Chapter XXX: Appendix: IV (3)

[427] It is difficult to identify the gate described as having been opened on to the stockade. Critobulus gives no further indication of its position than that here mentioned (ch. lx.). Paspates thinks it was a temporary postern, walled up after the siege when the Inner Wall was repaired to prevent smuggling, but would place it not far from Top Capou, a position which cannot be accepted if the stockade were, as I have placed it, near the Military Gate of St. Romanus. The Podestà of Pera, however, says that Justiniani went ‘per ipsam portam per quam Teucri intraverunt’ (p. 648), which would indicate St. Romanus. Andrea Cambini, the Florentine already quoted, in his _Libro della Origine de Turchi_, published by the sons of the writer, says that Justiniani, who had behaved so well that the salvation of the city was largely attributed to him, was seriously wounded, and, seeing that the blood flowed ‘in great quantity’ and being unwilling that they should fetch a doctor, withdrew secretly from the fight ... all the gates which led from the Antimuro [i.e. the Outer Wall] being closed, because thus the fighters had to conquer or die (p. 25).

[428] His monument still exists in the church of S. Domenico at Chios with an epitaph which contains the phrase ‘lethale vulnere ictus interiit.’ Phrantzes says that Justiniani was wounded in the right foot by an arrow; Leonard, by an arrow in the armpit; Chalcondylas, in the hand, by a ball; Critobulus, by a ball in the chest or throat which pierced through his breastplate. The latter statement would be consistent with Tetaldi’s which speaks of the wound inflicted by a culverin. Riccherio says Justiniani was wounded by one of his own men. Barbaro (who, it must always be remembered where he is speaking of the Genoese, was a Venetian and incapable of doing justice to a citizen of the rival republic) does not mention any wound, but states roundly that Justiniani decided to abandon his post and hasten to his ship, which was stationed at the boom.

[429] Barbaro, p. 55.

[430] Philip the Armenian, who was probably present in the city, states that Justiniani and his men deserted their stations and that thus the city was lost (pp. 675–6). Riccherio, while speaking of the wound as severe, declares that Justiniani promised to return, and attributes the departure of many of his followers to the fact that the postern gate, which he had required to be opened for his departure, suggested the idea of flight to his men. In other words it created a panic (p. 960). The contemporaries who excuse Justiniani are Cardinal Isidore (_Lamentatio_, p. 677: ‘Ne caeteros deterreret, remedium quaerens clam sese pugnae subduxit’) and Leonard, who both state that he went away secretly so as not to discourage his followers. Tetaldi further declares that he left his command to two Genoese. Leonard and the Podestà wrote while the impression of the fall and the sack of the city were too recent to enable them to give a cool judgment on Justiniani’s conduct: the latter dating his letter June 23, and the archbishop August 16.

[431] Crit. lx.; also Leonard, 99.

[432] Cambini, p. 25.

[433] Phrantzes, 285.

[434] Crit. lx.

[435] Phrantzes, p. 285.

[436] ‘La prima sbara di barbacan,’ p. 54.

[437] Phrantzes, p. 285.

[438] Montaldo, xxiii.: ‘insigniis positis.’

[439] Montaldo (ch. xxiii.) incidentally confirms the version of Ducas. He states that the emperor determined on death only after he had learned that the enemy had entered the city and had occupied the palace and other places.

[440] Leonard, p. 99. In Dethier’s edition a note states that one of the MSS. reads eighty Latins ‘sine Graecis,’ p. 608.

[441] Leonard, 99, says that they formed a _cuneus_ or _phalanx_.

[442] Crit. lxi.; Chalc. p. 164. Ahmed Muktar Pasha’s _Conquest of Constantinople_.

[443] Crit. lxi.; Tetaldi, p. 23, speaks of ‘deux banniers.’

[444] Crit. lxi.; Tetaldi, p. 29, ‘à l’aube du jour;’ Barbaro (p. 55) at sunrise. Phrantzes says that possession of the city was obtained at half past two, which by the then and present prevalent mode in the East of reckoning time would correspond to about ten. Possession of the city would probably be about three or four hours after the entry through the landward walls. Leonard says: ‘Necdum Phoebus orbis perlustrat hemisphaerium et tota urbs a paganis in praedam occupatur.’

[445] P. 647; ‘on the 29th of last month,’ ‘Qua die expectabamus cum desiderio quia videbatur nobis habere certam victoriam.’

[446] Crit. ch. lxx. Pusculus gives a somewhat different account (iv. 1025):

Auxilium Deus ipse negavit;
In Tenedi portu nam tempestatibus actae
Stabant bis denae naves, quas Gnosia tellus,
Quae Venetum imperium Rhadamanti legibus audit
Omissis, plenas frumento et frugibus, inde
Bis quinas Veneti mittebant Marte triremes
Instructas, urbi auxilio Danaisque; sed omnes
Mensem unum adverso tenuerunt sidere portum;
Nec prius inde datum est se de statione movere
Quam Teucri capiant urbem regemque trucident.

[447] Phrantzes, p. 327.

[448] Pusc. iv. 1025.

[449] Crit. lxxii.

[450] Crit. lx.

[451] Leonard, p. 99; Polish Janissary, 332; Montaldo notes one report, that he was trampled down in the throng, and another, that his head was cut off. Philelphus (book ii. v. 990) says, ‘Enseque perstricto nunc hos, nunc enecat illos, Donec vita suo dispersa est alma cruore.’

[452] See also ch. xxvii. of Montaldo, who adds that the head was sent to the pasha of Babylon accompanied by forty youths and forty virgins, a procession intended to make known the sultan’s great victory.

[453] The Turks show a place in the bema of St. Sophia which they pretend to be the tomb of Constantine.

[454] Sad-ud-din also makes a Turkish soldier strike off the emperor’s head (p. 31).

[455] Phrantzes, p. 291.

[456] Until about ten years ago a tomb was shown by local guides to travellers at Vefa Meidan as the burial-place of Constantine. It bore no inscription. M. Mijatovich is mistaken in stating (in _Constantine, last Emperor of the Greeks_, p. 229), on the authority of the elder Dr. Mordtman, that the Turkish government provides oil for the lamp over his grave. Alongside the alleged grave of Constantine is that of some one else, probably a dervish, and a lamp was burnt there some years ago. Similar lamps are burnt nightly in many other places in Constantinople. It is now entirely neglected. Dr. Paspates suggests, and probably with truth, that the whole story grew out of the desire for custom by the owner of a neighbouring coffee-house.

[457] ὡς καλὸν ἐντάφιον ἡ βασιλεία ἐστί. The conclusion of Theodora’s speech as recorded by Procopius.

[458] My authority for this statement is on p. 228 of a remarkable book in Turkish, published only in September 1902, describing the ‘Conquest of Constantinople and the establishment of the Turks in Europe.’ Its author is Achmed Muktar Pasha. It is especially valuable as containing many quotations from Turkish authors who are inaccessible to Europeans.

[459] Barbaro, p. 56.

[460] Crit. lvi.

[461] Crit. lxiii.

[462] The Horaia Gate occupied the site of the present Stamboul Custom House. The Validé Mosque, at the end of the present outer bridge, is built on part of the Jewish quarter. See the subject fully discussed by Professor van Millingen, p. 221 and elsewhere.

