Chapter XXXVII: Appendix (13)

“Scotch Ballads, Materials for Border Minstrelsy,” No 4, Abbotsford; in the handwriting of William Laidlaw.

1
Lairds and lords a hounting gane,
Out-over hills and valleys clear,
And there they met Hughie Grame,
Was riding on the bishop’s mare.

2
And they have tied him hand and foot,
And they have carried him to Stirling
town;
The lads and lasses there about
Crys, Hughie Grame, you are a lown!

3
‘If I be a lown,’ says he,
‘I am sure my friends has had bad luck;’
We that he jumpted fifteen foot,
With his hands tied behind his back.

4
Out and spoke Laidy Whiteford,
As she sat by the bishop’s knee;
‘Four-and-twenty milk-kie I’ll give to thee,
If Hughie Grame you will let free.’

5
‘Hold your tongue, my laidy Whiteford,
And of your pleading now lay by;
If fifty Grames were in his coat,
Upon my honour he shall die.’

6
Out and spoke Lord Whiteford,
As he sat by the bishop’s knee;
‘Four-and-twenty stots I’ll give thee,
If Hughie Grame you will let free.’

7
‘Hold your tongue, my lord Whiteford,
And of your pleading now lay by;
If twenty Grames were in his coat,
Upon my honour he shall die.’

8
‘You may tell to Meg, my wife,
The first time she comes through the mu[ir],
She was the causer of my death,
For with the bishop [she] plaid the whore.

9
‘You may tell to Meg, my wife,
The first time she comes through the town,
She was the causer of my death,
For with the bishop [she] plaid the lown.’

10
He looked oer his left shoulder,
To see what he could spy or see,
And there he spied his old father,
Was weeping bitterly.

11
‘Hold your tongue, my dear father,
And of your weeping now lay by;
They may rub me of my sweet life,
But not from me the heavence high.

12
‘You may give my brother John
The sword that’s of the mettle clear,
That he may come the morn at four o clock
To see me pay the bishop’s mare.

13
‘You may give my brother James
The sword that’s of the mettle brown;
Tell him to come the morn at four o clock
To see his brother Hugh cut down.’

14
Up and spoke his oldest son,
As he sat by his nurse’s knee;
‘If ere I come to be a man,
Revenged for my father [’s] death I’ll be.’

* * * * *

I

“Scotch Ballads, Materials for Border Minstrelsy,” No 36, Abbotsford, MS. of Thomas Wilkie, 1813–15, p. 9; “from a young girl, a Miss Nancy Brockie, Bemerside, who learned it from an old woman called Maron Miller, Threepwood.” Another copy, in Wilkie’s hand, No 86 of the same.

1
Ye dukes and lords that hunt and go
Out-over moors and mountains clear,
And they have taen up poor Hughie Græme.
For stealing of the bishope’s mare.
Fall all the day, fall all the daudy,
Fall all the day, fall the daudy O.

2
They hae tied him hand and foot,
They hae led him thro the town;
The lads and lassies they all met,
Cried, Hughie Græme, ye’ve playd the
loon!

3
‘O if that I had playd the loon,
My friends of me they hae bad luck;’
With that he jumped fifteen feet,
Wi his hands tied fast behind his back.

4
Up then spoke my lady Whiteford,
As she sat by the bishope’s knee;
‘Five hundred white pence I’ll give thee,
If you let Hughie Græme go free.’

5
‘I’ll hae nane of your hundred pense,
And your presents you may lay by;
For if Græme was ten times in his coat,
By my honour, Hugh shall die.’

6
Up then spoke my lord Whiteford,
As he sat by the bishope’s knee;
‘Five score of good stotts I’ll thee give,
If you’ll sett Hughie Græme but free.’

7
‘I’ll have none of your hundred stotts,
And all your presents you may keep to yoursell;
‘For if Græme was ten times in his coat
Hugh shall die, and die he shall.’

8
Then they hae tied him hand and foot,
And they hae led [him] to the gallows high;
The lads and lassies they all met,
Cried, Hughie Græme, thou art to die!

9
Now’s he looked oer his left shoulder,
All for to see what he could spy,
And there he saw his father dear,
Stood weeping there most bitterlie.

10
‘O hold your tongue now, father,’ he said,
‘And of your weeping lai’d now by;
For they can rob me of my life,
But they cannot rob me of the heavens high.

11
‘But you must give to my brother John
The sword that’s bent in the middle clear,
And tell him to come at twelve o clock
And see me pay the bishope’s mare.

12
‘And you may give to my brother James
The sword that’s bent in the middle brown,
And tell him to come at four o clock
And see his brother Hugh cut down.

13
‘And you may tell to Meg, my wife,
The first time she comes thro the town,
She was the occasion of my death
And wi the bishope playd the loon.

14
‘And you may tell to Meg, my wife,
The first time she comes thro the fair,
She was the occasion of my death,
And from the bishope stole the mare.’

* * * * *

#A.#

_A copy in_ The Northern Garland, Newcastle Garlands, No 1, Bell
Ballads, Abbotsford Library, P. 5, _has these readings, some of
which appear to be editorial_:

2^2. after him for some time.

4^4. shall soon.

11^3. my fault.

16^2. down low.

22^3. cause and the loss.

#H.#

8^3, 9^3. the casurer, the casure. _Perhaps we should read_
occasion: _cf._ #I# 13^3, 14^3.

9^4. plaid the whore; _but cf._ #E# 13^4, #I# 13^4.

#I.#

2^3. they (all met) ran in flocks: _cf._ 8^3.

3^1. Of that: _see No_ 86, _below_.

5^3. in==his coat==ocent (_sic_).

10^2. (laid==lay it.)

_No 86, the other copy of #I#, has variations which seem to be
mostly, if not wholly, editorial._

1^3. taken Hughie Græme.

2^3. lassies ran in flocks.

3^1. O if. 3^2. has had.

3^4. And his.

4^3. I will give.

4^4. ye’ll let.

5^2. And of your.

6^2. at the.

6^4. ye’ll let: go free.

7^1. _Above_ hundred _is written_ five score.

7^2. And of your presents ye may lay by.

7^4. By my honour, Hugh shall die, _bracketed with the reading in
the text_.

8^2. And led him to.

9^1. Now he’s.

9^3. he spied.

10^1. now, father dear: he said _wanting_.

10^2. laid.

11^1. may give my.

12^1. give my.

13^3, 14^3. That she’s.

193. The Death of Parcy Reed.

P. 24 a. #B.# Telfer sent “the real verses” to Sir Walter Scott. It appears, as might be surmised, that one half of #B# is of his own making. 1–3==#B# 4, 5, 7; 4, 5==#A# 4, 18; 6==#B# 14; 7==#B# 15, #A# 6; 8==#A# 7, #B# 16; 9–14==#B# 18–23; 15==#A# 15; 16==#B# 25; 17–20==#B# 38, 39, 33, 41.

