Chapter XII: Book I: The Court (9)

[Footnote 430: I borrow from Boas, 383, De Silva's description to the Duchess of Parma as given in Froude's transcript (_Addl. MS._ 26056 A, f. 237) of the original in the Simanças archives. There is a translation in _Sp. Papers_, i. 375. Froude, vii. 205, paraphrases the story. After premising that during the Queen's visit 'they wished to give her another representation, which she refused in order to be no longer delayed', and that, 'those who were so anxious for her to hear it followed her to her first stopping-place, and so importuned her that at last she consented', De Silva continues, 'Entráron los representantes en habitos de algunos de los Obispos que estan presos; fué el primo el de Londres [Bonner] llevando en las manos un cordero como que le iba comiendo, y otros con otras devisas, y uno en figura de perro con una hostia en la boca. La Reyna se enojó tanto segun escriben que se entró á priesa en su camara diciendo malas palabras, y los que tenian las hachas, que era de noche, los dexáron á escuras, y assí cesó la inconsiderada y desvergonçada representaçion.' Of course, there is nothing about this in the academic narratives. It was an indecent proceeding, but in view of the character of the _farsa_ or mummery which enlivened Elizabeth's first Christmas (cf. ch. v), the misunderstanding of her taste is perhaps explicable.]

[Footnote 431: There are five narratives: (_a_) _Twyne MS._ xvii, f. 160, in the University archives, by Thomas Neale, Professor of Hebrew, used by A. Wood, _Hist. of Oxford_, ii. 154, and Boas, 98; (_b_) Richard Stephens, _A Brief Rehearsall_, a summary of (_a_), printed by Nichols, _Eliz._¹ i. 95, and C. Plummer, _Elizabethan Oxford_, 193; (_c_) _Twyne MS._ xxi. 792, by Miles Windsor of Corpus; (_d_) Nicholas Robinson (of Queens', Cambridge), _Of the Actes done at Oxford_, printed from _Harl. MS._ 7033, f. 142, by Nichols, i. 229, and Plummer, 173; (_e_) John Bereblock (of Exeter), _Commentarii de Rebus Gestis Oxoniae_, printed by T. Hearne (1729) and Nichols, _Eliz._¹ i. 35, and from _Bodl. Addl. MS._ A. 63, by Plummer, 113, and translated by W. Y. Durand in _M. L. A._ xx. 502. Bereblock gives full analyses of the plays. Boas, 106, adds extracts from a Christ Church account of the expenditure.]

[Footnote 432: Bereblock (Plummer, 128) says, 'Hoc malum quamvis potuit communem laetitiam contaminare, nihilominus tamen eandem commaculare non potuit. Ad spectacula itaque omnes, alieno iam periculo cautiores, revertuntur'.]

[Footnote 433: Cf. Boas, 106, 390.]

[Footnote 434: _Sp. Papers_, i. 578; cf. Boas, 385.]

[Footnote 435: Sometimes the Chancellor brought distinguished foreign visitors, who were entertained with plays. In May 1569 Thomas Cooper, Vice-Chancellor and Dean of Christ Church, wrote to Leicester (_Pepys MSS._ 155), proposing 'a playe or shew of the destruction of Thebes, and the contention between Eteocles and Polynices for the governement therof', for a projected visit on 15 May by Odet de Coligny, Cardinal de Châtillon, and asking help 'for provision for some apparaile' (not 'apparaiti', as the _Hist. MSS._ report on the _Pepys MSS._ has it). It is not certain that the visit actually took place (Boas, 158). But in 1583 Leicester brought Albertus Alasco, Prince Palatine of Siradia in Poland, who saw the _Rivales_ and _Dido_ of William Gager (q.v.) on 11 and 12 June. The plays were given at Christ Church by men of that and other colleges, with the assistance of George Peele (Boas, 179, from Holinshed and academic archives). In Jan. 1585 Leicester came again, with Pembroke and Philip Sidney, and saw Gager's _Meleager_ at Christ Church, and possibly also a comedy at Magdalen. Apparel was borrowed from John Lyly, who was then connected with the Blackfriars theatre (Boas, 192, from academic archives).]

[Footnote 436: There is only one narrative, by Philip Stringer (of St. John's, Cambridge), printed by Nichols, _Eliz._¹, and Plummer, 245. Wood, _Hist. of Oxford_, ii. 248, follows an independent source. Boas, 252, makes some additions from academic archives, and cites from _Twyne MS._ xvii, f. 174, an order that 'the schollers which cannot be admitted to see the playes, doo not make any outcries or undecent noyses about the hall stayres or within the quadrangle of Christchurch, as usually they were wont to doo'. This was repeated at the visit of 1605. John Sanford's _Apollinis et Musarum Eidyllia_, reprinted by Plummer, 275, contains verses laudatory of the various guests.]

[Footnote 437: _M. S. C._ i. 198, from _Lansd. MS._ 71, f. 204.]

[Footnote 438: There are four narratives: (_a_) Anthony Nixon, _The Oxford Triumph_ (1605, S. R. 19 Sept. 1605); (_b_) Isaac Wake, _Rex Platonicus, sive Musae Regnantes_ (1607); (_c_) a Cambridge report, probably by Philip Stringer, printed from _Harl. MS._ 7044, by Leland, _Coll._ ii. 626, and Nichols, i. 530; (_d_) a letter from John Chamberlain in Winwood, ii. 140. F. S. Boas and W. W. Greg (_M. S. C._ i. 247) print schedules of the apparel and necessaries obtained from Kirkham and Kendall of the Queen's Revels, and from one Matthew Fox. They were partly for _The Queen's Arcadia_, partly, I think, for _Ajax Flagellifer_, and partly for _Alba_. Provision was made for a magician, and 'those scenes of the Magus', for which Robert Burton tells his brother (Nichols, iv. 1067) that he was thanked by Dr. King, Dean of Christ Church, were presumably in _Alba_. This is Stringer's name for the first play. Wake calls it _Vertumnus_, but it is clear from his analyses that it is distinct from Gwynne's, which he calls _Annus Recurrens_. Stringer's rather critical narrative contrasts with the self-complacency of the Oxford writers. He tells us how bored the King was and how the Queen and the ladies disliked the almost naked man in _Alba_.]

[Footnote 439: Goodwin's performance was made an excuse for securing the King's recommendation for his election as a Student of Christ Church (_S. P. D. Addl. Jac. I_, xxxvii. 66, 67, 70).]

