Chapter X: Appendix: I

Das alte Geisslerlied

NACH MASSMANN’S AUSGABE VON HERRN PROFESSOR LACHMANN MIT DER
HANDSCHRIFT VERGLICHEN.

Sve siner sele wille pleghen
De sal gelden unde weder geuen
So wert siner sele raed
Des help uns leue herre goed
Nu tredet here we botsen wille 5
Vle wi io de hetsen helle
Lucifer is en bose geselle
Sven her hauet
Mit peke he en lauet
Datz vle wi ef wir hauen sin 10
Des help uns maria koninghin
Das wir dines kindes hulde win
Jesus crist de wart ge vanghen
An en cruce wart he ge hanghen
Dat cruce wart des blodes rod 15
Wer klaghen sin marter unde sin dod
Sunder war mide wilt tu mi lonen
Dre negele unde en dornet crone
Das cruce vrone en sper en stich
Sunder datz leyd ich dor dich 20
Was wltu nu liden dor mich
So rope wir herre mit luden done
Unsen denst den nem to lone
Be hode uns vor der helle nod
Des bidde wi dich dor dinen dod 25
Dor god vor gete wi unse blot
Dat is uns tho den suden guot
Maria muoter koninginghe
Dor dines leuen kindes minne
Al unse nod si dir ghe klaghet 30
Des help uns moter maghet reyne.
De erde beuet och kleuen de steyne
Lebe hertze du salt weyne
Wir wenen trene mit den oghen
Unde hebben des so guden louen 35
Mit unsen sinnen unde mit hertzen
Dor uns leyd crist vil manighen smertzen
Nu slaed w sere
Dor cristus ere.
Dor god nu latet de sunde mere 40
Dor god nu latet de sunde varen
Se wil sich god ouer uns en barmen
Maria stund in grotzen noden
Do se ire leue kint sa doden
En svert dor ire sele snet 45
Sunder dat la di wesen led
In korter vrist
God tornich ist
Jesus wart gelauet mid gallen
Des sole wi an en cruce vallen 50
Er heuet uch mit uwen armen
Dat sic god ouer uns en barme
Jesus dorch dine namen dry
Nu make uns hir van sunde vry
Jesus dor dine wnden rod 55
Be hod uns vor den gehen dod
Dat he sende sinen geist
Und uns dat kortelike leist
De vrowe unde man ir e tobreken
Dat wil god selven an en wreken 60
Sveuel pik und och de galle
Dat gutet de duuel in se alle
Vor war sint se des duuels spot
Dor vor behode uns herre god
De e de ist en reyne leuen 65
De had uns god selven gheuen
Ich rade uch vrowen unde mannen
Dor god gy solen houard annen
Des biddet uch de arme sele
Dorch god nu latet houard mere 70
Dor god nu latet houard varen
So wil sich god ouer uns en barmen
Cristus rep in hemelrike
Sinen engelen al gelike
De cristenheit wil mi ent wichen 75
Des wil lan och se vor gaen
Marie bat ire kint so sere
Leue kint la se di boten
Dat wil ich sceppen dat se moten
Bekeren sich. 80
Des bidde ich dich
Gi logenere
Gy meynen ed sverer
Gi bichten reyne und lan de sunde uch ruwen
So wil sich god in uch vor nuwen 85
Owe du arme wokerere
Du bringest en lod up en punt
Dat senket din an der helle grunt
Ir morder und ir straten rouere
Ir sint dem leuen gode un mere 90
Ir ne wilt uch ouer nemende barmen
Des sin gy eweliken vor loren
Were dusse bote nicht ge worden
De cristenheit wer gar vorsunden
De leyde duuel had se ge bunden 95
Maria had lost unsen bant
Sunder ich saghe di leue mere
Sunte peter is portenere
Wende dich an en he letset dich in
He bringhet dich vor de koninghin 100
Leue herre sunte Michahel
Du bist en plegher aller sel
Be hode uns vor der helle nod
Dat do dor dines sceppers dod.