* * * * *

B

Letters addressed to Sir Walter Scott, XIII, No 73, Abbotsford. “Parcy Reed, exactly as it is sung by an old woman of the name of Cathrine Hall, living at Fairloans, in the remotest corner of Oxnam parish:” James Telfer, Browndeanlaws, May 18, 1824.

1
O Parcy Reed has Crozer taen,
And has deliverd him to the law;
But Crozer says he’ll do warse than that,
For he’ll gar the tower of the Troughend fa.

2
And Crozer says he will do warse,
He will do warse, if warse can be;
For he’ll make the bairns a’ fatherless,
And then the land it may lie lea.

3
O Parcy Reed has ridden a raid,
But he had better have staid at hame;
For the three fause Ha’s of Girsenfield
Alang with him he has them taen.

4
He’s hunted up, and he’s hunted down,
He’s hunted a’ the water of Reed,
Till wearydness has on him taen,
I the Baitinghope he’s faen asleep.

5
. . . . . . .
. . . . . . .
And the fause, fause Ha’s o Girsenfield,
They’ll never be trowed nor trusted again.

6
They’ve taen frae him his powther-bag,
And they’ve put water i his lang gun;
They’ve put the sword into the sheathe
That out again it’ll never come.

7
‘Awaken ye, awaken ye, Parcy Reed,
For I do fear ye’ve slept owre lang;
For yonder are the five Crozers,
A coming owre by the hinging-stane.’

8
‘If they be five and we be four,
If that ye will stand true to me,
If every man ye will take one,
Ye surely will leave two to me.

9
‘O turn, O turn, O Johny Ha,
O turn now, man, and fight wi me;
If ever ye come to Troughend again,
A good black nag I will gie to thee;
He cost me twenty pounds o gowd
Atween my brother John and me.’

10
‘I winna turn, I canna turn;
I darena turn and fight wi thee;
For they will find out Parcy Reed,
And then they’ll kill baith thee and me.’

11
‘O turn, O turn now, Willie Ha,
O turn, O man, and fight wi me,
And if ever ye come to the Troughend again
A yoke of owsen I will gie thee.’

12
‘I winna turn, I canna turn;
I darena turn and fight wi thee;
For they will find out Parcy Reed,
And they will kill baith thee and me.’

13
‘O turn, O turn, O Thommy Ha,
O turn now, man, and fight wi me;
If ever ye come to the Troughend again,
My daughter Jean I’ll gie to thee.’

14
‘I winna turn, I darena turn;
I winna turn and fight with thee;
For they will find out Parcy Reed,
And then they’ll kill baith thee and me.’

15
‘O woe be to ye, traitors a’!
I wish England ye may never win;
Ye’ve left me in the field to stand,
And in my hand an uncharged gun.

16
‘Ye’ve taen frae me my powther-bag,
And ye’ve put water i my lang gun;
Ye’ve put the sword into the sheath
That out again it’ll never come.

17
‘O fare ye weel, my married wife!
And fare ye weel, my brother John!
That sits into the Troughend ha
With heart as black as any stone.

18
‘O fare ye weel, my married wife!
And fare ye weel now, my sons five!
For had ye been wi me this day
I surely had been man alive.

19
‘O fare ye weel, my married wife!
And fare ye weel now, my sons five!
And fare ye weel, my daughter Jean!
I loved ye best ye were born alive.

20
‘O some do ca me Parcy Reed,
And some do ca me Laird Troughend,
But it’s nae matter what they ca me,
My faes have made me ill to ken.

21
‘The laird o Clennel wears my bow,
The laird o Brandon wears my brand;
Whae ever rides i the Border side
Will mind the laird o the Troughend.’

9^2. wi me. along with _in the margin_.

13^3. ever I.

“There is,” says Telfer in his letter, “a place in Reed water
called Deadwood Haughs, where the country-people still point out
a stone where the unshriven soul of Parcy used to frequent in
the shape of a blue hawk, and it is only a few years since he
disappeared.... The ballad of Parcy Reed has a tune of its
own.... It is a very mournfull air.”

196. The Fire of Frendraught.

P. 39. Miscellanea Curiosa, MS., vol. vi, Abbotsford Library, #A.# 3, has for its last piece “The Burning of the Tower of Frendraught, an Historical Ballad,” in forty-eight stanzas. It begins:

O passd ye by the Bog of Gicht?
Heard ye the cry of grief and care?
Or in the bowers of Rothymay
Saw ye the lady tear her hair?

“A Satyre against Frendraught, in which ware burned the Vicount of Melgum, Laird of Rothiemay, and sundrie other gentlemen, in anno 1630,” 218 lines, MS. in a seventeenth-century hand, is No 1 in a volume with the title Scottish Tracts, Abbotsford Library, B. 7. Mr. Macmath suggests that this may be the “flyte” which Sharpe and Sir W. Scott thought of printing.

200. The Gypsy Laddie.

IV, 61 b. ‘Johnnie Faa’ in [Wm Chambers’s] Exploits . . . of the most remarkable Scottish Gypsies or Tinklers, 3d ed., 1823, p. 17, is #B a#. The ballad is not in the second edition, 1821, reprinted in 1886. (W. Macmath.)

201. Bessy Bell and Mary Gray.

P. 75 b., first line. Say: #c.# Scott’s Minstrelsy, 1830, XI, 39, 1833, etc.

203. The Baron of Brackley.

P. 83, note †.

I prefer to say, two or more events. The citations already given in this work may possibly cover four distinct tragedies, and William Anderson, in his Genealogy and Surnames, 1865, p. 104, tells us (but without stating his authority) there was “a line of nine barons, all of whom, in the unruly times in which they lived, died violent deaths.” The ballad may have commenced originally: “Inverawe (==Inner-Aw) cam doun Deeside.” (W. Macmath.)

208. Lord Derwentwater.

P. 117 b. The omen of nose-bleed occurs in the Breton ballad ‘Ervoan Camus,’ Luzel, Soniou, I, 216.

211. Bewick and Graham.

P. 144 a. Scott’s improved copy first appeared in the third edition of the Minstrelsy, 1806, II, 277.

214. The Braes o Yarrow.

Q

P. 164 ff. ‘The Dowie Dens of Yarrow,’ Kidson’s Traditional Tunes, etc., 1891, p. 21. From Mrs Calvert, of Gilnockie, Eskdale; obtained by her on the braes of Yarrow from her grandmother, Tibbie Stuel. (Compare, especially, #J-L#.)