[Footnote 440: Birch, i. 214; Winwood, iii. 441; Nichols, iv. 1087, from Hacket's _Life of Williams_.]

[Footnote 441: Birch, i. 303; Stowe, _Annales_ (1631), 1023; _Hardwicke Papers_, i. 394; _Truth Brought to Light_, 64; Nichols, iii. 43. The names of the plays are given in a MS. _penes_ Sir Edward Dering, printed by S. Pegge in _Gent. Mag._ (May 1756) and Hawkins, _Ignoramus_, xxx. I adopt the dates of this MS., which fit better into James's movements than the 12-15 March suggested by Chamberlain's letter in Birch, i. 303. The Vice-Chancellor ordered 'that noe Graduate of the Universitie under the degree of Master of Arts, or fellow-commoner, presume to come into the streets neare Trinity Colledge in the tymes the Comedyes are actinge; or after the Stage-Keepers be come forth; nor that any Schollar or Student, but those onely before excepted, by any meanes presume or attempte to come within the said Colledge or Hall to heare any of the said Comedyes'.]

[Footnote 442: Birch, i. 360, 361; Hawkins, _Ignoramus_, cxix, from a narrative by James Tabor, Registrary.]

[Footnote 443: Birch, i. 395, 397. Can the play have been _Susenbrotus_, for which there seems no room in the visit of 1615, although the MS. claims a performance before James and Charles at Trinity in '1615'?]

[Footnote 444: The term recalls the old use of the _Camera_ as a treasury; cf. ch. ii. Similarly Bristol claimed to be the 'chamber' of a queen consort; cf. the patent to the Children of Bristol (ch. xii).]

[Footnote 445: Cf. ch. xxiv.]

[Footnote 446: Cf. _Mediaeval Stage_, ii. 172.]

[Footnote 447: _V. P._ x. 64, 67, 74; Birch, i. 8, 9. Chamberlain wrote to Carleton (10 July 1603), 'Our pageants are pretty forward, but most of them are such small timbered gentlemen that they cannot last long, and I doubt, if the plague cease not the sooner, they will rot and sink where they stand.' The double preparation must have cost the City something. There was a levy, amounting to £12 10_s._ on some of the guilds, in 1603, and in February 1604 another £400 had to be raised 'for the full performance and finishing of the pageants'. Towards this the Carpenters paid £2, but in all they had to pay an additional £8 3_s._ 4_d._ in 1604. There must have been protests, for the wardens of the Brewers were imprisoned for refusing to pay a levy of £50 (Jupp, _The Carpenters_, 68, 294; Young, _The Barber-Surgeons_, 110; Williams, _The Founders_, 222).]

[Footnote 448: Cf. ch. xxiv.]

[Footnote 449: Dekker sadly records that a great part of the speeches was left unspoken, lest they should be tedious to James.]

[Footnote 450: Machyn, 180.]

[Footnote 451: See ch. xxiv, s.v. Dekker, _Coronation Entertainment_. On 15 April 1605 the Spanish ambassador provoked a riot by 'joys and shews' to celebrate the birth of a Spanish prince (Lodge, iii. 147; Stowe, _Annales_, 862).]

[Footnote 452: _V. P._ x. 384; Nichols, iv. 1074.]

[Footnote 453: Clode, _Early History of the Merchant Taylors_, i. 276, gives many details from records of the company, including the item, 'To Mʳ. Hemmyngs for his direccion of his boy that made the speech to his Majesty 40_s._, and 5_s._ given to John Rise the speaker'.]

[Footnote 454: Cf. ch. xxiii. The entry of payments to Burbage and Rice, trumpeted as a discovery by C. W. Wallace in _The Times_ for 28 March 1913, was in fact published by Halliwell-Phillipps in the _Athenaeum_ for 19 May 1888; it is also in Stopes, _Burbage_, 108.]

[Footnote 455: Cf. ch. xxiv.]

[Footnote 456: Machyn, 191, 196, 201, 261, 273; cf. App. A (1559-1561).]

[Footnote 457: Cf. _Mediaeval Stage_, ii. 165, 382. Machyn, 287, records a watch with a 'castylle' at the Tower on 28 June 1562. There was another on 28 June 1564, which Elizabeth saw privately from Baynard's Castle (_Sp. P._ i. 366; cf. App. A). Puttenham, 165, speaks of 'these midsommer pageants in London, where to make the people wonder are set forth great and vglie Gyants marching as if they were aliue, and armed at all points, but within they are stuffed full of browne paper and tow, which the shrewd boys vnderpeering, do guilefully discouer and turne to a great derision'.]

[Footnote 458: Sharpe, _Letter Book_, L. 187, prints an order of 23 Oct. 1481 forbidding from thenceforth any 'disguysyng nor pageoun', when the Mayor went from his house to the water or the water to his house, 'as it hath been used nowe of late afore this time'. Halle, ii. 232, describes the reception of Anne Boleyn.]

[Footnote 459: Machyn, 47, 72, 96, 117, 155, 270, 294. In 1553 were a 'duyllyll' and 'ii grett wodyn, with ii grett clubes all in grene, and with skwybes bornyng'. For 1540, cf. _Mediaeval Stage_, ii. 166. A fragment of a Salters' pageant, printed by E. D. Adams in _M. L. N._ xxxii. 285, from _T. C. C. MS._ B. 15, 39, may belong to 1530 or 1542, when they had Mayors.]

[Footnote 460: Clode, ii. 262; Nicholl, _Ironmongers_, 84; cf. ch. xii (Westminster). The subject in 1566 is not recorded. Richard Baker, painter-stainer, had £18 for the pageant and everything except the children and their apparel; John Tailor 40_s._ to find six children 'as well for the speeches as songs'; James Pele 30_s._ 'for his devise and paynes in the paggent'; and Thomas Giles of Lombard Street (cf. chh. iii, v) £5 10_s._ for apparel. The company paid 5_s._ 'to the prynter for printing of poses speches and songs, that were spoken and songe by the children in the pagent'.]

[Footnote 461: Clode, _Memorials_, 115; Nicholl, _Ironmongers_, 97, 'Paid unto James Pele and Peter Baker, for the devise of a pageant, which tok none effecte, xxvjˢ. viijᵈ.']

