Punch_, cartoon blacked out, 34

Redigers, Minister of War, 242

Revolutionists, hesitation among, 136–137;
bombarded, 139–140;
arrested and shot, 141;
numbers estimated, 141–142;
plan of action in Moscow, 145–147, 163;
loot gun-shop, 156–157;
private ambulance of, 158;
sledge-drivers refuse aid to, 159;
deprive officer of sword, 169;
confiscate photographs, 171;
passive bravery of, 172;
last stand of, 174;
call for volunteers, 175;
girl leader of, 183;
tear up railway-line, 183;
slaughter of in Presnensky district, 183–194;
women among, 199, 308;
“dress rehearsal” of, 198;
union among, 199, 308;
propaganda in army of, 200, 298–299;
need of money among, 201;
shot at Kieff, 210;
concert given for, 255–261;
butchered in Baltic provinces, 262–281;
persistence of, 308

Riga, revolt in, 78

Riots, in Moscow, 2, 112;
of students, 7;
in Poland, 13, 14;
in Kieff, Warsaw, and Odessa, 21

Roditcheff, member of Duma, 339

Rostoff regiment, mutiny in, 101;
proves its loyalty, 186

Russians, intelligence of, 69;
home-life of nobility, 85–86;
peasant life of, 87;
democratic qualities of, 256–267;
poverty among, 212–214;
misery of, 307;
persistence of, 308

Sakharoff, Minister of War, assassinated, 77

“Salt Town,” meetings at, 50, 51

Sassoulitch, Vera, as journalist, 67;
last “political” tried by jury, 233

Saratoff, peasant member for, 339

Schlüsselberg, description of road to, 37, 230;
prison turned into mint, 239–240

Schmidt, Lieutenant, leader of Sevastopol mutiny, 49;
sentenced to be hanged, 310;
shot, 311;
body dug up and thrown into sea, 312

Schwanebach, Imperial Comptroller, 315

Semenoffsky Guards, employed in massacres with Cossacks, 186;
distinguished by their zeal, 194;
chosen to guard Winter Palace, 316

Sergius, Grand Duke, assassinated, 13;
place of his death, 124

Sharpshooters in bell-tower of Strastnoi Convent, 153, 161

Shipoff, Minister of Finance, 241, 309

Siberia, still used for exiles, 243;
Polish trade with, 288, 289

Sieczka, Vincentz, tortured, 311

Sipiaguine, Minister of Interior, assassinated, 2

Skallon, Governor-General in Warsaw, tries to seduce
revolutionists, 300

Sobolevski, editor of _Russian News_, 111

Social Democrats, minimum programme of, 3;
unbending attitude of, 4, 59;
organ of, 65;
strength of, 73;
young girls among, 76;
compared with Government, 231;
in Poland, 296–298

Social Revolutionists, 74;
member shoots Sakharoff, 77

Soldiers, return from war with Japan, 97–100, 307;
how treated as reservists, 99–101;
refuse to kill work-people, 2;
mutiny, 101;
propaganda among, 200, 298–299

Sollogub, Governor-General in Baltic provinces, reproached for
mildness, 265

Soskice, David, translator and lecturer, 246

Spies, at teachers’ conference, 53;
post and telegraph clerk protest against, 53–54;
use of, 138

Spiridinova, Marie, tortured, outraged, avenged, 311

Stcheglovitoff, Minister of Justice, 315

Stepniak, supporter of Russian freedom, 2, 48

Stishinsky, Minister of Agriculture, 315

Stolypin, Minister of Interior, 315

Strastnoi bell-tower, sharpshooters placed in, 153, 161

Strikes, on railways, 18;
throughout Russia, 19;
in sympathy with Poland, 22;
failure of second general strike, 23;
result in factory villages, 38;
under Russian laws, 43;
as agents of abstinence, 47;
of post and telegraph service, 49, 60, 61, 81, 114;
in St. Petersburgh and Moscow, 101, 103, 132, 314;
fund seized by Government, 104;
on railway, 130;
meeting at Aquarium, dispersed by troops and police, 136–138;
effect on trade, 289;
power of, 302;
in Poland, Kieff, Moscow, and St. Petersburg, 314