[463] Leonard, 99; Phrantzes, 287.

[464] Barbaro, pp. 55, 56.

[465] The Moscovite, xxv. The whole chapter is full of improbable statements.

[466] Ch. lxi.

[467] Barbaro, p. 55.

[468] _Thyselii Expugnatio_, ch. xxvi.

[469] Phrantzes, p. 291.

[470] P. 57.

[471] _The Capture of Constantinople_, from the Taj-ut-Tavarikh by Khodja Sad-ud-din. Translated by E. J. W. Gibb, p. 29.

[472] Phrantzes, 287. Professor van Millingen (p. 189) believes that these towers were a little to the south of the present Seraglio Lighthouse. One of them had an interesting inscription, stating that it was built by the emperor Basil in 1024.

[473] Another version of Tetaldi’s _Informacion_ calls the galleys in question Venetian (Dethier, p. 905).

[474] Crit. ch. lxiii.

[475] Barbaro, p. 57.

[476] οὗ ἔσωθεν τῶν ἀδύτων καὶ ἄνωθεν τῶν θυσιαστηρίων καὶ τραπέζων ἤσθιον καὶ ἔπινον καὶ τὰς ἀσελγεῖς γνώμας καὶ ὀρέξεις αὐτῶν μετὰ γυναικῶν καὶ παρθένων καὶ παίδων ἐπάνωθεν ἐποίουν καὶ ἔπραττον. Phrantzes, p. 290.

[477] Crit. xlii.

[478] Ducas, xlii.: βιβλία ὑπὲρ ἀριθμόν.

[479] P. 31. Khodja Sad-ud-din, translated by E. J. W. Gibb.

[480] Report of Superior of Franciscans. He was present at the siege and arrived at Bologna July 4, 1453.

[481] Crit. lxvii. The Superior of the Franciscans reported that three thousand men were killed on both sides on May 29. Probably we shall not be far wrong in saying that between three and four thousand were killed on May 29 on the Christian side and fifty thousand made prisoners.

[482] Barbaro and Ducas.

[483] Barbaro pretends, indeed, that they were the victims of a trick on the part of the Genoese, who wished to secure their own safety by seizing their ships and delivering them to Mahomet. His story, like everything else he says about the Genoese, may well be doubted.

[484] A portion of the chain which formed part of the boom is now in the narthex of St. Irene. Its links average about eighteen inches long.

[485] Tetaldi states that the Turks captured a Genoese ship and from thirteen to sixteen others.

[486] Ducas says five.

[487] Crit. lxvii.

[488] _Ibid._ lxiii.

[489] About three fourths of the sea-walls were taken down. The remaining fourth was spared, and a portion of them near Azap Capou still remains.

[490] _Angeli Johannis Zachariae Potestatis Perae Epistola._ Leonard, p. 100. Ducas says that Mahomet had an inventory made of the property of those who had fled, and gave the owners three months within which to return, failing which, it would be confiscated.

[491] Zorzo Dolfin, p. 1040. See also Sauli’s _Colonia dei Genovesi in Galata_, vol. ii. p. 172, and Von Hammer, vol. ii., where the treaty is given in full in the appendix. Usually Dolfin’s narrative is taken from Leonard, but the paragraphs relating to the capitulations are an exception. Dolfin uses the word _Privilegio_. The capitulations are called at different times by different names: grants, concessions, privileges, capitulations, or treaties. I have already pointed out, in the _Fall of Constantinople_, that the system of ex-territoriality, under which, in virtue of capitulations, foreigners resident in Turkey are always under the protection of their own laws, is the survival of the system once general in the Roman empire. Of course it is ridiculous to speak of the capitulations as having been wrongfully wrung from the Turks by Western nations, and equally absurd to claim that their grant shows the far-reaching policy of the Turks in their desire to attract foreign trade. The Turks found the system of ex-territoriality in full force and maintained it, being unwilling, as they still are, to allow Christians, whether their own subjects or foreigners, to rank on an equality with Moslems.

[492] Ducas makes the entry to Hagia Sophia on the 30th. Phrantzes and Chalcondylas, on the 29th.

[493] Cantemir, vol. ii. p. 45 (ed. Paris, 1743). He gives the Persian text.

[494] Report of podestà; Philip the Armenian, p. 680; also Leonard, 101.

[495] Riccherio (p. 967), whose narrative is singularly clear and readable. See also the report of the Superior of the Franciscans.

[496] Phrantzes, 385.

[497] _Ibid._ p. 383: ἐν ᾧ δὴ χρόνῳ καὶ μηνὶ ἀνεῖλεν αὐτοχειρίᾳ τὸν φίλτατόν μου υἱὸν Ἰωάννην ὁ ἀσεβέστατος καὶ ἀπηνέστατος ἀμηρᾶς, ὃς δῆθεν ἐβούλετο τὴν ἀθέμιτον σοδομίαν πρᾶξαι κατὰ τοῦ παιδός.

[498] Crit. lxxiii.

[499] _Ibid._

[500] Ducas, p. 137: ἐμφάνισας αὐτὰς τῷ αἱμοβόρῳ θηρίῳ.

[501] Phrantzes, 291.

[502] Pusculus also is violently hostile to Notaras, and probably for the same reason: because he would not accept the Union.

[503] Ducas, 137.

[504] Crit. (lxiii.) gives a different version. He states that he tried to pass as a Turk, in which his knowledge of the Turkish language aided him: but that he was recognised and flung himself from the walls. His head was cut off and carried to the sultan, who had offered a great reward for his capture dead or alive.

[505] Crit. lxiii and lxvii.

[506] _Ibid._ lxvii.

[507] Report, p. 940. The houses were empty and bore the marks of the reckless ravages of a savage horde.

[508] Crit. lxix.

[509] Ducas, 142.

[510] Crit. bk. ii. ch. i.

[511] Von Hammer states that the walls were completely repaired in 1477, but gives no authority (_Histoire de l’empire ottoman_, iii. 209). A valuable hint is obtained from Knolles, who, writing his history of the Turks in 1610, says that ‘the two utter walls with the whole space between them are now but slenderly maintained by the Turks, lying full of earth and other rubbish’ (Knolles’s _History_, p. 341, 3rd ed. 1621). The lowest of the three walls has almost entirely disappeared except as to the lower portion, which forms one of the sides of the foss. In the Lycus valley, and even throughout the whole length of the landward walls, I think it is manifest to an observer that only the Inner Wall has been repaired.

[512] Crit. lxxiii.

[513] _Ibid._ lxxiv.

[514] Crit. lxxv.

[515] Phrantzes, 304.

[516] Crit. bk. ii. ch. i.

[517] Crit. bk. ii. ch. ii.

[518] _Ecclesiastical and Civil Affairs after the Conquest_, by Athanasius Comnenos Hypsilantes, pp. 1, 2. The version of Phrantzes agrees with that given above. He gives a full account of the usual procedure on the appointment of a patriarch and confirms the statement that the Church of the Apostles was assigned to Gennadius as an official residence. Subsequently it was taken from the Greeks, was destroyed and replaced by a mosque built in honour of the conqueror and known as the Mahmoudieh. The former patriarch, says Phrantzes, was dead.