1
There lived a lady in the West,
I neer could find her marrow;
She was courted by nine gentlemen,
And a ploughboy-lad in Yarrow.

2
These nine sat drinking at the wine,
Sat drinking wine in Yarrow;
They made a vow among themselves
To fight for her in Yarrow.

3
She washed his face, she kaimed his hair,
As oft she ‘d done before, O,
She made him like a knight sae bright,
To fight for her in Yarrow.

4
As he walked up yon high, high hill,
And down by the holmes of Yarrow,
There he saw nine armëd men,
Come to fight with him in Yarrow.

5
‘There ‘s nine of you, there ‘s one of me,
It’s an unequal marrow;
But I’ll fight you all one by one,
On the dowie dens of Yarrow.’

6
Three he slew, and three they flew,
And three he wounded sorely,
Till her brother John he came in beyond,
And pierced his heart most foully.

7
‘Go home, go home, thou false young man,
And tell thy sister Sarah
That her true-love John lies dead and gone
On the dowie dens of Yarrow.’

8
‘O father dear, I dreamed a dream,
I’m afraid it will bring sorrow;
I dreamed I was pulling the heather-bell
In the dowie dens of Yarrow.’

9
‘O daughter dear, I read your dream,
I doubt it will prove sorrow;
For your true-love John lies dead and gone
On the dowie dens of Yarrow.’

10
As she walked up yon high, high hill,
And down by the holmes of Yarrow,
There she saw her true-love John,
Lying pale and dead on Yarrow.

11
Her hair it being three quarters long—
The colour it was yellow—
She wrapped it round his middle sma,
And carried him hame to Yarrow.

12
‘O father dear, you’ve seven sons,
You may wed them a’ tomorrow,
But a fairer flower I never saw
Than the lad I loved in Yarrow.’

13
The fair maid being great with child,
It filled her heart with sorrow;
She died within her lover’s arms,
Between that day and morrow.

6^{1,2}. Three _misprinted_ there.

8^1, 9^1, 12^1. Oh.

* * * * *

R

Macmath MS. p. 91. Inserted in a copy of The Scottish Ballads . . . by Robert Chambers, 1829, p. 145, latterly belonging to Rev. Dr James C. Burns, Free Church, Kirkliston.

1
There were three lords drinking at the wine
In the Leader Haughs of Yarrow:
‘Shall we go play at cards and dice,
As we have done before, O?
Or shall we go play at the single sword,
In the Leader Haughs of Yarrow?’

* * * * * *

2
Three he wounded, and five he slew,
As he had [done] before, O,
But an English lord lap from a bush,
And he proved all the sorrow;
He had a spear three quarters long,
And he thrust his body thorogh.

* * * * * *

3
‘I dreamed . . . .
I wis it prove nae sorrow!
I dreamed I was puing the apples green
In the dowie howms o Yarrow.’

4
‘O sister, sister, I’ll read your dream,
And I’ll read it in sorrow;
Ye may gae bring hame your ain true-love,
For he’s sleepin sound in Yarrow.’

5
She sought him east, she sought him west,
She sought him all the forest thorogh;
She found him asleep at the middle yett,
In the dowie howms o Yarrow.

6
Her hair it was three quarters lang,
And the colour of it was yellow;
She’s bound it round his middle waist,
And borne him hame from Yarrow.

1^{2,6}. Leader Haughs. “Obviously nonsense, but so my minstreless
sung it.”

3^1. _The rest torn away._

3^3. apples _substituted for_ heather _struck out_.

217. The Broom of Cowdenknows.

P. 192. Mrs Greenwood, of London, had heard (presumably at Longnewton, near Jedburgh) “the old Cowdenknows, where, instead of the Laird of the Oakland hills, it is the Laird of the Hawthorn-wide.” Letters addressed to Sir W. Scott, I, No 189, May 27, [1806.]

221. Katharine Jaffray.

P. 216 a. Scott’s ‘Katherine Janfarie’ was printed in the second edition of the Minstrelsy, 1803, I, 238.

222. Bonny Baby Livingston.

P. 231 f. “I can get a copy of a ballad the repeating verse of which is:

The Highlands are no for me,
The Highlands are no for me;
But gin ye wad my favour win
Than carry me to Dundee.

His name is sometimes called Glendinnin, and his residence the same: however, I think it is a Highland ballad, from other circumstances.” W. Laidlaw to Sir W. Scott, September 11, 1802: Letters, I, No 73. Compare #D#.

225. Rob Roy.

P. 243. The Harris MS. has one stanza, fol. 27 b, from Mrs Isdale, Dron, ‘Robin Oigg’s Elopement.’

An they hae brocht her to a bed,
An they hae laid her doun,
An they’ve taen aff her petticoat,
An stript her o her goun.

226. Lizie Lindsay.

P. 255. Communicated by Mr Walker, of Aberdeen, as procured October 5, 1891, from George Nutchell, Ground Officer at Edzell Castle, who derived it from his step-grandmother Mrs Lamond (Nelly Low), fifty-eight years ago, she being at the time eighty years old.

1
‘Will ye gang to the Highlands, Lizzie Lindsay?
Will ye gang to the Highlands wi me?
Will ye gang to the Highlands, Lizzie Lindsay,
My bride an my darling to be?’

2
She turned her round on her heel,
And a very loud laugh gaed she:
‘I’d like to ken whaur I’m ganging,
An wha I am gaun to gang wi.’

3
‘My name is Donald Macdonald,
I’ll never think shame nor deny;
My father he is an old shepherd,
My mither she is an old dey.

4
‘Will ye gang to the Highlands, bonnie Lizzie?
Will ye gang to the Highlands wi me?
For ye shall get a bed o green rashes,
A pillow an a covering o grey.’

5
Upraise then the bonny young lady,
An drew till her stockings an sheen,
An packd up her claise in fine bundles,
An away wi young Donald she’s gaen.

6
When they cam near the end o their journey,
To the house o his father’s milk-dey,
He said, Stay still there, Lizzie Lindsay,
Till I tell my mither o thee.

7
‘Now mak us a supper, dear mither,
The best o yer curds an green whey,
An mak up a bed o green rashes,
A pillow an covering o grey.

8
‘Rise up, rise up, Lizzie Lindsay,
Ye have lain oer lang i the day;
Ye should hae been helping my mither
To milk her ewes an her kye.’

9
Out then spak the bonnie young lady,
As the saut tears drapt frae her ee,
‘I wish I had bidden at hame;
I can neither milk ewes or kye.’

10
‘Rise up, rise up, Lizzie Lindsay,
There is mair ferlies to spy;
For yonder’s the castle o Kingussie,
An it stands high an dry.’

11
‘Ye are welcome here, Lizzie Lindsay,
The flower o all your kin,
For ye shall be lady o Kingussie,
An ye shall get Donald my son.’