[Footnote 462: W. Smythe, _A breffe description of London_ (1575); cf. _Mediaeval Stage_, ii. 165. Dramatic allusions are 2 _Promos and Cassandra_, i. 6, '[_Enter_] Two men, apparrelled lyke greene men at the Mayor feast, with clubbes of fyreworke'; _Cobbler's Prophecy_, 469, 'comes there a Pageant by, Ile stand out of the green mens way for burning my vestment'; _Dutch Courtesan_, iii. 1, 117, 'all will scarce make me so high as one of the giants' stilts that stalks before my Lord Mayor's pageant'; _Northward Hoe_, ii. 1, p. 195, 'Simon and Jude's gentlemen ushers'.]

[Footnote 463: _2 R. Hist. Soc. Trans._ ix. 252, 'a representation in the shape of a house with a pointed roof painted in blue and golden colours and ornamented with garlands, on which sat some young girls in fine apparel, one holding a book, another a pair of scales, the third a sceptre. What the others had I forget.' He gives full details of all the installation ceremonies.]

[Footnote 464: Chamberlain, 93.]

[Footnote 465: Clode, _Early History_, i. 264, 390, cites payments for a ship, a pageant, a lion, and a camel, and to Mr. Haines, schoolmaster of the Merchant Taylors school, for a wagon and the apparel of ten scholars, who represented Apollo and the Muses before the Mayor in Cheapside. Young, _Barber-Surgeons_, 111, prints the Lord Mayor's letter of 22 Oct. 1603 directing that there should be no show that year. Felix Kingston entered 'a thing touching the pagent' in S. R. on 29 Oct. 1604 (Arber, iii. 273).]

[Footnote 466: Machyn, 261, 309.]

[Footnote 467: Stowe, _Annales_ (1615), 887.]

[Footnote 468: Cf. ch. xxiii.]

[Footnote 469: John Taylor, _Heaven's Blessing and Earth's Joy_ (Nichols, ii. 527). The use of fireworks at Kenilworth in 1575 and Elvetham in 1591, with a miniature sea-fight at the latter, has already been noted. An undated device for three days' fireworks by an Italian before the Queen, 'in the meadow', 'in the courtyard of the Palace', 'in the river' (_Pepys MSS._ 178) may belong to 1575, or possibly to the Warwick visit of 1572, at which a firework assault upon a fort in the meadow below the castle is recorded by La Mothe, v. 96.]

[Footnote 470: _M. S. C._ i. 89.]

[Footnote 471: Cf. ch. xxiv.]

[Footnote 472: Nichols, _Eliz._ ii. 529, from a MS. in private hands.]

[Footnote 473: Halle, i. 22, 189; Cripps-Day, 118 (misdated 1510). The illuminated roll of 1511 is engraved in _Vetusta Monumenta_, i, pll. xxi-xxvi. Some interesting documents on early Tudor tilting are given in Cripps-Day, xliii, from _Harl. MS._ 69 (_The Book of Certaine Triumphes_).]

[Footnote 474: The rules are extant in _Heralds' College MSS._ I. 26, M. 6; _Harl. MSS._ 69, 1354, 1776, 2358, 2413, 6064; _Bodl. Ashm. MS._ 763; versions are printed in _Vetusta Monumenta_, i; Grose and Astle, _Antiquarian Repertory_, i. 144; Meyrick, _Antient Armor_, ii. 179; Harington, i. 1; Cripps-Day, xxvii. Viscount Dillon prints (_Arch._ lvii. 29) an illuminated fifteenth-century collection of ordinances of chivalry which belonged to Prince Henry.]

[Footnote 475: Dillon, _An Elizabethan Armourer's Album_ (_Arch. Journal_, lii. 113), _Tilting in Tudor Times_ (_A. J._ lv. 296), _Barriers and Foot-Combats_ (_A. J._ lxi. 276), _Armour and Arms in Shakespeare_ (_A. J._ lxv. 270); C. ffoulkes. _Jousting Cheques of the Sixteenth Century_ (_Archaeologia_, lxiii. 31), W. Segar, _Honor, Military and Ciuill_ (1602), iii. 54, records a number of Elizabethan jousts, or, as he calls them, 'triumphs'. Dillon (_A. J._ lv. 303) reproduces drawings of a tilt, tourney, and barriers by William Smith (_c._ 1597).]

[Footnote 476: W. L. Spiers in _L. T. R._ vii. 62; Machyn, 269.]

[Footnote 477: E. Law, _Hampton Court_, i. 135, 206.]

[Footnote 478: Segar (Nichols, ii. 335) describes a tourney, presumably a foot-tourney, at Whitehall by night before the French ambassador, François de Montmorency, in June 1572, with the yeomen of the guard holding 'an infinite number of torches on the terrace and in the preaching place'.]

[Footnote 479: The play of _Paris and Vienna_ on 19 Feb. 1572 included a triumph with hobby-horses 'where Paris wan the christall sheelde for Vienna at the turneye and barryers' (Feuillerat, 141). A barriers was also fought by Amazons and Knights in a mask of 11 Jan. 1579 (Feuillerat, 287).]

[Footnote 480: Cf. App. A.]

[Footnote 481: Cf. ch. xxiv. The date at which the annual tilt began is not clear. It cannot be earlier than the institution of Queen's Day itself (1570? cf. p. 18), but as that is said to have originated at Oxford, hard by Woodstock, the two may have come into existence together. Segar, who compares Lee's enterprise to 'the Knighthood della Banda in Spaine' assigns it to the beginning of the reign. On the other hand, I have not found any actual evidence for a tilt on 17 Nov. before 1581, although there is plenty afterwards. The references to the matter on Lee's tombstone and in the fragments of the _Ferrers MS._ do not help, unless fragment (iv) belongs to the Woodstock entertainment of 1575, in which case the vow 'not far from hence' must be before that date. Is it possible that the tilting at first took place at Oxford or Woodstock itself and was transferred to Whitehall about 1581? In 1593, perhaps owing to the plague, it was held at Windsor.]

[Footnote 482: Leland, _Collectanea_, ii. 666.]

[Footnote 483: Thus at a joust of 1494 (Kingsford, _Chronicle_, 201), 'iiij fayre ladyes ... ladde their Bridellis with iiij silkyn laces of white and blewe'. After a joust in May 1571, ladies led the armed victors to receive their prizes in the presence chamber (Nichols, ii. 334, from Segar).]

[Footnote 484: Cf. p. 52. Hunsdon and Dudley, as challengers, wore black and white in 1559; in 1560 the heralds were in black and white (Machyn, 216, 231).]