[519] Crit. bk. iii. ch. v.

[520] _Commentari di Theo. Spandugino Cantacusino._

[521] All these illustrations are from book ii. of Critobulus.

[522] Fallmerayer’s _Geschichte des Kaiserthums von Trapezunt_. Not only is this work the great authority for the history of Trebizond, but Fallmerayer himself brought to light the most valuable materials for its history. He was the discoverer in Venice of the chronicles of Panaretos in the library of Cardinal Bessarion. Since Fallmerayer wrote, the MS. of Critobulus has been discovered. In book iv. a full account is given of the capture of Trebizond and the treatment of its emperors. Finlay’s _History of Trebizond_ is very good, but he wrote without seeing the account of Critobulus.

[523] iii. 302.

[524] Crit. bk. iii. ch. xxi. and xxii.

[525] Von Hammer, iii. 282.

[526] i. 32.

[527] _Voyage au Levant par ordre du roy_, 1630.

[528] _Turcorum Origo_, p. 22.

[529] This was Gentile Bellini, who arrived in Constantinople in 1479 and left at the end of 1480. He was sent, at the request of the sultan, by the Doge of Venice.

[530] Crit. bk. iv. ch. ix.

[531] _Ibid._ bk. v. ch. x.

[532] Crit. bk. v. ch. xi. It is possible that as some of the Latin writers spoke of the Turks as Teucri, in the belief that they were the descendants of the Trojans, Mahomet may have been under the same illusion.

[533] _Les Sultans Ottomans_, par Halil Ganem, p. 129 (Paris, 1901).

[534] Chalcondylas.

[535] These and many other fictions of the like kind come from Spandugino and Sansovino.

[536] Zorzo Dolfin (p. 985) says: ‘E homo non dedito a libidine, sobrio, in tempo del ramadan non vol aldir sobrieta; a nulla volupta, a nulla piacea e dedito saluo a gloria.’ This is in striking contradiction with Barbaro’s account, which in describing Mahomet says, ‘Che a un momento importantissimo alla vigilia della gran bataglia s’inebriò col capedan pascia secondo la sua usanza.’ Barbaro’s narrative is written immediately after the capture of the city, and, as usual, he is careless of the accusations which he brings against the Turks or Genoese.

[537] Zorzo Dolfin, p. 936.

[538] _Les Sultans Ottomans_, pp. 150 and 125.

[539] The fascination of the old Greek stories still continues even among the poorest Greeks, and it is astonishing how generally they are known. I have often heard old Greek women, unable to read or write, tell children Greek _paramythia_ which have evidently been handed down by oral tradition. A few years ago, in travelling among the mountains of Bithynia, I came on Easter Monday to a Greek village, far remote from any other, and away from all lines of communication, where they were performing a miracle-play. The villagers, dressed in their best, were all present as actors or spectators. The play itself was a curious mixture of incidents in the life of Christ and of others--and these formed the largest part--from Greek mythology. No one knew anything of its origin, and all the information obtainable was that the play had always been performed on Easter Monday.

[540] See Aristarchi’s (the Grand Logothete) papers on Photius in the _Transactions of the Greek Syllogos of Constantinople_, and two volumes edited by him of that patriarch’s sermons and homilies, published 1901.

[541] Heeren, in his _Essai sur les Croisades_, p. 413, quoted in Hallam’s _Middle Ages_, ascribes the loss of all the authors missing from the library of Photius to the Latin capture. Probably the statement is too sweeping.

[542] Gibbon, vol. vii. 116.

[543] See H. F. Tozer’s article on ‘The Greek-speaking Population of Southern Italy,’ in _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, x. p. 99.

[544] ‘Nemo est qui Graecas literas novit.’ Quoted in Hodius, _De Graecis illustribus_, p. 8.

[545] Hodius, _De Graecis illust._

[546] Hodius, p. 28.

[547] _Philelphi Epis._ in 1451.

[548] Filelfo died in 1481. Dethier gives the letter which he wrote to Mahomet praying for the release of his mother-in-law, a prayer which was granted.

[549] _Das Schriftwesen im Mittelalter_ (Leipzig, 1875), pp. 392 etc.

[550] Burckhardt’s _Renaissance in Italy_, p. 192.

[551] Gibbon selects some examples to show the anti-christian character of the classical enthusiasm. (1) At the Council of Florence, Gemistos Pletho said in familiar conversation to George of Trebizond that in a short time mankind would unanimously renounce the Gospel and the Koran for a religion similar to that of the Gentiles (Leo Allatius). (2) Paul II. accused the principal members of the Roman Academy of heresy, impiety, and paganism (Tiraboschi). I suspect the first charge of being grossly exaggerated or invented, but the fact that such a statement could be credited shows to what extent the classical reaction had gone.

[552] It is curious that the non-progressive party in Oxford, who violently opposed the introduction of the new studies, called themselves Trojans. Roper’s _Life of Sir T. More_ (ed. Hearne), p. 75. The archbishops of Chios and Pusculus invariably describe the Turks as Teucri.

[553] _Exuviae sacrae Constantinopolitanae._

[554] Ducas, xliii.

[555] αἱ πλείους δὲ αὐτῶν, οὐ πρὸς ἀπόδοσιν μᾶλλον ἢ ὕβριν &c. Crit. ch. lxii.

[556] Hodius, _De Graecis illustribus_.

[557] Aeneas Sylvius, in 1454, before the diet of Frankfort says: ‘Quid de libris dicam, qui illic erant innumerabiles, nondum Latinis cogniti?... Nunc ergo et Homero et Pindaro et omnibus illustrioribus poetis secunda mors erit.’

[558] One such at least still remains at Zeirek Jami.

[559] Probably more manuscripts existing as rolls (the original _volumen_) than in book form have disappeared. The Turks, for example, when they occupied Mount Athos during the Greek revolution, found the rolls very convenient for making haversacks. The books have perished mostly from neglect. The discovery by the present bishop of Ismidt of the _Teaching of the Twelve Apostles_ (Διδαχὴ τῶν δώδεκα ἀποστόλων) in 1883, in the library of a monastery on the Golden Horn bound up with other manuscripts, the first of which only was indexed, gives hope that others of value may yet be found. The same remark applies to the recovery, about six years ago, of the Purple MS. of the Gospels, known technically as Codex N, and now at St. Petersburg.