243. James Harris.

P. 360 a. #B.# There is another, and perhaps slightly earlier, copy of The Rambler’s Garland, British Museum, 11621, c. 2 (64), with a few trifling differences, for better or worse.

251. Lang Johnny More.

P. 396. ‘Bennachie,’ by Alex. Inkson McConnochie, Aberdeen, 1890, has a copy of this ballad, p. 66, longer by a few verses and with some verbal differences. But as this copy has been edited, though “without violence having been done,” the variations, in themselves quite immaterial, do not demand registration.

To be Corrected in the Print.

#I,#

135 b, #P# 13^2. _Read_ There’s.

188 b, line 15. _Read_ 207.

200 b, line 6. _Read_ Vidyádharí.

401 b, fourth paragraph, line 3 f. _Read_ No 68, III, 117.

#II,#

10 a, eighth line from below. _Read_ #B# _for_ #C#.

26 b 13^1. _Read_ moon.

84 b, last line of third paragraph. _Read_ #G# 21.

266, #B# 5^3. _Read_ you.

428 b, #e#. _Read 3^4 for 3^1._

482 b, third paragraph, last line. _Read_ V, 101.

507 a, Josefs Gedicht. Eighth line, _read_ Den . . . in queme.
First line of answer, _read_ De; third, deme; seventh, konde.

#III,#

41 b, third paragraph, second line. _Read_ MS. _for_ Mr.

264 a, 17^4. _Read_ hee.
b, 23^2. _Read_ soe.

276 a, line 7. _Read_ queen’s own son.

281 a, 5^2. _Read_ new.

288 a, line 4 of the first paragraph. _Read_ William Lord Douglas.
b, line 16. _Read_ wail.

306 a, note *, fourth line. _Read_ Minstrelsy, II, 325, ed. 1802.

348 b, [#A# 12^1]. _Read_ sais. 15^2. _Read_ mirrie.

376 b, #G# 2^1. _Read_ g_rea_t.

379 a, 173, #A a#, first line. _Read_ Sharpe’s.

383 a, line 32. _Read_ pavlovsk.

384 a, 5^1. _Read_ was never.

397, #P# 1^1. _Read_ father is.

435 a, #E# 5^2. _Read_ loon.

448 a, #A#, heading. _Read_ 1750.

459 a, 7^1. _Read_ Buss. 10^2. _Read_ o the Dun.

463 a, first line of citation from Maitland. _Read_ spuilzie.

473 b, 24^4. _Read_ never.

475 b, citation from Maitland, line 5. _Read_ ane guyd.

477 b, third paragraph, line 2. _Read_ moss-trooper.

485 b, first paragraph, line 9 from the end. _Read_ would.

489 b, #B# 9^1. _Read_, There (==There are) six.

499 a, #9#, line 8 f. _Read_ Vuk, II, 376, No 64.

504 a, third line from the bottom. _Read #O# for #J#._

504 b, third line. _Read_ Rae.

505 a, 13^4. _Read_ And aye. 18^1. _Read_ o the.

510 b. The note to p. 215 belongs under No 76.

#IV#,

6 a, 8^1. _Read_ whan. (10^1. Gar seek in the early editions, Gae
in ed. 1833.)

7 b, 41^1. _Read_ thy kye.

8 a, 46^3. _Read_ dare.

18 a, 10^3. _Read_ Then. 12^4. _Read_ [to].
b, 19^2. _Read_ Whan.

21 b, 17^3. _Read_ grey.

23 a, #A a#, fourth line. _Read_ former [#B#].

28 a. Title of 194 #B#, Laird o Waristoun, in the MS. copy; Laird
of Wariestoun, in the printed.

34 b, #B#. Lord Maxwell’s Goodnight is the title in Scott’s
Minstrelsy. It is Lord Maxwell’s Farewell in the Table of
Contents of Glenriddell.

36 a, preface, last line but two, and b, line 3. _Read_ Lord
Maxwell _for_ Lord John.

38 a, 11^2. _Read, perhaps,_ fathers’: cf. their, in line 3.

45 b, #B# 7^1. _Read_ he’s.

47 b, 18^1. _Read_ Lady.

54 a, No 199, #B#. _Insert the title_: ‘Bonny House of Airly.’

66 a, #B# 5^1. _Read_ Gar . . . manteel.

68 a, #D#, third line. _Read_ Corse _for_ Cragievar.

69 a, 6^3. _Read_ Stincher. 8^3. _Read_ kill.

75 a, ninth line of preface. _Read_ in his Poems.

76 a, fifth line. _Read_ Beauchie.

81 b, seventeenth and twenty-fourth lines. _Read_ Abergeldy.

82 b, note, first line. _Read_ Brachally in Dee Water Side.

90 a, #E#. _Insert_ ‘Laird of Blackwood,’ as the title of the
printed copy.

91 a, tenth line of the second paragraph. _Read_ after the birth
of his son _for_ after that event. note *. _Read_ IV, 277 f, II,
449 f.

92 a, second line. _Read_ #A#, #C#.

93 b, #A# 2^1. _Read_ cam.

94 a, #B# 1^4. _Read_ wont.

95 b, #B# 12^3. _Read_ I’me. #C# 6^4. _Read_ country. 8^{1,2}.
_Read_ well.

96 a, #D# 3^3. _Read_ fire-boams.

105 a, sixth line of Appendix. _Read_ Broadside.

110 b, No 207, #D#, third line. _Read_ p. 135.

123 b, #I b#. _Strike out_ (Lord?) #K.# _Read_ p. 370.

124 b, fifth paragraph, last line but four. _Read_ Pitbagnet’s.

129 a, 23^3. _Read_ feght. b, 28^3. _Read_ burd. #C b.# _Read_ in
Wilkie’s hand, _dropping what follows_.

138 b, #C b# 12^{1,2}. _Read Wanting, for_ A man spoke loud.

139 a, #I b# 3^4, 4^1. _Read_ Pitbagnet’s.

152 b, 10^3. _Read_ showd.

153 b, 9^2. _Read_ was.

155 a, second line after title. _After_ library, _insert_ P. 6.

157 a, 2^2. _Read_ nourice.

168 a, 7^2. _Read_ doon.

201 b, 26^3. _Read_ kye.

202 a, #K# 2^2. _Read_ It is.

207 a, 20^2. _Read_ them a’ out.

212 a, 4^3. _Read_ sallads.

221 b, 13^2. _Read_ grey.

224 b, 22^1. _Read_ hes he.

226 a, 6^3. _Read_ Lammington.

248 a, 2^2. _Read_ ladie.