The Ancient Song of the Flagellants.

ACCORDING TO MASSMANN’S EDITION COMPARED WITH THE
MS. BY PROFESSOR LACHMANN.

(_Translation._)

Whoe’er to save his soul is fain,
Must pay and render back again.
His safety so shall he consult:
Help us, good Lord, to this result.
Ye that repent your crimes, draw nigh. 5
From the burning hell we fly,
From Satan’s wicked company.
Whom he leads
With pitch he feeds.
If we be wise we this shall flee. 10
Maria! Queen! we trust in thee,
To move thy Son to sympathy.
Jesus Christ was captive led,
And to the cross was riveted.
The cross was reddened with his gore 15
And we his martyrdom deplore.
“Sinner, canst thou to me atone.
Three pointed nails, a thorny crown,
The holy cross, a spear, a wound,
These are the cruel pangs I found. 20
What wilt thou, sinner, bear for me?”
Lord, with loud voice we answer thee,
Accept our service in return,
And save us lest in hell we burn.
We, through thy death, to thee have sued. 25
For God in heaven we shed our blood:
This for our sins will work to good.
Blessed Maria! Mother! Queen!
Through thy loved Son’s redeeming mean
Be all our wants to thee portrayed. 30
Aid us, Mother! spotless maid!
Trembles the earth, the rocks are rent[200],
Fond heart of mine, thou must relent.
Tears from our sorrowing eyes we weep;
Therefore so firm our faith we keep 35
With all our hearts—with all our senses.
Christ bore his pangs for our offences.
Ply well the scourge for Jesus’ sake,
And God through Christ your sins shall take.
For love of God abandon sin, 40
To mend your vicious lives begin,
So shall we his mercy win.
Direful was Maria’s pain
When she beheld her dear One slain.
Pierced was her soul as with a dart: 45
Sinner, let this affect thy heart.
The time draws near
When God in anger shall appear.
Jesus was refreshed with gall:
Prostrate crosswise let us fall, 50
Then with uplifted arms arise,
That God with us may sympathize.
Jesus, by thy titles three[201],
From our bondage set us free.
Jesus, by thy precious blood, 55
Save us from the fiery flood.
Lord, our helplessness defend,
And to our aid thy Spirit send.
If man and wife their vows should break
God will on such his vengeance wreak. 60
Brimstone and pitch, and mingled gall,
Satan pours on such sinners all.
Truly, the devil’s scorn are they:
Therefore, O Lord, thine aid we pray.
Wedlock’s an honourable tie 65
Which God himself doth sanctify.
By this warning, man, abide,
God shall surely punish pride.
Let your precious soul entreat you,
Lay down pride lest vengeance meet you. 70
I do beseech ye, pride forsake,
So God on us shall pity take.
Christ in heaven, where he commands,
Thus addressed his angel bands:—
“Christendom dishonours me, 75
Therefore her ruin I decree.”
Then Mary thus implored her Son:—
“Penance to thee, loved Child, be done;
That she repent be mine the care;
Stay then thy wrath, and hear my prayer.” 80
Ye liars!
Ye that break your sacrament,
Shrive ye throughly and repent.
Your heinous sins sincerely rue,
So shall the Lord your hearts renew. 85
Woe! usurer, though thy wealth abound,
For every ounce thou mak’st a pound
Shall sink thee to the hell profound.
Ye murd’rers, and ye robbers all,
The wrath of God on you shall fall, 90
Mercy ye ne’er to others shew,
None shall ye find; but endless woe.
Had it not been for our contrition,
All Christendom had met perdition.
Satan had bound her in his chain; 95
Mary hath loosed her bonds again.
Glad news I bring thee, sinful mortal,
In heaven Saint Peter keeps the portal,
Apply to him with suppliant mien,
He bringeth thee before thy Queen. 100
Benignant Michael, blessed saint,
Guardian of souls, receive our plaint.
Through thy Almighty Maker’s death,
Preserve us from the hell beneath.

II.