[Footnote 485: A galley on the waterside at Whitehall is described as hung with these shields by Von Wedel (_2 R. Hist. Soc. Trans._ ix. 236) in 1584 and by Hentzner in 1598, 'emblemata varia papyracea, clypei formam habentia, quibus, adiectis symbolis, nobiles in exercitiis equestribus & gladiatoriis uti sunt soliti, hic memoriae caussa suspensa', and Manningham, 3, describes 'certayne devises and empresaes taken by the scucheons in the Gallery at Whitehall' in 1602. The Shield Gallery was still extant in the time of Pepys. Aubrey, _Wilts._ 88, says that a similar collection of shields at Wilton were 'of pastboard painted with their devices and emblems, which was very pretty and ingenious'. Of course, these were not used in the actual encounter. On _imprese_, cf. F. Brie, _Shakespeare und die Impresa-Kunst seiner Zeit_ (1914, _Sh.-Jahrbuch_, l. 9); G. F. Barwick, _Impresas_ (_2 Library_, vii. 140); Lee, _Shakespeare_, 455. A contemporary treatise is Paolo Giovio, _Dialogo dell' Imprese Militari et Amorose_ (1555). Good examples are afforded by _Pericles_, II. ii.]

[Footnote 486: Von Wedel (loc. cit. 258) describes the accession tilt of 1584: 'About twelve o'clock the queen with her ladies placed themselves at the windows in a long room of Whitehall palace, near Westminster, opposite the barrier where the tournament was to be held. From this room a broad staircase led downwards, and round the barrier stands were arranged by boards above the ground, so that everybody by paying 12_d._ could get a stand and see the play.... During the whole time of the tournament all who wished to fight entered the lists by pairs, the trumpets being blown at the time and other musical instruments. The combatants had their servants clad in different colours; they, however, did not enter the barrier, but arranged themselves on both sides. Some of the servants were disguised like savages, or like Irishmen, with the hair hanging down to the girdle like women, others had horse manes on their heads, some came driving in a carriage, the horses being equipped like elephants, some carriages were drawn by men, others appeared to move by themselves; altogether the carriages were of very odd appearance. Some gentlemen had their horses with them and mounted in full armour directly from the carriage.... When a gentleman with his servant approached the barrier, on horseback or in a carriage, he stopped at the foot of the staircase leading to the queen's room, while one of his servants in pompous attire of a special pattern mounted the steps and addressed the queen in well-composed verses or with a ludicrous speech, making her and her ladies laugh. When the speech was ended he in the name of his lord offered to the queen a costly present, which was accepted and permission given to take part in the tournament.']

[Footnote 487: Nichols, ii. 335, from Segar.]

[Footnote 488: Lodge, ii. 146.]

[Footnote 489: Nichols, ii. 334, from Segar; _M. S. C._ i. 181, from _Lansd. MS._ 99, f. 259.]

[Footnote 490: Von Raumer, ii. 431, from a letter of M. Nellot of the French Embassy in _Dupuy MS._ xxxiii. I do not feel sure that the writer is really describing a distinct joust from that of Whitehall, although he certainly locates it at Hampton Court, and the French commissioners certainly visited Hampton Court, with Leicester and Pembroke, on 6 May (Walsingham's _Journal_). He gives Arundel and Windsor as challengers, and the two 'Irish youths' might be Perrot and Cooke. Tilney only charged in the Revels Account (Feuillerat, 341) for one challenge and two days' triumph.]

[Footnote 491: Cf. ch. xxiv.]

[Footnote 492: Gawdy, 25, sent his father 'ij small bookes for a token, the one of them was gyven me that day that they rann at tilt, divers of them being gyven to most of the lordes, and gentlemen about the court, and one especially to the Quene'. On 18 Nov. 1595, John Danter entered in _S. R._ (Arber, iii. 53) 'a new ballad of the honorable order of the Runnynge at Tilt at Whitehall the 17 of November in the 38 year of her Maiesties reign', but it does not appear to be extant.]

[Footnote 493: Cf. ch. xxiii (s.v. Lee).]

[Footnote 494: Gawdy, 67 (n.d. but ascribed by ed. to 1592), 'Uppon the coronation day at nyght ther cam two knightes armed vpp into the pryvy chamber videlicet my L. of Essex and my L. of Cumberland and ther made a challenge that vppon the xxvjth of ffebruary next that they will runn with all commers to mayntayn that ther M. is most worthiest and most fayrest Amadis de Gaule'.]

[Footnote 495: R. Carey, _Memoirs_, 32.]

[Footnote 496: Cf. ch. xxiii (s.v. Bacon).]

[Footnote 497: Chamberlain, 29, 163; Winwood, i. 271, 274.]

[Footnote 498: _Hatfield MSS._ xi. 462, 540, 544.]

[Footnote 499: Winwood, ii. 54.]

[Footnote 500: Boderie, ii. 144.]

[Footnote 501: Birch, i. 92.]

[Footnote 502: Rowland Whyte (Lodge, iii. 162) writing of a 'great tilt' in which Montgomery was to take part on 20 May 1605, adds the lines--

The Herberts every cockpit day.
Do carry away
The gold and glory of the day.

The Westminster tilt-yard was, of course, close to the Cockpit.]

[Footnote 503: A. Wilson (_Compleat Hist._ ii. 686).]

[Footnote 504: Cf. ch. xxiii (s.v. Jonson, _Hymenaei_).]

[Footnote 505: W. Drummond of Hawthornden, _Works_ (1711), 231; Boderie, i. 58, 105, 136, 173, 185, 260. The challenge of the Knights Errants, who were the Earls of Lennox, Arundel, Pembroke, and Montgomery, is sent by Drummond to a correspondent, with a reply in the same vein, but there is nothing to suggest that he was the author. Ford's (q.v.) _Honour Triumphant_ (1606) is addressed to the four Earls.]

[Footnote 506: There are several extant portraits of Henry in tilting armour; one is engraved in Drayton's _Polyolbion_ (1613). Dillon (_A. J._ lii. 125; lx. 132) notes that he had five suits of tilting-armour. One, given him by Lee, cost £200. Another, given by Prince de Joinville, is in the Tower. A third, at Windsor, was made by William Pickering at Greenwich, apparently on one of the designs by Jacobe now at South Kensington. As early as 18 Aug. 1604, when he was ten years old, the Constable of Castile saw Henry at pike and horse exercise, and gave him a pony (_V. P._ x. 178).]