[560] The influence of Byzantine art upon the West does not fall within the limits of my task. But every one interested in the subject is aware that during some centuries its influence was dominant. In the composition of pictures as well as in their drawing and treatment Western artists for a long time copied those of Constantinople. In painting, Byzantine influence prevailed throughout Italy from Justinian to the middle of the fourteenth century. Giotto, who died in 1336, was, says Kugler, the first to abandon the Byzantine style. In the intervening centuries the monasteries of Constantinople, Salonica, and Mount Athos were the central _ateliers_ of painting, and furnished the models for artistic activity to all Europe. The mosaics in the church of San Vitale at Ravenna are magnificent illustrations of what Byzantine art was in the time of Justinian. Those in Hagia Sophia, as well as its general plan of colour-ornamentation, are still unsurpassed. Those of the Kahrié Mosque belonging to the fourteenth century are interesting and show a deep feeling for colour-combination as well as accuracy of drawing. Byzantine architecture in like manner greatly influenced the builders of churches in Western lands. The front view of St. Mark’s in Venice in the thirteenth century placed side by side with that of the Kahrié Mosque at the present day shows that the plan of the earlier one was familiar to the architect of the other, and, as has been pointed out by an architect who has made a careful study of the two buildings, when St. Mark’s differs from the Kahrié, the difference may be found in details reproduced from another church in Constantinople, that of the Pantocrator. The resemblance between St. Mark’s and the Kahrié illustrates Mr. Fergusson’s observations on the decoration of the exteriors of Byzantine churches. He points out that while the interior of Hagia Sophia is ‘the most perfect and most beautiful church which has yet been erected by any Christian people,’ the exterior was never finished (Fergusson’s _History of Architecture_, ii. 321). The Kahrié of to-day resembles St. Mark’s of the thirteenth century before the exterior casing was added to it.

The question of the influence of Byzantine art and architecture on the West has often been dealt with. For a list of books on the subject see Karl Krumbacher’s _Geschichte der byzantinischen Litteratur_, pp. 1124–27.

[561] Hallam’s _Middle Ages_, ch. vi.

[562] _Angeli Johannis Epistola_, p. 62.

[563] See, for example, Cuspinianus, _De Turcorum Origine_; the author was in the employ of the emperor Maximilian I. and insists again and again on the necessity of resisting the Turk and the certainty of being able to do so with success. Almost every European traveller in Turkey during two centuries, beginning with La Brocquière and Tetaldi, made similar representations.

[564] One of the best illustrations of the degraded position assigned to woman in Mahometan countries is found in the fact that the popular belief is that she has no soul. The influence of such a belief is of course fatal to the progress of the race. I am well aware that Khaireddin Pasha and other progressive Mahometans have maintained that this belief is contrary to the teaching of the Koran, and that Mr. Hughes and other well-informed students of the sacred writings of Islam agree in this opinion. Still, my statement as to the popular belief is not affected by these researches into the original teaching. It is not alleged that the houris of Paradise are the representatives of earthly women. The sensual rewards promised to faithful men are clear and unmistakeable. The rewards to women in the Koran have to be searched for and are the result of interpretation. As a confirmation of the truth of my statement I may refer to the interesting interview given by Sir Edward Malet in _Shifting Scenes_ (1901), p. 67. He describes a meeting which he had with Tewfik, the Khedive of Egypt, at a very critical moment, when indeed the latter’s life was in hourly danger. He represents Tewfik as saying: ‘Death does not signify to me personally. Our religion prevents us from having any fear of death; but it is different with our women. To them, you know, life is everything: their existence ends here; they cry and weep and implore me to save them.’

As to the custom of repudiating a wife, two learned Moslems, one Turkish and the other Indian, and both enlightened men, assure me that repudiation, though a general custom, is contrary to the teaching of Islam, which only recognises divorce. Both, however, admit that the practice is general, though they consider it irreligious or--what is the same thing in the Sacred Law of Islam--illegal.

[565] I may add here that the great value of Christian missions from the West in the Turkish Empire, those of the Latin Church and of the American Protestant Churches alike, lies not only in their educational work but still more in their holding up to the members of the Eastern Churches higher standards of truthfulness and morality. Their influence has been already very useful. They have kindled a desire for instruction, and have infused new life in many of the members of the ancient Churches. While Greeks, Bulgarians, and Armenians look with intense distrust on any attempts to proselytise, they have all been awakened by these missions to the necessity for education. Considering the means at their disposal, I think it may be fairly said that no other people during the last half-century has done so much for education as the Greeks. The desire of every Greek who makes money seems to be to found a school in his native place. In Constantinople several large and excellent institutions, both for boys and girls, exist, all of course unaided by the Government, and in other cities of the Turkish empire like efforts have been made by patriotic Greeks. In Bulgaria one of the first acts of the newly enfranchised state was to establish an efficient system of education. The Armenians are not behind either, and their efforts, perhaps to a greater extent than those of the other two peoples mentioned, are directed to bringing their priests into line with those of the West. In 1896 the American missionaries in Turkey met in a ‘summer school’ on the island of Proti, near Constantinople; the late Armenian patriarch visited them, and, having spent a day in listening to their discussion on questions of teaching and Biblical scholarship, declared that he would be ready to sacrifice his life if his own priests could have the advantage of such gatherings.

[566] ‘Pontes qui ad moenia ducunt dirumpunt.’ Pusculus iv. 137.

[567] Professor van Millingen’s _Byzantine Constantinople_, p. 96.

[568] _Esquisse Topographique_, p. 25.

[569] Critobulus, Book II. ch. i.

[570] Knolles, _History of the Turks_, p. 341 (written in 1610, edition of 1621).

[571] P. 28.

[572] 1078, Dethier’s edition.

[573] _Byzantine Constantinople_, p. 96. In the same manner Dethier, commenting on Pusculus, iv. line 169, says: ‘Pseudoporta Charsaca vel Pempti omnium celeberrima et in fortificatione calx Achilles erat. Hic enim ab utra parte, nempe a Porta Polyandrii [Adrianople Gate] et a Porta Sancti Romani in vallem Lyci linea recta murus descendit, idque contra omnem legem artis fortificationum.’

[574] The _Anonymous Chronicle_, in verse, of the Latin Capture (edited by Joseph Mueller and Dethier), line 390.

[575] _Threnos_, 610–613.

[576] Dethier and the elder Mordtmann considered (in error, as the learned son of the latter and Professor van Millingen agree) that they had proved that the Pempton was the Chariseus. See, in addition to the sentence just quoted from the _Threnos_, the archaeological map of the Greek Syllogos and also Dethier’s note on Pusculus, iv. line 172.

[577] Ch. xxiii.: πρὸς ταῖς καλουμέναις πύλαις τοῦ Ῥωμανοῦ.

[578] Ahmed Muktar Pasha’s _Siege of Constantinople_ (1902).

[579] _Esquisse Topographique_, pp. 12, 21.

[580] Book i. ch. 20.

[581] _Belagerung und Eroberung Constantinopels im Jahre 1453._

[582] Πολιορκία.

[583] _Constantine, the last Emperor of the Greeks._

[584] _Les derniers Jours de Constantinople._

[585] Book iii. ch. x.

[586] 248–9.

[587] ἐκ τοῦ λιμένος τῆς χρύσης πύλης ἐκτός.

[588] _E.g._ in the ancient account of the regions of the city given in the _Notitia utriusque Imperii_ the Aurea Porta is mentioned as in the 12th Regio--that is, near the Seven Towers. Upon this Pancirolus remarks ‘The Greeks call it [i.e. the Aurea Porta] Ὡραία.’ Ducas might have been told that the fleet went to the Ὡραία πόρτα and understood it to be the Aurea Porta or the Golden Gate.

[589] ‘Intuentibus nobis,’ p. 90.

[590] ‘Teucrorum rex ex colle Perensi proconspicit,’ p. 90. It must be remembered that all across the Horn was Pera, and that Galata is properly Galata of Pera.

[591] ‘Rex qui ex colle circumspicit,’ p. 90.