Examination of the Jews accused of poisoning the Wells[202].

_Answer from the Castellan of Chillon to the City of Strasburg,
together with a Copy of the Inquisition and Confession of
several Jews confined in the Castle of Chillon on suspicion of
poisoning. Anno 1348._

To the Honorable the Mayor, Senate and Citizens of the City of Strasburg, the Castellan of Chillon, Deputy of the Bailiff of Chablais, sendeth greeting with all due submission and respect.

• • • • •

Understanding that you desire to be made acquainted with the confession of the Jews, and the proofs brought forward against them, I certify, by these presents, to you, and each of you that desires to be informed, that they of Berne have had a copy of the inquisition and confession of the Jews who lately resided in the places specified, and who were accused of putting poison into the wells and several other places: as also the most conclusive evidence of the truth of the charge preferred against them. Many Jews were put to the question, others being excused from it, because they confessed, and were brought to trial and burnt. Several Christians, also, who had poison given them by the Jews for the purpose of destroying the Christians, were put on the wheel and tortured. This burning of the Jews and torturing of the said Christians took place in many parts of the county of Savoy.

Fare you well.

• • • • •

_The Confession made on the 15th day of September, in the
year of our Lord 1348, in the Castle of Chillon, by the Jews
arrested in Neustadt, on the Charge of Poisoning the Wells,
Springs and other places; also Food, &c., with the design of
destroying and extirpating all Christians._

I. Balavignus, a Jewish physician, inhabitant of Thonon, was arrested at Chillon in consequence of being found in the neighbourhood. He was put for a short time to the rack, and on being taken down, confessed, after much hesitation, that, about ten weeks before, the Rabbi Jacob of Toledo, who, because of a citation, had resided at Chamberi since Easter, sent him, by a Jewish boy, some poison in the mummy of an egg: it was a powder sewed up in a thin leathern pouch accompanied by a letter, commanding him, on penalty of excommunication, and by his required obedience to the law, to throw this poison into the larger and more frequented wells of the town of Thonon, to poison those who drew water there. He was further enjoined not to communicate the circumstance to any person whatever, under the same penalty. In conformity with this command of the Jewish rabbis and doctors of the law, he, Balavignus, distributed the poison in several places, and acknowledged having one evening placed a certain portion under a stone in a spring on the shore at Thonon. He further confessed that the said boy brought various letters of a similar import, addressed to others of his nation, and particularly specified some directed severally to Mossoiet, Banditon, and Samoleto of Neustadt; to Musseo Abramo and Aquetus of Montreantz, Jews residing at Thurn in Vivey; to Benetonus and his son at St. Moritz; to Vivianus Jacobus, Aquetus and Sonetus, Jews at Aquani. Several letters of a like nature were sent to Abram and Musset, Jews at Moncheoli; and the boy told him that he had taken many others to different and distant places, but he did not recollect to whom they were addressed. Balavignus further confessed that, after having put the poison into the spring at Thonon, he had positively forbidden his wife and children to drink the water, but had not thought fit to assign a reason. He avowed the truth of this statement, and, in the presence of several credible witnesses, swore by his law, and the Five Books of Moses, to every item of his deposition.

On the day following, Balavignus, voluntarily and without torture, ratified the above confession verbatim before many persons of character, and, of his own accord, acknowledged that, on returning one day from Tour near Vivey, he had thrown into a well below Mustruez, namely that of La Conerayde, a quantity of the poison tied up in a rag, given to him for the purpose by Aquetus of Montreantz, an inhabitant of the said Tour: that he had acquainted Manssiono, and his son Delosaz, residents of Neustadt, with the circumstance of his having done so, and advertised them not to drink of the water. He described the colour of the poison as being red and black.