-----

Footnote 1:

The brother is Peter o Whitfield. ‘Jock o the Side,’ #A#, begins,
‘Peeter a Whifeild _he_ hath slaine, and John a Side he is tane.’ ‘The
great Earl of Whitfield,’ 10^3, seemed to Scott a corruption, and he
suggested ‘the great Ralph’ Whitfield; but Surtees gave him
information (which has not transpired) that led him to think that the
reading ‘Earl’ might be right. Whitfield, in Northumberland, is a few
miles southwest of Hexham, and about twenty-five, in a straight line,
from Kershope, or the border.

Footnote 2:

Nicolson and Burn, History of Westmorland and Cumberland, p. xxxi.

Footnote 3:

[I have received, too late for present use, three traditional copies
of ‘Hughie Grame’ from Abbotsford, two of which are varieties of #B#,
the third the original of #C#. #C# 2–5, 16, were taken from Ritson,
not without changes. One of the varieties of #B# has #E# 15 in a form
very near to No 169, #B b#, #c#.]

Footnote 4:

I do not know whether the document cited is extant or accessible, or
whether it was examined by Mr T. J. Carlyle for his paper on the
Debateable Land; he mentions no Hugh Grame, p. 13 f.

Though Grames are numerous (in 1592 they were considered the greatest
surname on the west border of England, R. B. Armstrong), I have found
only one Hugh out of the ballad. Hugh’s Francie, that is Hugh’s son
Francie, is in the list of the Grames transported to Ireland in 1607.
Nicolson and Burn, History of Westmorland and Cumberland, I, cxx.

Footnote 5:

Nicolson and Burn, I, lxxxi, II, 279 f. As for Bishop Aldridge’s
character, his being a trimmer does not make him a “limmer.”
Ecclesiastics are not infrequently accused in ballads, but no man is
to lose his reputation without better evidence than that.

Footnote 6:

Nicolson and Burn, I, x, xiii, xcii.

Footnote 7:

Ballads and Songs of Ayrshire, 1st Series, p. 50.

Footnote 8:

See also a paper by Dr Arthur Mitchell in the Proceedings of the
Society of Antiquaries of Scotland, XII, 260, June 11, 1877. Dr
Mitchell was with Mr Murray when he visited Sarah Rae, and he supplies
the date 1866. The last stanza of the ballad and the burden are cited
in this paper.

Footnote 9:

The innocent comments of certain editors must not be lost. “The whole
incident surely implies a very early and primitive system of manners,
not to speak of the circumstance of the court being held at Carlisle,
which never was the case in any late period of English history.”
(Chambers’s Scottish Ballads, p. 306.) “In our version [#E#] the scene
of the theft is laid at London, but Carlisle, we are inclined to
think, is the true reading. The great distance between Scotland and
London, and the nature of the roads in times of old, would render the
event an improbable, if not altogether an impossible, one to have
occurred; and we can easily imagine, when the court was at Carlisle,
that such a good practical joke was planned and carried into execution
by some waggish courtiers.” (Dixon, p. 93 f.)

Footnote 10:

So the Memorial referred to in the next note, p. VI. Sharpe, in his
preface, p. iv, says nineteen. #B# 9 is of course quite wrong as to
the duration of her married life.

Footnote 11:

A Memorial of the Conversion of Jean Livingston, Lady Waristoun, etc.,
printed from the manuscript by C. K. Sharpe, Edinburgh, 1827. An
Epitaphium Janetæ Livingstoune is subjoined. The record of Weir’s
trial is given in the preface: see also Pitcairn’s Criminal Trials,
II, 445 ff. The Memorial is powerfully interesting, but, in Sharpe’s
words, would have been a mischievous present to the world, whatever
one may think of the change of heart in this “dear saint of God,” as
she is therein repeatedly called. It may be noted that Jean
Livingston, when it was supposed her last hour had come, called for a
drink and drank to all her friends. Memorial, p. XIII: cf. “Mary
Hamilton.”

Footnote 12:

Rolling in a spiked barrel is well known as a popular form of
punishment. For some examples later than Regulus, see Grundtvig, II,
174, No 58; Grundtvig, II, 547, No 101, A-D, Prior, I, 349, Afzelius,
No 3 (two copies), Wolff, Halle der Völker, II, 161; Grundtvig, III,
700, No 178, A-D, Prior, II, 160, Arwidsson, II, 62, No 80, and
Grundtvig, _ib._ p. 698; Hoffmann, Niederländische Volkslieder, 1856,
p. 19, No 3, Le Jeune, p. 87, No 3, Prior, II, 238; Pidal, Asturian
Romances, p. 163, No 36; Grimms, K.-u. H. märchen, Nos 13, 89, 135;
Asbjørnsen og Moe, p. 464. Sharpe, in his preface to the Memorial, p.
v, gives #B# 8 in this form, “partly from tradition:”

Up spak the laird o Dunypace,
Sat at the king’s right knee;
‘Gar nail her in a tar-barrel
And hurl her in the sea.’

Footnote 13:

The day before the execution Lady Wariston desired to see her infant
son. The minister feared lest the sight of him should make her wae to
leave him, but she assured that the contrair should be seen, took the
child in her arms, kissed him, blessed him, and recommended him to the
Lord’s care, and sent him away again without taking of any sorrow.
Memorial, p. IX.

Footnote 14:

Fraser, The Book of Carlaverock, I, 300. “John, ninth Lord Maxwell,
was born about the year 1586.” He was married in 1601, and imprisoned
for his papistical propensity in the same year. Either the date is too
late, or Maxwell was one of those avenging children who mature so very
fast: see ‘Jellon Grame,’ II, 303, 513.

Footnote 15:

Some sort of “agreement” had been made in 1605, as we see by the
“Summons” referred to further on, and Lord Maxwell mentions this
agreement in a conversation with Sir Robert Maxwell. Pitcairn’s
Trials, III, 36, 44.

Footnote 16:

In the indictment (“Summons, etc., against John, Lord Maxwell”), it is
said that Johnstone was shot through the shoulder with two poisoned
bullets. If there was evidence as to this aggravating circumstance, it
has not been made accessible. In his “Offers of Submission,” etc., by
which Lord Maxwell hoped to avoid the extreme penalty of the law, he
makes oath on his salvation and damnation that the unhappy slaughter
was nowise committed upon forethought felony or set purpose; and on
the scaffold, while declaring that he had justly deserved his death
and asking forgiveness of the Johnstone family, he protested that his
act had been without dishonor or infamy; meaning, of course, perfidy.

Footnote 17:

Spotiswood’s History, ed. 1655, pp. 338 f., 400 f., 504 f.; Historie
of King James the Sext, pp. 209 f., 297–99; Moysie’s Memoirs, p. 109
f.; Pitcairn’s Criminal Trials, III, 31–40, 43–47, 51–53; Fraser, The
Book of Carlaverock, 1873, pp. 300 f., 314, 321; Taylor, The Great
Historic Families of Scotland, 1887, II, 10, 14–25.