Strikes (Central Committee of), distrusts Imperial manifestoes,
20–21;
calls for military organization, 24;
meets in Hall of Free Economics, 25–36;
orders withdrawal of money from savings-banks, 77;
President of, arrested, 78;
members of, arrested, 80;
new Council and Executive appointed, 80;
manifesto to citizens, 229

Strikers, attack mail-cart, 101;
dispersed, 102;
demands of, 112;
condemned by _Novoe Vremya_, 114;
meet in Moscow Aquarium, 136;
passive resistance of, 229–230

Struve, editor of _Emancipation_, 246

Sumsky Dragoons, brutality of, 193

Suvorin, editor of _Novoe Vremya_, his son among revolutionists, 68

Sytin Printing Works destroyed by Government, 181

Taurida Palace, given up to Duma, 327;
guarded, 332

_Times_, Tolstoy’s protest in, 4;
statistics quoted from, 240;
financial figures quoted from, 309–310

Tolstoy, Demitri, Minister of Education, 241

Tolstoy, Leo, protests against war with Japan, 4;
position among revolutionists of, 56;
visit to, 91–96

Torture of prisoners, 192–195, 311

Toula, mutiny at, 2;
typical town, 81

Trepoff, first Governor-General of St. Petersburg, 13;
assistant Minister of Interior and Chief of Police, 14;
dismissal demanded, 21;
resigns, 22;
regretted, 33;
caricatured, 72;
connected with Odessa massacres, 233;
Master of Ceremonies, 319–320

Trepoff (the Elder), attempted assassination of, 233

Troubetzkoy, Prince Sergius, President of Moscow Zemstvo, inspires
reform, 7, 246–248;
sudden death of, 17;
regretted, 110

Tsar, flees to Tsarkoe Selo, 13;
promises reforms, 15, 19, 21, 22;
withdraws promises, 22, 80, 103, 120, 121, 215;
as forester, 213;
builds palace for ex-mistress, 238;
pleasant myths about, 243;
meditates new Peace Conference, 308;
issues Ukase on Fundamental Laws, 314;
leaves Tsarskoe Selo for Peterhof, 316;
enters St. Petersburg by river, 319;
sprinkled with holy water, 323;
reads address in Winter Palace, 325;
flees back to Peterhof, 329

Unions, Trade, 104, 107

Vistula, dead bodies in, 300

“Vladimir’s Day,” or “Bloody Sunday,” 12, 319

Voiloshnikoff, chief of secret police, “executed,” 177–178

Vorobieff, Dr., murder of, 187

War, return of soldiers from, 97–100, 131;
effect on Poland, 288–289

Warsaw, trade of, 288;
political parties in, 293–299;
prisoners in, 299–300;
Governor-General’s offer to revolutionary Jewesses, 300

Winter Palace, massacre before, 11, 12;
how guarded, 319;
brilliant assembly in, 321–327

Witte, President of Committee of Ministers, 3, 241;
deputation to, 18;
replies, 19;
distrusted by Liberals, 22;
fatherly appeal to workers, 22;
caricatured, 72;
leaders of finance petition to, 103;
character discussed, 110;
whining of, 202, 241;
afraid of Constitutional Democrats, 244;
his affectation of liberalism, 308;
resigns, 313;
his removal makes Duma possible, 318;
in Council of Empire, 331

Workmen, demand universal sufferage, 18, 19;
dress of, 26;
patience of, 28;
first council of delegates, 37;
homes of, 38–48;
locked out, 40;
hours of labour, 42;
wages, 44;
standard of food and work, 45, 114;
amusements of, 47;
connection with land, 48;
shot down, 81;
equality of their women, 26;
their unions in Moscow, 105;
“living in,” 113;
wages increased, 114;
quarters in order, 232;
growing importance of, 288;
in Poland, 289;
their candidates for Duma imprisoned, 311;
only fifteen in Duma, 337

Zemstvos, recommend reforms, 2;
send petition of Rights, 7

Zemstvoists, meet in secret, 6;
discuss promised Duma, 16;
draw up programme of political aims, 16–17;
debate Witte’s character, and vanish, 110

Zilliacus, writer on struggle for Russian freedom, 2

THE END

PRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, LIMITED, LONDON AND BECCLES.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] See especially his book on “The Russian Peasant.”