On the nineteenth day of September, the above-named Balavignus confessed, without torture, that about three weeks after Whitsuntide, a Jew named Mussus told him that he had thrown poison into the well, in the custom-house of that place, the property of the Borneller family; and that he no longer drank the water of this well, but that of the lake. He further deposed that Mussus informed him that he had also laid some of the poison under the stones in the custom-house at Chillon. Search was accordingly made in this well, and the poison found: some of it was given to a Jew by way of trial, and he died in consequence. He also stated that the rabbis had ordered him and other Jews to refrain from drinking of the water for nine days after the poison was infused into it; and immediately on having poisoned the waters, he communicated the circumstance to the other Jews. He, Balavignus, confessed that about two months previously, being at Evian, he had some conversation on the subject with a Jew called Jacob, and, among other things, asked him whether he also had received writings and poison, and was answered in the affirmative; he then questioned him whether he had obeyed the command, and Jacob replied that he had not, but had given the poison to Savetus, a Jew, who had thrown it into the Well de Morer at Evian. Jacob also desired him, Balavignus, to execute the command imposed on him with due caution. He confessed that Aquetus of Montreantz had informed him that he had thrown some of the poison into the well above Tour, the water of which he sometimes drank. He confessed that Samolet had told him that he had laid the poison which he had received, in a well, which, however, he refused to name to him. Balavignus, as a physician, further deposed that a person infected by such poison coming in contact with another while in a state of perspiration, infection would be the almost inevitable result; as might also happen from the breath of an infected person. This fact he believed to be correct, and was confirmed in his opinion by the attestation of many experienced physicians. He also declared that none of his community could exculpate themselves from this accusation, as the plot was communicated to all; and that all were guilty of the above charges. Balavignus was conveyed over the lake from Chillon to Clarens, to point out the well into which he confessed having thrown the powder. On landing, he was conducted to the spot; and, having seen the well, acknowledged that to be the place, saying, “This is the well into which I put the poison.” The well was examined in his presence, and the linen cloth in which the poison had been wrapped was found in the wastepipe by a notary-public named Heinrich Gerhard, in the presence of many persons, and was shewn to the said Jew. He acknowledged this to be the linen which had contained the poison, which he described as being of two colours, red and black, but said that he had thrown it into the open well. The linen cloth was taken away and is preserved.

Balavignus, in conclusion, attests the truth of all and every thing as above related. He believes this poison to contain a portion of the basilisk, because he had heard, and felt assured, that the above poison could not be prepared without it.

• • • • •

II. Banditono, a Jew of Neustadt, was, on the fifteenth day of September, subjected for a short time to the torture. After a long interval, he confessed having cast a quantity of poison, about the size of a large nut, given him by Musseus, a Jew, at Tour, near Vivey, into the well of Carutet, in order to poison those who drank of it.

The following day, Banditono, voluntarily and without torture, attested the truth of the aforesaid deposition; and also confessed that the Rabbi Jacob von Pasche, who came from Toledo and had settled at Chamberi, sent him, at Pilliex, by a Jewish servant, some poison about the size of a large nut, together with a letter directing him to throw the powder into the wells on pain of excommunication. He had therefore thrown the poison, which was sown up in a leathern bag, into the well of Cercliti de Roch; further, also, that he saw many other letters in the hands of the servant addressed to different Jews; that he had also seen the said servant deliver one, on the outside of the upper gate, to Samuletus, the Jew, at Neustadt. He stated, also, that the Jew, Massolet, had informed him that he had put poison into the well near the bridge at Vivey.

• • • • •

III. The said Manssiono, Jew of Neustadt, was put upon the rack on the fifteenth day of the same month, but refused to admit the above charge, protesting his entire ignorance of the whole matter; but the day following, he, voluntarily and without any torture, confessed, in the presence of many persons, that he came from Mancheolo one day in last Whitsun-week, in company with a Jew named Provenzal, and, on reaching the well of Chabloz Crüez between Vyona and Mura, the latter said, “You must put some of the poison which I will give you into that well, or woe betide you!” He therefore took a portion of the powder about the bigness of a nut, and did as he was directed. He believed that the Jews in the neighbourhood of Evian had convened a council among themselves relative to this plot, before Whitsuntide. He further said that Balavignus had informed him of his having poisoned the well de la Conerayde below Mustruez. He also affirmed his conviction of the culpability of the Jews in this affair, stating that they were fully acquainted with all the particulars, and guilty of the alleged crime.