Footnote 18:

In a petition presented to the Privy Council by Robert Maxwell in
behalf of his brother, the ‘sometime’ Lord Maxwell, by his attorney,
craves “forgiveness of his offence done to the Marquís of Hamilton
[his wife’s brother] and his friends.” Pitcairn, III, 52. Whether this
was penitence or policy, it shows that great offence had been taken.
Some verses inserted by Scott in his edition of the ballad, in which
his lady urges Maxwell to go with her to her brother’s stately tower,
where “Hamiltons and Douglas baith shall rise to succour thee,” are
quite misplaced.

Footnote 19:

Frendraught is in the parish of Forgue, Aberdeenshire, Rothiemay in
Banffshire; they lie on opposite sides of the Deveron.

Footnote 20:

A Genealogical History of the Earldom of Sutherland, 1813, pp. 412,
416 ff. Sir Robert Gordon’s book stops before the (inconclusive) legal
and judicial proceedings were finished. He seems to share the
suspicion of the “most part,” that the Leslies and Meldrum set the
fire.

Footnote 21:

See Spalding, Memorialls of the Trubles in Scotland and in England,
1624–1645, Spalding Club, I, 45–51, 420–23, 430–35, and the
continuator of Sir Robert Gordon, p. 474 f. Frendraught is generally
represented to have been utterly ruined in his estate, but that is
probably an exaggeration. His sufferings are thus depicted in the
Charges against the Marquis of Huntly and others anent the disorders
in the North (Spalding, I, 420): “Forasmuch as the Lords of Secret
Council are informed that great numbers of sorners and broken men of
the clan Gregor, clan Lachlan (etc.), as also divers of the name of
Gordon ... have this long time, and now lately very grievously,
infested his Majesty’s loyal subjects in the north parts, especially
the laird of Frendraught and his tenants, by frequent slaughters,
herships, and barbarous cruelties committed upon them, and by a late
treasonable fireraising within the said laird of Frendraught his
bounds, whereby not only is all the gentleman’s lands laid waste, his
whole goods and bestial spoiled, slain and maigled, some of his
servants killed and cruelly demeaned, but also the whole tenants of
his lands and domestics of his house have left his service, and
himself, with the hazard of his life, has been forced to steal away
under night and have his refuge to his Majesty’s Council, etc.” It was
reported that Frendraught obtained a decree against the marquis for
200,000 merks (Scots) for scathe, and another for 100,000 pounds (or
merks) for spoliation of tithes, but that he recovered the money does
not appear. (Spalding, I, 71, 115.) In 1636, through the exertions of
Sir Robert Gordon, Huntly and Frendraught were brought to submit all
differences on either side, “and particularly a great action of law
prosecuted by Frendraught against the marquis,” to the arbitrament of
friends. Huntly died before a decision was reached, but “the Laird of
Frendraught retired himself home to his own lands, and there lived
peaceably.” (Genealogical History of Sutherland, p. 479.)

Footnote 22:

Memorials, I, 17 ff., and the Appendix, p. 381 ff.

Footnote 23:

So John Gordon, Viscount Melgum, the second son of the Marquis of
Huntly, was indifferently called, though the title of Viscount Aboyne
belonged to his elder brother, George, and was not conferred upon
_him_ until after John’s death. Sir Robert Gordon says that the
Marquis of Huntly “ordained” for Melgum the lands of Aboyne, and
others. Melgum was married to Sophia Hay, daughter of the Earl of
Errol, as appears also in the ballad.

Footnote 24:

What manner of helping Frendraught could have given Spalding does not
“condescend upon.” The way down stairs was barred by fire, the windows
were barred with iron. [“But the stairs or monty being in fire, and
the windows grated with strong bars of iron, there was no moyen to
escape:” Blakhal’s Narration, Spalding Club, p. 125.] Ladders and
crowbars occur to us, but a tower with walls ten feet thick was not
expected to burn, the servants had not been drilled in managing fires,
people smoked from their beds at two in the morning are not apt to
have their wits about them, and the combustion was rapid.

Footnote 25:

All the documents will be found in the Appendix to Spalding. Dr John
Hill Burton, in Narratives from Criminal Trials in Scotland, 1852, I,
202 ff, leans hard against Frendraught. “With pretty abundant
materials, it is impossible, even at the present day, entirely to
clear up the mystery, but we can see by what machinations inquiry was
baffled.” “It will be seen that no evidence against him was received,
that it was considered an offence to accuse him.” “Frendraught, though
he had with a high hand averted even the pretence of inquiry on the
part of the government, did not go unpunished, _whether he was guilty
or not_.” Dr Burton speaks with more reserve in his History of
Scotland, VI, 209; little more is insisted on than a wish of the Court
to foster the Crichtons as a balance to the power of the house of
Huntly. It is clear that Frendraught had all the consideration and
help from the government which he could claim. Mr Charles Rampini, who
has discussed the affair in The Scottish Review, X, 143 ff., 1887,
concludes favorably to Frendraught’s innocence of the fire.

Footnote 26:

“Many years ago, when the well was cleared out, this tradition was
corroborated by their finding the keys: at least, such was the report
of the country.” (Finlay, I, xxi, citing a correspondent.) Of course
we should have had to believe everything against Lady Frendraught,
even that she had been so simple as to throw them in, if keys had been
found in the well; but the land-steward of the proprietor of the
estate informed the late Mr Norval Clyne that the draw-well was
searched, and no keys were found.

Footnote 27:

This is, of course, the style of the kirk. The fifty-third psalm of
the Vulgate would not have been out of place for Lord John, who was a
Catholic; but no doubt Lord John is taken for a Presbyterian in the
ballad, and the ‘three’ is for rhyme. Father Blakhal maintains that
Frendraught burnt his tower, not to rid himself of Rothiemay, but out
of theological malice to Melgum “for his zeal in defending and
protecting the poor Catholics against the tyranny of our puritanical
bishops and ministers.” “As he [Melgum] was dying for the defence of
the poor Catholics, God did bestow upon him the grace to augment the
number at the last hour of his life, persuading the Baron of Rothiemay
to abjure the heresy of Calvin, and make the profession of the
Catholic faith openly, to the hearing of the traitor and all who were
with him in the court. They two being at a window, and whilst their
legs were burning, they did sing together _Te Deum_; which ended, they
did tell at the window that their legs being consumed even to their
knees, etc.... And so this noble martyr finished this mortal life, at
the age of four and twenty years.” A Brief Narration, etc., p. 124 f.