[2] After the rising was suppressed, this officer was detained for a fortnight and then released.

[3] The following is the text of this appeal:--“The anniversary of the 9th (22nd) of January, 1905, lies immediately before us. Russia has not forgotten that day, and will never forget it. The memory of those who in the streets of the capital were attacked by the hosts of violence, and sacrificed their lives to their confidence in our rulers, their faith in the possibility of influencing them by peaceful means--the memory of these martyrs is engraved upon the hearts of the Russian people in words of sorrow and rage.

“Citizens of St. Petersburg! We appeal to you to honour a memory like theirs! We appeal to you to celebrate the first anniversary of that dark day! Henceforward let the 9th of January be a day of universal mourning among us. To honour the memory of those who fell for the people’s freedom, let all citizens abstain from their ordinary work. For this day let the toil of our city’s life be laid aside, so that a peaceful stillness may serve as the symbol of our general sorrow. On this day let not our mourning be broken by customary pleasures. On the day of the people’s sorrow what have we to do with song and art? Citizens, we call on you not only to avoid places of entertainment, but not to visit the banks or other public institutions. Draw down your blinds, and in the evening hang curtains before your windows, so that no light may be cast upon the streets from the houses. Let the day consecrated to the martyrs of January 9th be kept as a day of absolute silence, a day of deep and universal mourning, a day for sad and angry remembrance of all the victims which have been torn from our midst by the enemies of the people’s freedom.”

[4] Figures from the _Times_ of February 24, 1906.

[5] See Carlyle’s “Frederick the Great,” Book II. ch. vi.

[6] Figures from the _Times_ of January 15, 1906.

[7] The text of the speech was as follows:--

“Divine Providence has laid on me the care of the welfare of the Fatherland, and has moved me to summon representatives elected by the people, to co-operate in the work of framing laws.

“With an ardent belief in a prosperous future for Russia, I welcome in you the best men, to whose election I commanded my beloved subjects to proceed.

“Difficult and complicated labours await you, but I believe that the ardent wishes of the dear native land will inspire you and will unite you.

“I with unwavering firmness will uphold the institutions which I have established, in the firm conviction that you will devote all your powers to the self-sacrificing service of the Fatherland, to a clear presentation of the needs of the peasants, which lie so close to my heart, to the enlightenment of the people, and to the development of its well-being. You must realize that for the great welfare of the State, not only is Liberty necessary, but also order on the basis of law.

“May my ardent wishes be fulfilled! may I see my people happy, and be able to bequeath to my son as his inheritance a firmly-established, well-ordered, and enlightened State!

“May God bless me, in conjunction with the Council of Empire and the Duma, in the work before us, and may this day prove the rejuvenation of Russia’s moral outlook and the reincarnation of her best powers.

“Go to the work to which I have summoned you, and justify worthily the trust of your Tsar and your country! God help me and you!”

[8] The following were the chief points suggested by the Committee for the answer to the Tsar’s speech. They defined the programme of the majority:--The responsibility of Ministers to the majority in the Duma; universal suffrage (women’s suffrage was afterwards added); the abolition of the State Council; the necessity of land reform and universal education; the equality of rights for all classes before the law; freedom of conscience, person, domicile, speech, press, and meeting; control of the budget and redistribution of taxation; local self-government for separate nationalities; amnesty and the abolition of capital punishment.

Transcriber’s Notes:

1. Obvious printers’, punctuation and spelling errors have been corrected silently.

2. Some hyphenated and non-hyphenated versions of the same words have been retained as in the original.

3. Italics are shown as _xxx_.