On the third day of the October following, Manssiono was brought before the commissioners, and did not in the least vary from his former deposition, or deny having put the poison into the said wells.

The above-named Jews, prior to their execution, solemnly swore by their Law to the truth of their several depositions, and declared that all Jews whatsoever, from seven years old and upwards, could not be exempted from the charge of guilt, as all of them were acquainted with the plot, and more or less participators in the crime.

[_The seven other examinations scarcely differ from the above, except in the names of the accused, and afford but little variety. We will, therefore, only add a characteristic passage at the conclusion of this document. The whole speaks for itself._]

There still remain numerous proofs and accusations against the above-mentioned Jews: also against Jews and Christians in different parts of the county of Savoy, who have already received the punishment due to their heinous crime; which, however, I have not at hand, and cannot therefore send you. I must add, that all the Jews of Neustadt were burnt according to the just sentence of the law. At Augst, I was present when three Christians were flayed on account of being accessory to the plot of poisoning. Very many Christians were arrested for this crime in various places in this country, especially at Evian, Gebenne, Krusilien and Hochstett, who at last and in their dying moments were brought to confess and acknowledge that they had received the poison from the Jews. Of these Christians some have been quartered; others flayed and afterwards hanged. Certain commissioners have been appointed by the magistrates to enforce judgment against all the Jews; and I believe that none will escape.