[592] ‘Cogitavit itaque ex colle Galatae Orientali plaga vel eas lapidibus machinarum obruere vel a cathena repellere,’ p. 91.

[593]

‘Nec flare quievit
Structa donec statuit super aequora, Bosporus arctat
Litora ubi geminae telluris.’

Book iv. 413.

[594] ‘Deserit illic ventus eas; cecidere sinus sub moenibus arcis,’ iv. 415.

[595] ἡμεῖς δὲ ἐκ τῶν τείχων ἄνωθεν ταῦτα θεωροῦντες, p. 248.

[596] Vol. vii. p. 184.

[597] Other contemporary authors give us distances which enable us to get an approximate length of a stadium: _e.g._ Chalcondylas says that the walls of Constantinople were 111 stadia, or a little over 13 English miles, in circuit. Critobulus gives the total length of walls as 126 stadia and the length of the landward walls as 48. Both his figures are somewhat too high, unless they are intended to give the measure of the sinuosities of the walls. But the statements both of Chalcondylas and Critobulus as well as that of Leonard, if his intention is to represent a measure about a ninth or tenth of a furlong, are all pretty nearly accurate.

[598] Book iv. line 550.

[599] Book ii. line 974.

[600] _Byzantine Constantinople_, p. 234.

[601] Note to Pusculus, p. 237.

[602] P. 138.

[603] ‘Die letzten Tage von Byzanz,’ in the _Mitteilungen des deutschen Exkursions-Klubs in Konstantinopel_.

[604] εἰς πυγάς.

[605] _Esquisse de Constantinople_, by Dr. Mordtmann, sect. 71–75.

[606] Mr. Theodore Bent, who had paid greater attention to the archæology of the Greek Islands and to their present condition than any other Englishman, called my attention to the fact that the churches on the highest peaks not dedicated to St. George were usually dedicated to St. Elias, or to the Transfiguration, and suggested that there may have been a confusion in the minds of the islanders between Elias and Helios, the aspirate in the latter word being silent in modern Greek.

[607] Valuable suggestions and information are given by Mr. Sathas in reference to the survival of paganism in _Documents inédits_, Athens, vol. i. Lord Beaconsfield in _Lothair_ shows a true insight into the actual condition of Greek Christianity when he represents Mr. Phœbus as describing what he proposes to do with an island which he has leased in the Aegean. He will restore paganism, will set up the statue which he has sculptured of the American Theodora in a grove of laurel still much resorted to, and will have processions in the beautiful pagan fashion. The people are still ‘performing unconsciously the religious ceremonies of their ancestors.’ _Lothair_, ch. xxvii. and xxviii.

INDEX

Abassid dynasty used symbol of the Crescent, 141 _n._

Achaia, principality of, 40

Acropolitas, George (historian), 16;
at the Union ceremony at Lyons in 1274, 34

Agriculture: Turks have never taken kindly to, 58

Alans, Asiatic tribe, 43 _sqq._, 47, 61, 64

Alexander of Sinope, 317

Alexis, Emperor of Trebizond (1222), 9;
called himself Grand Comnenus and Emperor of the Faithful Romans,
387

Ali, chief of a Turkish band: shared in Othman’s raids on the empire, 61

Ali Pasha (grand vizier of Bajazed), 134, 136

Alphonse of Aragon, 129

Amadeo of Savoy, 91

Amer Bey, standard-bearer of Mahomet II., 289

Ameroukes, George (mathematician): at the court of Mahomet II., 393

Amogavares, Spanish mercenaries, 42

Amurath, son of Orchan. _See_ Murad

Anatolia-Hissar, 120, 126, 164 _n._, 213, 215

Anatolians: defeat of their attack in the siege, 337 _sqq._;
their discipline and daring, 338

Andronicus II., Emperor (1282–1328: son and successor of
Michael VIII.): hostility to Unionist party, 37;
question as to marriage of his son Michael, 37 _sq._;
Latin attempts against his empire, 38;
calls to his aid Roger de Flor and the Catalan Grand Company, 39;
their actions caused introduction of Turks into Europe, 49;
loss of Imperial territory through Othman’s attacks, 61;
Turks cross Dardanelles, 61 _sq._;
Andronicus’s son Michael co-emperor with his father, 65, 67;
quarrels between Andronicus II., and Andronicus his grandson,
67 _sq._;
Andronicus II. abdicates and ends his days as a monk, 68

Andronicus III. (Palaeologus), Emperor (1382–41; son of Michael IX.;
successor to Andronicus II.): quarrels with his grandfather and
causes him to abdicate, 67 _sq._;
constant warfare with Turks, 68;
the emperor seeks aid from the West, with little result, 69;
his death (1341), 70

Andronicus, son of John V.: regent during his father’s absence, 92;
his boyish compact with Sultan Murad’s son, and its punishment, 94;
retaliation on his father, 94 _sq._

Angora (1402), 112; details of the battle, 142 _sqq._;
result of Timour’s victory, 147

Anjou, Charles of (King of Sicily): designs restoration of Latin empire,
34;
his forces find other employment, 36

Apocaukus: his strife with John Cantacuzenus, 71 _sq._;
hired (1343) a Turkish fleet and army, 100

Arabs: their various attempts to capture New Rome, 230

Aragon, Frederic of, 38

Aragon, Peter of, 36;
his mercenary troops, 41

Archers, Turkish, 135;
their excellence, 167, 251

Aretinus, Leonard: enthusiasm for Greek, 405

Armenia, king of, 38

Arquebusers: Anatolian, 167;
German, 173

Arrows carrying flaming materials, used by Timour, 146

Arsenius, patriarch: excommunicated Michael VIII. for cruel treatment
of the boy John Lascaris, 26;
withstands the emperor’s threats, 27;
is deposed and exiled, 28;
his strong opposition to the Latins, 31;
religious relations with a Turkish sultan, 56 _sq._

Asia Minor: its old commerce with Constantinople, 23;
Tartar ravages in, 53

Asomaton, 164 _n._

Athanasius, patriarch (1450), 202

Athens, duchy of, seized by Catalans, 69

Aurispa, pupil of Chrysoloras, 406

Babylon, sultan of. _See_ Egypt

Bachaturean walls, 240

Bactatinian Tower, 240;
destroyed by Turks, 268

Bagdad, the last of its caliphs, 53

Bajazed, Sultan (1389–1403, son of Murad): obtained nickname
of _Ilderim_ or the Thunderbolt, 132;
successful attacks upon the empire, _ib._;
crushes Bulgarian kingdom, 134;
defeats Western armies at Nicopolis, 134 _sqq._;
for years kept Constantinople under terror of sieges, 137;
extent of his possessions, _ib._;
summons of Timour to Bajazed, 138 _sq._;
the sultan’s reply, 141;
Timour’s crushing defeat of Turks at Angora, Bajazed taken captive,
142 _sqq._;
his treatment by his captor, 144 _sq._;
territory taken from Turks by Timour, 145;
Bajazed’s death, 147

Baldwin, Emperor (Latin, 1204–05), 2 _sq._

Baldwin II., Emperor (Latin, 1237–61, successor of John of Brienne), 11;
gave his niece in marriage to sultan of Konia, 15;
put his son in pledge to Venetians for what he had borrowed, 16