[Footnote 507: Cf. ch. xxiii (s.v. Jonson, _Prince Henry's Barriers_).]

[Footnote 508: Nichols, ii. 361.]

[Footnote 509: Clephan, 133, 176, from _Harl. MSS._ 4888, art. 20; cf. App. A.]

[Footnote 510: _Rutland MSS._ iv. 494, 'Item 31 Martii to Mʳ. Shakspeare in gold about my Lords impreso xliiijˢ. To Richard Burbadge for paynting and making yᵗ in gold xliiijˢ'. Wotton, ii. 17, mentions the 'bare _imprese_, whereof some were so dark that their meaning is not yet understood, unless perchance that were their meaning, not to be understood'.]

[Footnote 511: Nichols, ii. 549.]

[Footnote 512: _Rutland MSS._ iv. 508, 'Paid given Richard Burbidg for my lordes shield and for the embleance, 4ˡ. 18ˢ'.]

V

THE MASK

[_Bibliographical Note._ The origins of the mask are treated in
my book on _The Mediaeval Stage_ (1903), ch. xvii, and, with
its Tudor and Stuart developments, in R. Brotanek, _Die
englischen Maskenspiele_ (1902), and P. Reyher, _Les Masques
anglais_ (1909). An earlier study of merit is A. Soergel, _Die
englischen Maskenspiele_ (1882). R. Bayne contributes a chapter
on _Masque and Pastoral_ (_C. H._ vi.), and P. Simpson one on
_The Masques_ (_Sh. England_, ii. 311). I have not seen W.
Scherm, _Englische Hofmaskeraden_. Useful material, handled
with imperfect scholarship, is in M. Sullivan, _Court Masques
of James I_ (1913), and there are dissertations by A. H.
Thorndike, _The Influence of the Court-Masque on the Drama_,
1608-15 (_M. L. A._ xv. 114), J. W. Cunliffe, _Italian
Prototypes of the Masque and Dumb Show_ (_M. L. A._ xxii. 140),
W. Y. Durand, _A Comedy on Marriage and some Early
Anti-masques_ (_J. G. P._ vi. 412), and J. A. Lester, _Some
Franco-Scottish Influences on the Early English Drama_ (1909,
_Haverford Essays_). Most of the scanty Elizabethan material is
in A. Feuillerat, _Documents relating to the Office of the
Revels in the Time of Queen Elizabeth_ (1908, _Materialien_,
xxi, cited as Feuillerat, _Eliz._), and the relation of the
Revels Office to masks is studied in his _Le Bureau des
Menus-Plaisirs et la Mise en Scène à la Cour d'Elizabeth_
(1910, cited as Feuillerat, _M. P._); cf. also ch. iii. Many of
the contemporary descriptions of masks are edited amongst the
works of the poets, and are also to be found, with the few that
are anonymous, in J. Nichols, _Progresses of Elizabeth_ (1823),
and _Progresses of James I_ (1828); P. Cunningham and J. P.
Collier, _Inigo Jones, a Life; and Five Court Masques_ (_Sh.
Soc._ 1848); and H. A. Evans, _English Masques_ (1897). A
valuable bibliography is W. W. Greg, _A List of Masques,
Pageants, &c._ (_Bibl. Soc._ 1902). Analogous French texts are
in P. Lacroix, _Ballets et Mascarades de Cour_ (1868-70), and
are studied in V. Fournel, _Les Contemporains de Molière_
(1863), ii. 173, G. Bapst, _Essai sur l'Histoire du Théâtre_
(1893), 193, and H. Prunières, _Le Ballet de Cour en France_
(1914).]

The mask is not primarily a drama; it is an episode in an indoor revel of dancing. Masked and otherwise disguised persons come, by convention unexpectedly, into the hall, as a compliment to the hosts or the principal guests. Often they bring them gifts; always they dance before them, and then invite them to join the dance. They bring torch-bearers and musicians, who light and accompany the choric evolutions. Their intention lends itself to elaboration by spokesmen or presenters, and to such spectacular decoration as a pageant or scene affords; thus it readily assumes a mimetic setting. It is necessary to lay stress on the fact that the guests mingle with the maskers in the dance. This intimacy between performers and spectators differentiates the mask from the drama to the end; its goal is the masked ball, not the opera. And as a corollary to this intimacy, the performers are of the same social standing as the audience; the mask is an amateur and not a professional performance.

I have attempted elsewhere to indicate a possible folk origin for the mask in the visits of excited worshippers, with fragments of a divine and immolated animal, from house to house of a village, in order that all may share the direct contact of the beneficent and potent thing. Those persistent vizards and torches may perhaps recall, the one the head and skin of the sacrificed victim, the other the brand snatched from the sacrificial fire, itself perhaps the survival of a sunshine charm even older than the sacrifice.[513] Obviously in the humanist and even sceptical court of Elizabeth any consciousness of the 'luck' of the mask must have been quite subliminal. It was a custom, like the rest, belonging of right to the twelve days of the Christmas rejoicing, but adaptable readily enough to a wedding or any other occasion of mundane festivity. As a medium of courtly compliment to a sovereign it is already well established in the fourteenth century. When Prince Richard, afterwards Richard II, was keeping Candlemas at Kennington in 1377, citizens of London, to the number of 130, rode to visit him with musicians and torch-bearers. They wore vizards and were dressed to represent the members of an imperial and a papal court. Entering the hall, they diced with the prince and his company for jewels, using loaded dice so as to be sure of losing. After the dicing the music sounded, and 'the prince and the lordes danced on the one syde and the mummers on the other a great while and then they dronck and tooke their leaue'. The whole proceeding is called 'mumming'.[514] It is to be noted that the 'lucky' character of the gifts is emphasized by the show of dicing, and that the fraternization of maskers and spectators in the dance is clearly marked. This is important, because during the changes of the fifteenth century this particular and primitive element was apparently forgotten. It was a period of literary and spectacular elaboration. The dance in disguise attracted to itself other forms of courtly entertainment that were then in vogue; the speech and dialogue of allegorical or mythological personages, the architectural pageant, the mimic tournament, even the interlude.[515] Splendid devices were shown in Westminster Hall before the sovereigns under their cloths of estate at the wedding of Prince Arthur and Katharine of Aragon in 1501.[516] On the first night three great pageants were successively wheeled in. The first was a castle drawn by four beasts and bearing eight disguised ladies. The second was a ship with mariners, whose 'counteynaunces speaches and demeanor' doubtless furnished an element of comedy. They brought Hope and Love, who were ambassadors from the third pageant, a Mount of Love, which bore eight knights. These descended and assaulted the castle, and finally the ladies yielded and knights and ladies danced together. On the second night the pageants represented an arbour and a lanthorn; on the third two mountains; on the fourth, at Richmond, a chapel. Very similar to these revels of Henry VII's reign are those described by the chronicler Halle during the early years of that of Henry VIII.[517] Many variations are possible. There is not always a pageant. The comic element may take the form of a 'morris'. The whole thing may form a setting or afterpiece to an interlude. Occasionally a dicing is introduced, and to this variety the term 'mumming' or 'mummery' appears by the sixteenth century to have been specialized.[518] The more generic term is 'disguising'. For all its elaboration, the early sixteenth-century disguising retained many of its original features. Vizards and torches are employed. The disguisers come in suddenly, as a surprise to the guests. But unlike the visitors of Richard II in 1377, they do not, so far as the records show, call upon the guests to take a part in the dancing. This characteristic feature of the primitive ceremony seems, under these particular conditions, to have dropped out. Generally, though not always, there are two sets of disguised persons, lords and ladies, corresponding to the 'double mask' of later days, and these dance together. When they go out, the guests very likely dance amongst themselves, before the 'void', or refreshment of wine and spices, comes in. But of direct contact between disguisers and guests, except in the old-fashioned 'mummery' with its dice-play, there is nothing.