+----------------------------------------------------------------------+ | FOOTNOTES: | | | | [1] I might here enlarge on the general importance of the study of | | epidemics; but this has been so fully set forth in the author’s | | Address to the Physicians of Germany, which immediately follows, as | | well as in the Preface to the Sweating Sickness, at p. 177, that | | any further observations on this subject would be superfluous on my | | part. | | | | [2] στε καὶ ἐλέχθη ὑπ’ αὐτῶν ὡς οἱ Πελοποννήσιοι φάρμακα | | ἐσβεβλήκοιεν ἐς τὰ φρέατα. _Thucyd. Hist._ B. ii. 49. “The disease | | was attributed by the people to poison, and nothing apparently | | could be more authentic than the reports that were spread of | | miscreants taken in the act of putting poisonous drugs into the | | food and drink of the common people.” Observations on the Cholera | | in St. Petersburg, p. 9. by G. W. Lefevre, M.D. 8vo. 1831. | | | | [3] Only two copies are known to exist, one in the British Museum, | | and one in the library of the College of Physicians. | | | | [4] La Mortalega Grande. _Matth. de Griffonibus._ _Muratori._ | | Script. rer. Italicar. T. XVIII. p. 167. D. They were called by | | others _Anguinalgia_. _Andr. Gratiol._ Discorso di Peste. Venet. | | 1576. 4to. Swedish: _Diger-döden._ _Loccenii_ Histor. Suecan. L. | | III. p. 104.—Danish: _den sorte Dod._ _Pontan._ Rer. Danicar. | | Histor. L. VIII. p. 476.—Amstelod. 1631, fol. Icelandic: _Svatur | | Daudi._ _Saabye_, Tagebuch in Grönland. Introduction XVIII. | | _Mansa_, de Epidemiis maxime memorabilibus, quæ in Dania grassatæ | | sunt, &c. Part I. p. 12. Havniæ, 1831, 8.—In Westphalia the name of | | _de groete Doet_ was prevalent. _Meibom._ | | | | [5] _Joann. Cantacuzen._ Historiar. L. IV. c. 8. Ed. Paris. p. 730. | | 5. The ex-emperor has indeed copied some passages from Thucydides, | | as _Sprengel_ justly observes, (Appendix to the Geschichte der | | Medicin. Vol. I. H. I. S. 73,) though this was most probably only | | for the sake of rounding a period. This is no detriment to his | | credibility, because his statements accord with the other accounts. | | | | [6] Ἀποστάσεις μεγάλαι. | | | | [7] Μελαίναι φλυκτίδες. | | | | [8] ὥσπερ στίγματα μέλανα. | | | | [9] _Guidon. de Cauliaco_ Chirurgia. Tract 11. c. 5. p. 113. Ed. | | Lugdun. 1572. | | | | [10] Et fuit tantæ contagiositatis specialiter quæ fuit cum | | sputo sanguinis, quod non solum morando, sed etiam inspiciendo | | unus recipiebat ab alio: intantum quod gentes moriebantur sine | | servitoribus, et sepeliebantur sine sacerdotibus, pater non | | visitabat filium, nec filius patrem: charitas erat mortua, spes | | prostrata. | | | | [11] _Deguignes_, Histoire générale des Huns, des Turcs, des | | Mogols, &c. Tom. IV. Paris, 1758. 4to. p. 226. | | | | [12] Decameron. Giorn. I. Introd. | | | | [13] From this period black petechiæ have always been considered as | | fatal in the plague. | | | | [14] A very usual circumstance in plague epidemics. | | | | [15] _Auger. de Biterris_, Vitæ Romanor. pontificum, _Muratori_ | | Scriptor. rer. Italic. Vol. III. Pt. II. p. 556. | | | | [16] Contin. altera Chronici _Guillelmi de Nangis_ in _d’Acher_, | | Spicilegium sive Collectio Veterum Scriptorum, &c. Ed. de la | | _Barre_, Tom. III. p. 110. | | | | [17] “The people all died of boils and inflamed glands which | | appeared under the arms and in the groins.” _Jac. v. Königshoven_, | | the oldest Chronicle of Alsace and Strasburg, and indeed of all | | Germany. Strasburg, 1698. 4. cap. 5, § 86. p. 301. | | | | [18] _Hainr. Rebdorff_, Annales, _Marq. Freher_. Germanicarum rerum | | Scriptores. Francof. 1624. fol. p. 439. | | | | [19] _Königshoven_, in loc. cit. | | | | [20] Anonym. Leobiens. Chron. L. VI. in _Hier. Pez_, Scriptor. | | rer. Austriac. Lips. 1721. fol. Tom. I. p. 970. The above named | | appearances are here called, _rote sprinkel, swarcze erhubenn_ und | | _druesz under den üchsen und ze den gemüchten_. | | | | [21] _Ubb. Emmiie_ rer. Frisiacar. histor. L. XIV. p. 203. Lugd. | | Bat. 1616. fol. | | | | [22] _Guillelmus de Nangis_, loc. cit. | | | | [23] _Ant. Wood_, Historia et Antiquitates Universit. Oxoniens. | | Oxon. 1764. fol. L. l. p. 172. | | | | [24] _Mezeray_, Histoire de France. Paris, 1685. fol. T. II. p. 418. | | | | [25] _Barnes_, who has given a lively picture of the black plague, | | in England, taken from the Registers of the 14th century, describes | | the external symptoms in the following terms: knobs or swellings | | in the groin or under the armpits, called kernels, biles, blains, | | blisters, pimples, wheals or plague-sores. The Hist. of Edw. III. | | Cambridge, 1688, fol. p. 432. | | | | [26] _Torfæus_, Historia rerum Norvegicarum. Hafn. 1711. fol. | | L. ix. c. 8. p. 478. This author has followed _Pontanus_ (Rerum | | Danicar. Historia. Amstelod. 