Bâle, Council of (for Union, 1431): strife over its transference
to Bologna, 121

Balkan peninsula: the continuous mutual jealousies of the races
inhabiting it, 187;
a ‘Debateable Land,’ 187 _n._

Baloukli, Holy Well of, 18

Baltoglu, a Bulgarian renegade: in command of Turkish fleet at
the great siege, 233, 244;
treatment of defenders of Prinkipo, 253;
attempt to force the boom, 256;
attack on aid-bearing Genoese ships, description of the battle,
259 _sqq._;
Turks defeated, 265;
sultan degrades admiral, 267

Barlaam, Abbot (an Eastern controversialist), 69, 87;
taught Greek (at Avignon) at Petrarch’s request, 404

Bartolo, Nicolo (Venetian): his ‘Diary of the Siege of Constantinople,’
ix

Bashi-Bazouks, 223;
an undisciplined mob: what they were used for, 229;
their eagerness for the final struggle, 319;
they begin the general attack, and are defeated, 335;
their body made up of Moslems, Christians and foreigners, _ib._;
Mahomet’s object in making them the first to attack, 335 _sq._;
their weapons and manner of fighting, 336

‘Bastion’ of Mahomet II.: description of its construction, 292 _sq._;
its position, 293

Bektash, Hadji, dervish and saint: honoured by Janissaries, 223;
the dervish order of Bektashis, 223 _n._;
the order suppressed (1826), 227 _n._

Belgrade: captured by Turks: Serbians become vassals of Murad, 107

Bellini, Gentile (artist): at court of Mahomet II., 393

Benedict XI., Pope: reply to Andronicus III.’s appeal for aid, 69

Berenger of Catalonia, leader of mercenaries: joins with Roger
de Flor, 45;
aids the Catalans, 46;
death, 48

Bessarion: Eastern representative at Council of Florence, 125 _sq._;
made Cardinal by Eugenius IV., 128;
his profound learning, 406

Bethune, John de: his expedition to help Baldwin II., 11

Biremes, description of, 234

Blachern, palace of, 19, 243, 290, 332

Blackbirds, Plain of. _See_ Cossovo-pol

Black Death, the, 76, 104;
description of the scourge in 1347, 189;
its rapid spread and devastation, 190

Blum, Robert. _See_ Roger de Flor

Boccaccio: promoted study of Greek, 404 _sq._;
learned Greek and lectured on its literature, 405

Bocchiardi, Paul, Antony, and Troilus, three Italian brothers:
provided, at their own cost, a contingent in defence of
Constantinople (1453), 249;
their prowess during the great assault, 339, 344;
their ultimate escape to Galata, 360

Bogomils, an heretical sect, 87 and _n._, 151

Bohemians (followers of John Huss), 121

Bolero, Emperor Michael’s hunting-ground, 17

Boniface IX., Pope: procures aid for the Greeks: the expedition
defeated (1396), 110

Boom, the, across Golden Horn, 221, 271, 287, 290

Boucicaut, Admiral of Venetian and Genoese combined fleets, 111, 137

Brancovich, George (of Serbia): supplies men and much money
to the combination against Murad II., 159;
refuses to break the treaty of Szegedin, 163;
relations with Mahomet II., 311

Brienne, Gautier de, duke of Athens, 69

Brousa: its surrender to Othman (1326), 64;
captured by Timour, 145;
Bajazed buried at, 147

Bulgaria: Baldwin’s expedition against (1204), 3, 7 _sq._, 25;
allied with Tartars in Thrace, 64;
procured aid alike from Turks and Tartars, 99;
fate of Eastern Bulgarians sealed at Maritza (1371) and of Western
at Cossovo-pol (1389), 108;
end of the kingdom (1393), 134

Burgundians at Nicopolis, 135

Burgundy, Louis of, 40

Byzantine art: its influence upon the West, 413

Caligaria: defence of its walls, 221

Caloyers (Greek monks): defenders in the great siege, 250, 259

Cannon, Urban’s monster gun, 231, 245;
account of other large guns, 231 _n._;
various names for cannon, 246;
size of stone balls thrown, _ib._;
probably not mounted on wheels, _ib._;
Urban’s great cannon destroyed, but afterwards recast and again
used, 245;
Turkish superiority in the use of cannon, 252;
siege of Constantinople an era in employment of large cannon, 252;
brass cannon, in use, 252 _n._;
destructive effect shown in the siege, 255;
Greek words used for ‘cannon,’ 292 _n._

Cantacuzenus, Andronicus: a defender in the great siege, 249

Caraja, leader of European Turks: killed at Varna, 168

Caraja Pasha: head of European division of Turks, 243;
position in final assault, 325;
suffers defeat, 359

Caristo, an old Venetian: a defender in the great siege, 249

Castriotes, George. _See_ Iskender

Catalan Grand Company. _See_ Roger de Flor

Catalusio, Catherine, wife of Constantine Dragases (died 1442),
203 _n._, 298 _n._

Cesarini, Cardinal Julian, 125;
papal legate at Constantinople, 159;
persuaded Ladislaus to violate the treaty of Szegedin, 162;
his pretexts in justification, 163;
at the battle of Varna, 166, 168

Charles VI. (France): refuses Manuel’s proposed vassalage, 111

Chateaumorand, lieutenant of Boucicaut, 112, 137

China: Timour’s intended invasion, 147

Clement IV., Pope, 31

Clement VI., Pope: his efforts to check Moslem progress: sends a fleet
against Turks, 81;
the expedition massacred, _ib._;
the pope’s relations with John Cantacuzenus, 82;
desired a Council to settle Union of the Churches, 83

Christ, Tower of, 270

Chrysoloras, Manuel: taught Greek at Florence, Pavia, Venice,
and Rome, 405 _sq._

Coco, James: scheme to capture Turkish vessels in Cassim Pasha Bay,
279, 283, 288

Colonies of Westerns domiciled in Constantinople, 77

Comans (or Tur-Comans): a band of, in service of Latins, 13

Commerce, the stream of, through the Bosporus, 23

Constantine XI., Emperor (sometimes called Constantine XII., Dragases:
1449–53: brother of John VII.): ruler in the Peloponnesus, 171;
defeated by Murad II.: compelled to pay tribute and surrender
territory to him, 172;
becomes last Christian emperor: crowned 1449, 201;
the Union question combined with desired aid from the West, 202;
preparations for its formal completion, 203;
the emperor’s relations with Mahomet II., 211 _sq._;
the fortress of Roumelia-Hissar, 213 _sqq._;
Mahomet declares war, 216;
preparations against siege, 219;
help from the pope, from Venice and the Genoese, 220;
Justiniani made Commander-in-chief, _ib._;
Turkish fleet in the Bosporus, 233;
Greeks break down bridges leading across the foss, and close
the city gates, 235;
gradual approach of Turkish army, 236;
emperor’s reply to Mahomet’s formal offer of peace, 236;
paucity of the imperial forces, 246 _sq._;
positions occupied by his troops, 248 _sqq._;
his cannon were few and of little value, 250;
equipment and arms of the forces, 251