This same divorce between performers and spectators seems to rule in the _momeries_ and _entremets_, which correspond to the English disguisings in fifteenth-century France and Burgundy, and in many of the _intermedii_ and _trionfi_ of fifteenth-century Italy.[519] But somewhere in Italy, possibly in the carnival masks of Florence, the primitive practice must have survived; and from Italy it made its way back again to France, and also to England, under the rather unjustifiable colour of a novelty.[520] It was on the Twelfth Night of 1512, according to Halle, that 'the Kyng with xi other wer disguised, after the maner of Italie, called a maske, a thyng not seen afore in Englande, thei were appareled in garmentes long and brode, wrought all with gold, with visers and cappes of gold, and after the banket doen, these maskers came in, with sixe gentlemen disguised in silke bearyng staffe torches, and desired the ladies to daunce, some were content, and some that knew the fashion of it refused, because it was not a thyng commonly seen. And after thei daunced and commoned together, as the fashion of the maskes is, thei toke their leave and departed, and so did the Quene, and all the ladies.'[521] There has been much dispute as to what the precise nature of the innovation of 1512 was. I formerly thought that it lay in the introduction of some Italian detail of costume, probably the 'long gowns and hoods with hats' of which the contemporary _Revels Account_ speaks.[522] But after a careful review of the earlier descriptions of disguisings, I now feel little doubt that those are right who find the point precisely in that 'commoning' between maskers and spectators which remained a characteristic feature of the mask throughout the days of its most sumptuous development, and which the good Halle could hardly be expected to recognize as merely a reversion to a fourteenth-century English usage.[523] Nor is there any reason to doubt that the impulse to the new-old mode, and perhaps also the name which, although in an English form, accompanied it, had an immediate origin in Italy.[524] Ronsard makes a similar acknowledgement for France:[525]

Mascarade et Cartels ont prins leur nourriture,
L'un des Italiens, l'autre des vieux François, ...
... L'accord Italien quand il ne veut bastir
Un Théâtre pompeux, un cousteux repentir,
La longue Tragedie en Mascarade change.
Il en est l'inuenteur; nous suyuons ses leçons,
Comme ses vestemens, ses mœurs et ses façons,
Tant l'ardeur des François aime la chose estrange.

And in fact it is an Italian festivity of 1492 that furnishes the only clear account of a revel in which disguised persons took the ordinary guests out to dance that I have yet come across between 1377 and 1512.[526]

For some time the mask and the old-fashioned disguising are traceable side by side at the court of Henry VIII. Ultimately they amalgamated. By the end of the reign, 'mask' has become the official name, and 'disguising' is obsolete.[527] The 'commoning' between maskers and guests is firmly established. And the mask has taken to itself the elaborations of the disguisings, the introductory speeches, the pageant, the mimic fight, the double sets of dancers, the close association with the interlude.[528] Or, more strictly speaking, it can be either simple or elaborate, a mere masked dance, or a far-fetched and costly device, as occasion and economy may demand. As far as I can see, the whole evolution of the form, as we find it in the seventeenth century, was already complete under Henry VIII. Anne Boleyn, in 1532, led the first recorded mask in which women took lords out to dance.[529] Even the fixed scene had made its appearance, as an alternative to the movable pageant, before the end of the reign.[530]

The mask retained its vogue under Edward VI and Mary, and Elizabeth, with her special love of dancing, was not likely to neglect it.[531] The annals of her court, indeed, have left us few such detailed descriptions of masks as Halle affords for that of Henry VIII and the mask-writers themselves for that of James I. This may be an accident, or it may be that either economy or taste led Elizabeth to a preference for the mask simple over the mask spectacular, which most invites description. The story of the Elizabethan mask has to be pieced together from the account-books of the Revels Office, or, where these fail, from scattered sources. But though we would gladly have more detail, especially on the literary and dramatic side, the result of such a survey is sufficient to show that this particular type of _mimesis_ contributed at least as much to the Christmas entertainment of Gloriana as to that of either her father or her successor.