Blakhal, who is far from being a cautious writer, also tells us that
“the traitor,” Frendraught, “with his men,in arms, walked all the
night in the court,” to kill Gordon and Rothiemay, if they should
escape from the fire. There is a passage of the same purport in one of
Arthur Johnston’s two poems on the burning of Frendraught, “Querela
Sophiæ Hayæ,” etc.:

Cur vigil insuetis noctem traduxit in armis,
Cætera cum somno turba sepulta foret?

The other piece ends with a ferocious demand for the use of torture to
discover the guilty party. (Delitiæ Poetarum Scotorum, Amsterdam,
1637, pp. 585, 587; or, A. I. Poemata Omnia, Middelburg, 1642, pp.
329, 331.)

Footnote 28:

Stanza 21 recalls the verses in Hume of Godscroft:

Edinburgh castle, towne, and tower,
God grant thou sink for sinne! etc.

Footnote 29:

Gordon’s History of Sutherland, p. 414; Spalding’s Memorials, I, 11,
21–23, 29 f., 43 f.

Footnote 30:

Gordon’s History, pp. 481, 460; Spalding, with details, I, 70.

Footnote 31:

Spalding, I, 141, 188, 244.

Footnote 32:

Gordon, History of Scots Affairs, II, 276–80; Spalding, Memorials, I,
209–11. Seton is called a bold, or brave, _baron_, in #A# 2, #B# 3,
not in the mediæval way, but as one of the gentlemen of the king’s
party. The Gordons and their associates “at this time were called the
Barons, and their actings, by way of derision, the Barons’ Reign.”
Gordon, p. 261. “Northern,” #B# 1^3, should be southern, as in #A#.

Footnote 33:

Gordon, II, 274; Spalding, I, 208; Napier’s Montrose and the
Covenanters, I, 284 f. The Hieland men, says Baillie, “avowed that
they could not abide _the musket’s mother_, and so fled in troops at
the first volley.” Letters, ed. Laing, I, 221.

Footnote 34:

History of Scots Affairs, II, 281, note: see also what is added to
that note.

Footnote 35:

“‘The deep, deep den’ referred to in the ballad is the Den of Airlie,
celebrated for its fine scenery and romantic beauty. It extends about
a mile below the junction of the Isla and the Melgum.” Christie,
Traditional Ballad Airs, II, 296.

Footnote 36:

Spalding’s Memorials, ed. 1850, I, 290–2; Gordon’s History of Scots
Affairs, III, 164 f.; also, II, 234; Gardiner, History of England,
1603–1642, ed., 1884, IX, 167 f. Both Spalding and Gordon say that
Montrose besieged Airlie but did not succeed in taking it. Argyle,
continues Spalding, “raises an army of about 5,000 men and marches
towards Airlie; but the Lord Ogilvie, hearing of his coming with such
irresistible forces, resolves to fly and leave the house manless, and
so for their own safety they wisely fled. But Argyle most cruelly and
inhumanly enters the house of Airlie,” etc. A letter of Argyle’s to
one Dugald Campbell (dated July, 1640) would seem to show that he was
not there in person during the razing and burning. “You need not let
know,” says Argyle, “that ye have directions from me to fire it.”
Notes and Queries, Fifth Series, IX, 364; reprinted by Gardiner.

Footnote 37:

Napier, Montrose and the Covenanters, 1838, I, 129.

Footnote 38:

In 18–21 the lady makes her lord not only forgive the abettors of
Jockie Faa, whom he was about to hang, but present ten guineas to
Jockie, whom he was minded to burn.

Footnote 39:

“Corse field may very possibly be Corse, the ancient seat of the
Forbeses of Craigievar, from the close vicinity of which the reciter
of this ballad came.” Burton, in Kinloch MSS, V, 334.

Footnote 40:

Recalling Carrick, of which Maybole is the capital. “The family of
Cassilis, in early times, had been so powerful that the head of it was
generally termed the King of Carrick:” Sharpe. But Garrick may have
come in in some other way.

Footnote 41:

#F# 7, if it belongs to the countess, gives her an unlady-like taste
for brandy.

Footnote 42:

“There is indeed a stanza of no merit, which, in some copies,
concludes the ballad, and states that eight of the gypsies were hanged
at Carlisle, and the rest at the Border:” Finlay, II, 43.

Footnote 43:

Pitcairn’s Criminal Trials, III, 201, 307 f., 397–9, 559–62, 592–94;
Acts of the Parliament of Scotland, IV, 440.

Footnote 44:

Sharpe’s Ballad Book, ed. Laing, 1880, pp. 142, 154. I have unluckily
lost my voucher for Johnny Faa’s figuring in ‘The Douglas Tragedy.’

Footnote 45:

Finlay, II, 35; The Scots Magazine, LXXX, 306, and the Musical Museum,
1853, IV, *217, Sharpe; Chambers, Scottish Ballads, p. 143; The New
Statistical Account of Scotland, V, 497; Paterson, The Ballads and
Songs of Ayrshire, I, 10; Maidment, Scotish Ballads and Songs, 1868,
II, 179.

Footnote 46:

She had four children according to the Historical Account of the Noble
Family of Kennedy, Edinburgh, 1849, p. 44.

Footnote 47:

‘We were a’ put down _but ane_’ first appears in Herd, 1769.

Footnote 48:

These eight heads would correspond very neatly to the number of
gypsies executed in 1624. But in the circumstantial account given by
Chambers we are told that the house belonging to the family at Maybole
was fitted for the countess’s reception “by the addition of a fine
projecting stair-case, upon which were carved heads representing those
of her lover and his band.... The effigies of the gypsies are very
minute, being subservient to the decoration of a fine triple window at
the top of the stair-case, and stuck upon the tops and bottoms of a
series of little pilasters which adorn that part of the building. The
head of Johnie Faa himself is distinct from the rest, larger, and more
lachrymose in the expression of the features. _Some windows in the
upper flat of Cassilis Castle are similarly adorned; but regarding
them tradition is silent._”

Footnote 49:

Sharp, in Johnson’s Museum, 1853, IV, 218*; Paterson, in Ballads and
Songs of Ayrshire, I, 13. It is also clear from these letters that the
countess was a sober and religious woman. Some minor difficulties
which attend the supposition of this lady’s absconding with Johnny
Faa, or any gypsy, are barely worth mentioning. At the time when
Johnny Faa was put down, in 1624, the countess was seventeen years
old, and yet she is made the mother of two children. If we shift the
elopement to the other end of her life, there was then (so severe had
been the measures taken with these limmers) perhaps not a gypsy left
in Scotland. See Aytoun, 1859, I, 186.