Constantine XI.--The Siege: the city beleaguered (April 7, 1453), 254;
first bombardment, 255;
defeats of enemy’s attempts, 256;
a naval battle: defeat of Baltoglu, 257 _sqq._;
fruitless appeals for further aid, 268;
more destructive bombardment, 269;
transport of Turkish vessels overland, 269 _sqq._;
Constantine alleged to have sued for peace, 277;
the sultan’s reply, _ib._;
the statement is hardly probable, 278;
the emperor sends a vessel to search for the expected Venetian
fleet, 285;
his reply to proposal that he should leave the city, 286 _sq._;
pacifies quarrel of Venetians and Genoese, 288;
strange phenomena seen in city (May 22–26, 1453), 296 _sqq._;
great alarm of emperor and people, 298

Constantine XI.--Last days of Empire: comparison of conditions
of besieged and besiegers, 313;
difference of character in their final preparations, 314;
some food for hope for the Greeks, _ib._;
Ismail of Sinope brings suggestion of Greek surrender, on terms,
317;
emperor’s reply, 318;
religious preparations for the coming struggle: the last religious
procession in the city, 327;
Constantine’s ‘funeral oration of the Empire,’ 328;
spirit of the speech, 329;
his last view of the city, 332;
his attempt to rally defenders at the stockade, 347;
took the post of Justiniani after the latter’s departure, 348;
death of Constantine, 350;
variant accounts as to the manner of his death, 353 _sqq._;
his character, 355;
his burial-place unknown, 357

Constantinople--Latin Empire, 1204–61: the city never recovered
the blow inflicted by the Fourth Crusade, 1;
Baldwin, the first Latin emperor: the parcelling out of the empire
and division of the spoil, 2 _sq._;
dissensions, 3;
conflict with Bulgarians, _ib._;
disputes among leaders, 4;
opposition of Greek population: empire of Nicaea, 5 _sq._;
Baldwin’s death: succeeded by Henry (1205), 7;
Henry’s policy of conciliation, 8;
mysterious death of his successor, Peter of Courtenay, _ib._;
fate of Peter’s successor, Robert, 9;
in 1222 there were four persons claiming to be emperors, _ib._;
Robert’s successor, John de Brienne (1228): troubles of his reign,
10;
Baldwin II. succeeded (1237): his visit to the West to beg for help
in men and money, _ib._;
intense distress and want of food in the city, 11;
decay of the empire, 12;
sacred relics and other valuables sold to raise money, _ib._;
decay of the city, 13;
lawlessness of Crusaders, 13 _sq._;
events after Baldwin’s return: more degradation, 15 _sq._;
fruitless negotiations with Emperor Michael (of Nicaea), 16;
the capture of Constantinople (1261), 17 _sqq._;
ignominious flight of Baldwin, 19;
the Latin empire had done irreparable mischief and no compensatory
good, 20

Constantinople--Reconstructing the Empire: a city of desolation:
destruction and plunder of treasures of art and civilisation, 22;
its old commerce ruined, 23;
desolation in the city reproduced in the provinces, 24;
Michael VIII.’s difficulties: anarchy within his dominions
and hostility from without, 25;
hatred of Orthodox towards Roman Church, _ib._;
from Michael’s own usurpation, 26;
from attempts by Latins to recover the Empire, 29;
strife about Union of Churches, 31 _sqq._;
Union apparently effected (Lyons, 1274), but rejected
at Constantinople, 34;
further desperate papal efforts, 35;
death of Michael: his son, Andronicus II., succeeded (1282),
36 _sq._;
popes still favour re-establishment of Latin empire, 38;
various projects in that direction, 38 _sqq._;
Andronicus calls in the aid of the Catalan Grand Company, 40;
ill effects thereof, 41 _sqq._;
outrages upon subjects of the empire, 43 _sq._, 46;
emperor’s effort to buy them off, 47;
disastrous results from attempts to restore Latin empire,
49 _sqq._

Constantinople--Dynastic Struggles: attack of Sultan Othman on imperial
territory (1282), 61 _sqq._;
Turks called in as partisans in imperial dynastic struggles, 63;
Brousa captured by Othman, 64;
distressed condition of the empire in 1320, 65;
long and lasting evils of dynastic struggles, 66;
the quarrels between Andronicus II. and his grandson, 67;
thirteen years constant war against Turks, 68 _sqq._;
the bitter strife between John V. and John Cantacuzenus (1342–55),
70 _sqq._

Constantinople--Causes leading to Decay of Empire: the small remnant
of territory to which Constantine Dragases succeeded, 180;
the decay was not due to demoralisation of people, 180 _sq._;
they were superstitiously religious, but not given to frivolous
amusement, 181;
their indifference to matters political, 182;
no fervour or energy among Churchmen and nobles, 182 _sq._;
no commercial spirit existed, 183;
merits and faults were alike negative, 184;
enervation caused by relaxing climate of Constantinople, 184 _n._;
chief causes of decay: mischief arising out of Latin conquest, 185;
internal divisions and civil wars helped the Turks’ aims against
empire, 185 _sq._;
autocratic form of government, 186;
hostile races, and their mutual jealousies, 187;
dissensions between co-emperors, _ib._;
immiscible racial groups, 188;
the system of Turkish conquests: nomads replace agriculturists,
188 _sq._;
fearful havoc of the Black Death, (1347), 189 _sqq._;
densely populated and flourishing countries become a desolation,
191;
population of Constantinople in 1453, 192 _sqq._;
its commerce, 194;
relations of government and governed, _ib._;
no divine right of succession, 195;
co-emperors, _ib._;
law fairly administered, _ib._;
popular interest in religious questions, 196;
intellectual life: classical Greek modified by Christianity, 197;
Greek historians of the period, _ib._;
character of civilisation of the time, 197 _sq._;
intellectual life in provincial cities, 199;
few glimpses of domestic life, _ib._;
a period of disasters, struggles, alarms, and illusions, 200

Constantinople--Topography of the City: Galata of Pera
(Genoese colony), 237;
Stamboul (in 1453), _ib._;
position and shape of the city proper, _ib._;
the foss from Seraglio Point to Aivan Serai, 238;
description of the walls: Landward Walls, 238 _sqq._;
the Peribolos or enclosure, 238;
Outer Wall, 239;
gates, civil and military, _ib._;
valley of the Lycus, _ib._;
the Mesoteichion and the Myriandrion, 240;
Bachaturean walls, _ib._;
Inner Wall, 241;
the neglect of keeping the walls in good condition: money intended
for their repair had been misappropriated, 242;
the defenders at the great siege took up their position in
the Peribolos, 243;
local disposition of the enemy’s forces, 243 _sq._;
positions of the imperial forces, 248 _sqq._