The first mask of the reign was on Twelfth Night, 1559. Some of its details recall, across a space of two centuries, those of the Kennington 'mumming' of 1377. In both cases the performers represented ecclesiastical personages, and in both there was the somewhat exceptional feature of a parade in the streets. Naturally the Elizabethan show, with its crows, asses, and wolves dressed as cardinals, bishops, and abbots, made a characteristic sixteenth-century appeal to the sympathies of a reviving Protestantism.[532] But even in 1377 the satirical element had not been lacking, for after emperor and pope came riding at the end of the procession '8 or 10 arayed and with black vizerdes like deuils, nothing amiable, seeming like legates'. The 1559 mask appears to have been on a much larger scale than was customary. There were at least four cardinals and six priests. There were popes, monks, summoners, and vergers. And there were friars, in black, white, yellow, russet, and green, apparently a pair of each colour. The russet friars wore velvet garments, with sleeves of yellow velvet and purple satin 'partie paned'; the popes and cardinals rochets of white sarcenet; the monks kirtles and cowls of black taffeta with sleeves of purple satin. The Revels Office was careful to provide hats for the cardinals and 'croger-staves' for the bishops. Four other masks followed during the same winter. Two formed part of the festivities accompanying the coronation, which took place on 15 January. These were a mask, probably of Conquerors in white cloth of silver, on 16 January, and a mask, probably of six Moors, on 22 January. The Moors had apparel of cloth of gold and blue velvet, with sleeves of silver sarcenet and 'bases' of red satin. On their heads was curled hair made of black lawn and wreathed with red gold sarcenet and silver lawn. Their limbs and faces were of black velvet, and of these it is recorded that 'the lords that masked toke awey parte'. They carried darts of 'tree and paste paper gilded', and as the Revels Office also prepared bells and staves, it is probable that a morris was introduced. The torch-bearers to this mask were eight Moorish friars, with head-pieces of crimson satin. The remaining two masks were at Shrovetide. On the Sunday was a double mask, with an assault in it. The Queen's maids were rifled and rescued again.[533] One party consisted of eight Swart Rutters, in black and white jerkins and long breeches, with laced hats, dags, and silvered and gilded partisans; the other probably of six Hungarians in blue and purple cloth of gold. The torch-bearers were six Almayns, and the music a drum and fife. On the Tuesday was another double mask, but of women, being six Fisher Wives and eight Market Wives, dressed in bodies and kirtles of various cloths of gold and silver, with elaborate trimmings, and wearing wicker head-pieces painted with red and silver, and hats covered with gold lawn. They seem to have had Fishermen for torch-bearers, and six minstrels in yellow damask, as well as a drum and fife.

Four masks were given during the summer of 1559. One was on 24 May in a banqueting house built at Westminster, for the entertainment of the Duke of Montmorency, Constable of France, who came to ratify a treaty. This was of Astronomers, in long robes of Turkey red cloth of gold, with torch-bearers in green damask. The second was in a banqueting house at Greenwich on 11 July, after a tilt by the Queen's pensioners. The other two were in August during the progress. One was given by the Earl of Arundel at Nonsuch on 6 August.[534] The other was in a specially built banqueting house at Lord Admiral Clinton's place of West Horsley. This last was a double mask of Shipmen, appropriate to an Admiral, in blue cloth of gold, and Country Maids. Two 'grasyers or gentillmen of the cuntrye', whose black damask gowns appear in a Revels inventory, may have acted as presenters.

The winter masks of 1559-60 were five in number. On New Year's day was a mask of six Barbarians, in red cloth of gold, with Venetian commoners in white damask for torch-bearers. On Twelfth Night was a double mask, of six Venetian Patriarchs in green, with purple head-pieces, and six Italian Women in white and crimson. They were accompanied by torch-bearers and a drum and fife. On Shrove Tuesday was another double mask, of an elaborate mythological character, for which a device of 'a rocke of founteyne' was employed. The women represented Diana in purple and three pairs of Huntress Nymphs, in carnation, purple, and blue respectively; the men Actaeon and his six fellows, in purple, with orange buskins and gilt boar-spears. They had a drum and fife and, as torch-bearers, eight Maidens in purple with variously coloured kirtles, and eight Hunters in yellow with murrey buskins. And they were accompanied by twelve hounds. It is noted in the Revels inventory that Actaeon's garments were 'all to cutt in small panes and steyned with blood'. There were also a mask on New Year's Eve and a second mask at Shrovetide.[535] One of these was of six Nusquams, allegorical personages in white, crimson, and yellow, having the breasts of their scapulars 'steyned with the posy of poco a poco'. Their torch-bearers were six Turkish commoners in murrey and white. The other was of eight Clowns in red and green, with flails and spades of gilt wood, black high-laced shoes made out of the limbs of the previous year's Moors, hedging mittens, and white gold sarcenet aprons, which were 'gyven awaye by the maskers in the queenes presence'. They had eight Hinds for torch-bearers, and a shepherd for a minstrel.[536]

The absence of _Revels Accounts_ renders it impossible to construct a full catalogue of masks between the Shrovetide of 1560 and the Christmas of 1571; but there is every reason to suppose that they were given yearly, and a number of scattered notices have survived. Brantôme, who came to court during October 1561, in the train of the Grand Prior Francis of Lorraine, describes a mask of Wise and Foolish Virgins, performed by Elizabeth's maids of honour, who did the Frenchmen the courtesy of taking them out to dance.[537] There was a mask at Baynard's Castle when Elizabeth visited the Earl of Pembroke on 15 January 1562, a 'grett maske' at Whitehall on 18 January after the performance of _Gorboduc_ by the Inner Temple, and on 1 February 'the goodlyest masket that ever was seen', which came in procession from the city to the court.[538] During May 1562 elaborate masks were in preparation for a projected meeting between Elizabeth and Mary of Scots at Nottingham Castle.[539] The meeting never came off, but a scheme for the masks is preserved, and is sufficiently detailed to show the point which had been reached in the evolution of the form. It covers the entertainment of three successive nights. On the first a prison of Extreme Oblivion, under the keepership of Argus or Circumspection, is to be made in the hall. A mask of six or eight ladies is to enter, leading Discord and False Report captive, and preceded by Pallas riding on a unicorn and Prudentia and Temperantia on two lions. Pallas is to declare the intention to the queen in verse; Discord and False Report are to be committed to the prison; and 'then the trompettes to blowe, and thinglishe ladies to take the nobilite of the straunger and daunce'. On the second night the structure in the hall is to be a castle called the Court of Plenty, whereof Ardent Desire and Perpetuity, serving respectively Prudentia and Temperantia, are to be porters. The mask proper is again to consist of six or eight ladies, accompanied by Friendship on an elephant, drawing Peace in a chariot to dwell in the castle. Friendship is to speak explanatory verses. 'Then shall springe out of the cowrte of plentie condittes of all sortes of wynes, duringe which tyme thinglishe lordes shall maske with the Scottishe ladyes.' The third night's mask is to be a double one. Disdain and Prepensed Malice are to draw in six or eight lady maskers, sitting in an orchard of golden apples, and to demand on behalf of Pluto the surrender either of Discord and False Report, or of Peace. These are to be followed by six or eight lords, with Discretion and Valiant Courage or Hercules. Discretion is to offer the services of Valiant Courage as champion. Prudentia and Temperantia are to let down tokens of peace from their castle, a grandgarde and a girdle and sword, which are to be laid at the feet of the queens. There is to be an assault between Valiant Courage and Disdain and Prepensed Malice. 'After this shall come out of the garden, the vj, or viij, ladies maskers, with a song, that shalbe made herevppon, as full of armony, as maye be devised.' One may note the allegorical theme, the use both of fixed and of movable pageants, the persistent episode of the assault at arms, the gifts to the principal spectators, and the somewhat formal speeches of the presenters, eked out on the last night with a song, but not yet broken up into dramatic dialogue. The draft makes it clear that English and Scots are to mingle in the dance, but not quite so clear that the invitation is to come from the maskers, although that was probably the intention.[540]