Footnote 50:

John, seventh earl of Cassilis, son of the sixth earl by a second
wife, married for his second wife, some time before 1700, Mary Foix (a
name also spelt Faux): Crawford’s Peerage, 1716, p. 76, corrected by
the Decreets of the Lords of Council and Session, vol. 145, div. 2.
May this explain the Faws coming to be associated in the popular mind
with a countess of Cassilis? (A suggestion of Mr Macmath’s.) The lady
is even called Jeanie Faw in #C# 7, 11, first by the gypsy, then by
her husband. The seventh earl had _two_ children by Mary Foix.

Footnote 51:

I have seen this piece only in Elizabeth Cochrane’s Song-Book, MS., p.
38, and in Buchan’s MSS, I, 220. Its contents agree with what is
alleged in W. Fuller’s “Brief Discovery of the True Mother of the
pretended Prince of Wales, known by the name of Mary Grey,” London,
1696, pp. 5 f, 11, 17 f, and it was probably composed not long after.

Footnote 52:

Afterwards inserted in the first volume of The Tea-Table Miscellany
(p. 66 of A New Miscellany of Scots Sangs, London, 1727, p. 68 of T.
T. M., Dublin, 1729), from which source it may have been adopted by
Sharpe.

Footnote 53:

Here from the original, Communications to the Society of Antiquaries
of Scotland, vol. i, from a copy furnished by Mr Macmath.

Footnote 54:

The most of this account, and in nearly the same words, was given in
an earlier letter from Major Barry to James Cant, who printed (Perth,
1774) an edition of ‘The Muses Threnodie, by Mr H. Adamson, 1638’ (p.
19). The principal items of the story are repeated from Cant by
Pennant, Tour in Scotland, 1772, Part II, London, 1776, p. 112.
Pennant cites Cant’s book as the Gabions of Perth. “It seems,” says Mr
Macmath, who has extracted for me the passage in Cant, “that Adamson’s
work was sometimes known as Gall’s Gabions, the latter being a coined
word.”

Footnote 55:

An “old manuscript volume” cited in The New Statistical Account of
Scotland, X, 37; Chambers, Domestic Annals of Scotland, 1858, II, 167.

Footnote 56:

The remark is made in The Scotsman, September 11, 1886.

Footnote 57:

In the manuscript cited in The New Statistical Account of Scotland, p.
37, we are told that, to prevent the spread of infection, “it was
thought proper to put those out of the town at some distance who were
sick. Accordingly, they went out and builded huts for themselves in
different places around the town, particularly in the South Inch
[etc.] and the grounds near the river Almond, at the mouth thereof, in
all which places there are as yet the remains of their huts which they
lodged in.” So, when this same pestilence was raging in the parish of
Monivaird, the gentlemen “caused many huts to be built, and ordered
all who perceived that they were infected immediately to repair into
them:” Porteous, History of the Parishes of Monivaird and Strowan,
MS., Communications to the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland, vol. i,
printed in the Transactions, II, 72, 1822.

Footnote 58:

This is Wishart’s account. Another, by Covenanters, makes Montrose to
have been more on the alert, and has nothing of the two thousand horse
sent to take him in the rear. The royalists are admitted to have
maintained their ground with great resolution for almost an hour. The
numbers are as given by Gardiner, History of the Great Civil War, II,
335 f.

Footnote 59:

T. Craig-Brown, History of Selkirkshire, 1886, I, 188.

Footnote 60:

Not 1829, as put in the reprint of 1869. “Written hurriedly, in supply
of the press, in April and May, 1832. J. R.”: Dr J. Robertson’s
interleaved copy of the undated first edition. #A c# is reprinted
(with some errors) in The Great North of Scotland Railway, A Guide, by
W. Ferguson, 1881, p. 163.

Footnote 61:

Jamieson writes to the Scots Magazine, October, 1803, p. 699: “The
Baron of Braikly begins,

O Inverey cam down Dee-side
Whistling and playing;
He’s landed at Braikly’s yates
At the day dawing.

Of this I have got a compleat copy, and the story is very interesting;
but I have got a fragment of it from another quarter, which, so far as
it goes, is superior.” Etc.

Footnote 62:

A market was established here in 1661 by an act in favor of William
Farquharson of Inverey, his heirs, etc. This William had a brother and
a son John. William Farquharson of Inverey younger, as “a person of
known trust and approven ability,” is appointed to keep a guard “this
summer for the sherifdom of Kincardine” against cattle-driving
Highlanders, July of the same year. Thomson’s Acts, VII, 18, I, 286:
pointed out to me by Mr Macmath.

Footnote 63:

Macfarlane’s Genealogical Collections, MS., in the Advocates’ Library,
I, 299 f; already cited by Jamieson, Ballads, I, 108.

Footnote 64:

See a little further on.

Footnote 65:

Gilmour’s Decisions, 1701, p. 43. (Macmath.)

Footnote 66:

Col. H. W. Lumsden’s Memorials of the Families of Lumsdaine, etc., p.
59.

Footnote 67:

History of the Earldom of Sutherland, p. 217 f. To the same effect,
Johnstone, Historia Rerum Britannicarum, Amsterdam, 1655, p. 160 f,
under the year 1591, and Spotiswood, p. 390, of the editions of 1655,
1666, 1668, under the year 1592. “The History of the Feuds,” etc., p.
67, ed. 1764, merely repeats Sir Robert Gordon. William Gordon’s
History of the Family of Gordon, cites Sir Robert Gordon and
Johnstone, and calls Gordon of Brackley Alexander.

Still another “Gordon, Baron of Brackley in Deeside,” is said to have
been murdered by the country people about him in or near 1540: The
Genealogy of the Grants, in Macfarlane’s Genealogical Collections, I,
168, and An Account of the Rise and Offspring of the Name of Grant,
printed for Sir Archibald Grant, Bart., of Monymusk, 1876, p. 30 ff,
where the date is put (perhaps through a misprint) before 1480. A
horrible revenge was said to have been taken by the Earl of Huntly and
James Grant: see the well-known story of the orphans fed at a trough,
in Scott’s Tales of a Grandfather, chap. xxxix.

Footnote 68:

See the Memorandum for Farquharson in “Fourth Report,” as above, p.
534.

Footnote 69:

Pointed out to me by Mr. Macmath, who, in making this and other
communications relating to the Gordons of Brackley, suggested and
urged the hypothesis of a mixture of two events in this ballad.

Footnote 70:

Fraser, The Douglas Book, Edinburgh, 1885, II, 277 f, 449 f. The
contract, being a mutual paper, may not express to the full the
supposed grievances of either party.

Footnote 71:

The Douglas Book, II, 450 f. “Lawrie is mentioned by Lord Fountainhall
as ‘late chamberlain to the Marquis of Douglas, and repute a bad
instrument between him and his lady in their differences.’ Decisions,
I, 196.”