Constantinople--Events of the Siege: the Queen City cut off from the
outside world, 254;
damage done by enemy’s cannonades, 255;
construction of a stockade, _ib._;
attempted capture and attack on boom repelled, 256;
Baltoglu’s attack on aid-bearing vessels: description of the fight,
257 _sqq._;
attack defeated: number of casualties, 267;
attack on the landward walls: destructive bombardment, 268;
a stockade formed, 269;
the transport of Turkish ships overland, 269 _sqq._;
Greek scheme to destroy these vessels, 279 _sq._;
the attempt made, 281;
failure, 282;
constant attacks on the landward walls; operations of the great
cannon, 283;
provisions running short, 285;
naval skirmishes, _ib._;
vessel sent out to find Venetian fleet, _ib._;
proposal that emperor should leave the city, 286;
attacks on boom, 287, 290;
jealousy between Venetians and Genoese, 288;
attempts to capture city by assault defeated, 289 _sq._;
attempts to undermine walls, 281, 294 _sq._;
a ‘bastion’ erected by Turks, 292 _sq._;
destroyed by Greeks, 294;
failure to find Venetian fleet, 295;
supernatural omens, 296 _sq._;
dissensions in city: among Greeks, arising out of the Union, 303;
between Greeks and Italians: mainly from religious animosity, 301;
between Venetians and Genoese: charge of treachery against
the latter, 303;
Greeks charged with lukewarmness and defections, 305;
breaches made in the walls by Turks, 308;
Justiniani’s stockade, 309;
failure of Serbia and Hungary to send aid, 311;
Hunyadi said to have been in communication with sultan, 312

Constantinople--The last days of Empire; Ismail of Sinope brings
from sultan suggestion to surrender, on terms: rejected,
317 _sq._;
final preparations by the Greeks, 326;
last religious procession in the city, 327;
speech of the emperor, 328;
last Christian service in St. Sophia, 330;
the gates closed, 331;
the general assault (May 29, 1453), 334;
first attacks defeated, 335 _sqq._;
the assault by Janissaries, 340;
the Kerkoporta incident, 341;
how the Turks got inside the Outer Wall, 342 _sqq._;
Justiniani wounded, 345;
the consequences, 346 _sqq._;
final charge and success of Janissaries, 348;
stockade captured, 349;
death of Constantine, 350;
capture of Constantinople, _ib._;
Mahomet enters the city, 351;
the capture due to two accidents, the neglected postern and the
wound of Justiniani, _ib._;
tardy arrival of aid, 352

Constantinople--In the hands of the Turks: the final struggles,
358 _sqq._;
panic throughout the city, 351;
general slaughter during half a day, 362;
flight of Christians to ships, 363;
atrocities by looters, 364;
gross treatment of refugees in St. Sophia, 366;
and of the church, 367;
wanton destruction of books, _ib._;
number of persons captured or killed, 368;
fate of fugitives, 369;
St. Sophia made a mosque, 373;
fate of defenders after capture, 373 _sqq._;
the city brought to desolation, 377;
love of Easterns for it, 378;
picturesque beauty of its situation, 379;
sultan’s endeavours to repeople it, 380 _sqq._;
Christian worship tolerated: Gennadius appointed patriarch,
382 _sq._

Constantinople--Effects of the Capture: an epoch-marking event, 414;
alarm created in Europe, 415;
degradation of the Queen City, 416;
disastrous results upon Christian subjects: they became _rayahs_
or cattle, 417;
causes of their impoverishment and demoralisation, 418 _sq._;
degradation of Church, 420;
injury to religion and learning, _ib._;
destruction of benefits conferred by the Church, 421;
inducements offered to abandon Christianity, 422;
degraded position of women, 422 _n._;
Christians became demoralised and lost self-respect, 423;
impossibility of obtaining justice, 424;
slight effect of the conquest on mass of Turkish population, 425;
dawn of a better day, 426 _sqq._

Constantinople, Synod of (1450), on Union: deposed patriarch Gregory
(a favourer of Union), 202

Contarini, James (Venetian): a defender in the great siege, 250

Cossovo-pol (or Plain of Blackbirds), the first battle of (1389):
utter defeat by Turks of Serbians and their allies, 108;
sealed the fate of Northern Serbians and Western Bulgarians, _ib._;
battle of 1448: defeat of Christians, 174;
the losses on both sides, 175

Countouz, son of Murad: raised rebellion against his father, 106;
his punishment, _ib._

Courtenay, Catherine of: a marriage proposed between her and a
Palaeologus, 37;
she married Charles of Valois, 38

Crescent, the: use of the symbol is ancient: its probable origin,
140 _n._

Cretan ships in imperial fleet (1453), 250;
their crews were the last Christians to quit their posts after
the capture of the city, 363

Crimea: Turks driven out by Tartars (1300), 64

Critobulus: his ‘Life of Mahomet II.,’ x

Crusade, the Fourth, 1;
the Crusaders’ share in spoil of Constantinople (1204), 3;
mischief wrought by, in and around the city, 13;
their lawlessness, 14

Dalmata, John: with Constantine in final assault, 350

Dan, prince (of the Wallachs): does homage to Murad II., 156

Dandolo, doge of Venice (1192), 1, 4 _sq._ 39, 49

Dante: helped to Western appreciation of Greek literature, 404

Danube, the: the highway between the Black and the North Seas, 23

David, emperor (Trebizond): defeated by Mahomet II., 388

Demetrius, brother of Constantine Dragases, 201

Demetrius, brother of John VII.: refused to sign Act of Union, 127

Derrybeys: meaning of the term, 222

Dervish sects: character of their religion, 171 _n._

Diedo, Alexis (Aloysius), naval officer: in the great siege,
220 _sq._;
admiral of the fleet, 250;
defence of boom against Turks, 291;
escaped, with his galleys and some Venetian refugees, 369

Dnieper, the: the commerce of, 23

Documents relating to siege of Constantinople unknown to Gibbon,
xiii _sq._

Dolma Bagtche, palace of, 233

Double Columns (Diplokionion), the, 233, 291

Double Procession, the: discussions on, at Florence, 125 _sq._

Drakul, prince of Wallachia, 164, 170

Dromon: meaning of the word as applied to ships, 235

Ducas, John, Emperor (of Nicaea, 1258–60: a boy;
successor of Theodore Lascaris II.), 16

Egypt, sultan of (known to Crusaders as sultan of Babylon), 60

Elephants employed in battle by Timour, 143

Elias Pasha, abettor of Mustafa, 115 _n._, 154

Elizabeth, mother of young king Ladislaus: her successful resistance
of Murad II. in Hungary, 157

Emperor: the title assumed by rulers of Trebizond and Nicaea, 5

England: destructiveness of Black Death in (1348), 190 _n._, 191

Epirus, 5, 7;
the despot of, 8 _sq._

Erasmus: promoted study of Greek, 410

Ertogrul (or Orthogrul), father of Othman or Osman, the founder
of Ottoman dynasty, 60

Eugenius IV,. Pope, great struggle for Union of the Churches,
120 _sqq._;
summons Western princes to help the empire, 129;
preaches a new Crusade (1428 and 1442), 157, 159;
said to have approved violation of treaty of Szegedin, 163;
encouraged study of Greek, 406

Eugenius, Tower of, 221

Europe, Eastern: its gigantic struggle in fifteenth century
against hordes of Asia, Turks and Tartars, 132

Eyoub, standard-bearer of the Prophet, 230

Ferrara, Council of (for Union, transferred from Bâle, 1437), 123;
outbreak of plague, 125;
Council transferred to Florence, 125

Firelocks or fusils (throwing leaden balls): used by the Turks
in siege, 269, 325

Flatanelas, an imperial naval commander, 258;
gallant conduct in battle with Baltoglu, 263 _sq._