There were 'gret mummeres and masks' again at Baynard's Castle on each of the four days, 17-20 February 1563, devoted to celebrating the double wedding of Lord Herbert of Cardiff to Lady Catherine Talbot and of Lord Talbot to Lady Anne Herbert. But we are not told that Elizabeth was present, although it is not improbable.[541] On 9 June 1564 there was a device for the entertainment of Artus de Cossé, Seigneur de Gonnor, who came as ambassador from France to confirm the treaty of Troyes. It was of a martial character and entailed the preparation of a castle and an arbour and three masks, and a total cost of £87 9_s._ 6_d._[542] A month later, on 5 July, Elizabeth was entertained at the house of Sir Richard Sackville by maskers in her colours of black and white, who presented a sonnet in her honour. The host was the father of Thomas Sackville, afterwards Earl of Dorset, one of the authors of _Gorboduc_ and of _The Mirror for Magistrates_.[543] During the winter of 1564-5 there were several masks, apparently given in close relation to the plays of the same season. One was at Christmas and another, of Hunters and Muses, on 18 February, while at Shrovetide no less than four were made ready, although only two, of Tilters and of Satyrs, were actually seen.[544] On 16 July 1565 Elizabeth attended the marriage at Durham Place of Henry, son of Sir Francis Knollys, to Margaret, daughter of Sir Ambrose Cave; and the entertainment included two masks.[545] Similarly, at Shrovetide 1566, she was present at the marriage of Henry Earl of Southampton, to Mary Browne, daughter of Anthony Lord Montague, and on 1 July 1566 at that of Thomas Mildmay to Frances, sister of Thomas Earl of Sussex, and on each occasion there was a mask with an oration 'spoken and pronounced' by Mr. Pound of Lincoln's Inn. The July mask introduced Venus, Diana, Pallas, and Juno.[546] We know that there were four masks during the winter of 1567-8, and that there were masks during those of 1568-9, 1569-70, and 1570-1, but practically we know no more.[547] For 1571-2, however, fuller information is available, since with this winter begins the series of detailed Revels Accounts, which extends, with occasional interruptions, to 1589. There were six masks, on unspecified dates. For two of these the costumes were 'translated' from old sets. Four were new made; one of yellow cloth of gold, with torch-bearers in red and yellow changeable taffeta; one of crimson, purple, and green cloth of gold, with torch-bearers in red damask; one of white and black branched loom-work, with torch-bearers in blue and yellow changeable taffeta; and one in murrey satin, with torch-bearers in changeable taffeta of an unspecified colour. The maskers were six or eight in number in each case, and wore vizards, gloves, at 6_d._ a pair, and strange heads. Devices of canvas were made for some or all of them. One set carried flowers of silk and gold, and before them went a child dressed as Mercury, with two special torch-bearers, who made a speech, and offered the Queen three similar flowers, signifying victory, peace, and plenty.[548] On 15 June 1572 an elaborate mask was given in honour of another French embassy under the Duc de Montmorency. The theme evidently bore some resemblance to the abandoned devices of 1562.[549] A vizard was made for Argus and a collar and shackles and curls of black silk for Discord. There were two pageants, a castle upon which Lady Peace was brought in, and a chariot measuring 14 ft. by 8 ft. with a rock and fountain for Apollo and the nine Muses. These were probably the dancers. The performance is called both a 'mask' and a 'triumph'. The total cost was £409 3_s._ 2_d._, exclusive of the value of stuffs supplied by the Wardrobe, and it is recorded that the chariot was broken and spoiled. Payments were made to a Mistress Swego, apparently for head-dressing, and to a 'muzisian that towghte the ladies'; also to Haunce Eottes for 'patternes', and to Petrucio, for his 'travell and paynes' taken in the preparations.[550] This is doubtless Petrucio Ubaldini, and it may also be assumed that the 'Mʳ. Alphonse', who apparently had the general direction or 'apoyntment' of the proceedings, and wore a pair of cloth-of-gold buskins, was Alfonso Ferrabosco, the musician.

This example attests the continuance of the spectacular element in the mask. Its literary aspect also finds illustration during 1572. The scene was again a house of Lord Montague, who was celebrating the double wedding of his son and daughter to those of Sir William Dormer. The dancers were eight kinsmen of the host, dressed as Venetians. There was a long introductory narrative, spoken by a boy-actor. The motive of this was suggested by the supposed community of blood between the Montagues of England and the Montagues of Venice. The actor represented a boy of the English house, who had been taken prisoner by the Turks, together with four English soldiers, who were the torch-bearers. He had been rescued by Italian Montagues, who were returning with him to Italy, when a storm drove them on the shores of Kent, and they took the opportunity to visit their kinsmen in London. After the mask there was a shorter speech by Master Thomas Browne, whom the actor drew from the company, and presented to the maskers to replace him as their 'trounchman', and the maskers then took their leaves. The author of the verses was George Gascoigne. They contain no indication that Elizabeth was present, and therefore she probably was not. But they furnish a very good example of the way in which introductory speeches, still stiff and undramatic, were used to give topical point and meaning to the disguises assumed by maskers.[551] With this Montague mask may be compared that at the wedding of Henry Unton, represented in one of the scenes from his life and death by which his portrait, now in the National Portrait Gallery, is surrounded. The wedding party is shown at table in a great chamber, overlooking a hall below, in which sit six minstrels. At each end of the hall are steps, and up and down these and over the floor of the chamber passes the mask procession, a drummer, a 'trounchman' with a paper in his hand, Mercury, Diana, six Nymphs, and ten Cupids, five white and five black, as torch-bearers.[552]