1631. fol.) who has given only a | | general account of the plague in Denmark, and nothing respecting | | its symptoms. | | | | [27] _Dlugoss_, vide Longini Histor. polonic. L. xii. Lips. 1711. | | fol. T. I. p. 1086. | | | | [28] _W. M. Richter_, Geschichte der Medicin in Russland. Moskwa, | | 1813, 8. p. 215. _Richter_ has taken his information on the black | | plague in Russia, from authentic Russian MSS. | | | | [29] Compare on this point, _Balling’s_ treatise “Zur Diagnostik | | der Lungenerweichung.” Vol XVI. ii. 3. p. 257 of litt. Annalen der | | ges. Heilkunde. | | | | [30] It is expressly ascertained with respect to Avignon and | | Paris, that uncleanliness of the streets increased the plague | | considerably. _Raim. Chalin de Vinario._ | | | | [31] _De Peste_ Libri tres, opera _Jacobi Dalechampii_ in lucem | | editi. Lugduni, 1552. 16. p. 35. _Dalechamp_ has only improved the | | language of this work, adding nothing to it but a preface in the | | form of two letters. _Raymond Chalin de Vinario_ was contemporary | | with _Guy de Chauliac_ at Avignon. He enjoyed a high reputation, | | and was in very affluent circumstances. He often makes mention | | of cardinals and high officers of the papal court, whom he had | | treated; and it is even probable, though not certain, that he was | | physician to Clement VI. (1342–1352), Innocent VI. (1352–1362), and | | Urban V. (1362–1370). He and _Guy de Chauliac_ never mention each | | other. | | | | [32] _Dalechamp_, p. 205—where, and at pp. 32–36, the | | plague-eruptions are mentioned in the usual indefinite terms: | | Exanthemata viridia, cærulea, nigra, rubra, lata, diffusa, velut | | signata punctis, &c. | | | | [33] “Pestilentis morbi gravissimum symptoma est, quod zonam vulgo | | nuncupant. Ea sic fit: Pustulæ nonnunquam per febres pestilentes | | fuscæ, nigræ, lividæ existunt, in partibus corporis a glandularum | | emissariis sejunctis, ut in femore, tibia, capite, brachio, | | humeris, quarum fervore et caliditate succi corporis attracti, | | glandulas in trajectione replent, et attollunt, unde bubones fiunt | | atque carbunculi. _Ab iis tanquam solidus quidam nervus in partem | | vicinam distentam ac veluti convulsione rigentem producitur, puta | | brachium vel tibiam, nunc rubens, nunc fuscus, nunc obscurior, nunc | | virens, nunc iridis colore, duos vel quatuor digitos latus._ Hujus | | summo, qua desinit in emissarium, plerumque tuberculum pestilens | | visitur, altero vero extremo, qua in propinquum membrum porrigitur, | | carbunculus. Hoc scilicet malum vulgus zonam cinctumve nominat, | | periculosum minus, cum hic tuberculo, illic carbunculo terminatur, | | quam si tuberculum in capite solum emineat.” p. 198. | | | | [34] _V. Hoff._ Geschichte der natürlichen Veränderungen der | | Erdoberfläche, T. II. p. 264. Gotha, 1824. This eruption was not | | succeeded by any other in the same century, either of Etna or of | | Vesuvius. | | | | [35] _Deguignes_, loc. cit. p. 226, from Chinese sources. | | | | [36] Ibid. p. 225. | | | | [37] There were also many locusts which had been blown into the | | sea by a hurricane, and afterwards cast dead upon the shore, and | | produced a noxious exhalation; and _a dense and awful fog was | | seen in the heavens, rising in the East, and descending upon | | Italy_. Mansfeld Chronicle, in M. _Cyriac Spangenberg_, chap. | | 287, fol. 336. b. Eisleben, 1572. Compare _Staind._ Chron. (?) | | in _Schnurrer_, (“Ingens vapor magnitudine horribili boreali | | movens, regionem, magno adspicientium terrore dilabitur,”) and | | _Ad. von Lebenwaldt_, Land-Stadt-und Hausarzney-Buch. fol. p. 15. | | Nuremberg, 1695, who mentions a dark, thick mist which covered the | | earth. _Chalin_ expresses himself on this subject in the following | | terms:—“Cœlum ingravescit, _aër impurus sentitur: nubes crassæ ac | | multæ luminibus cœli obstruunt, immundus ac ignavus tepor hominum | | emollit corpora, exoriens sol pallescit_.” p. 50. | | | | [38] See Caius’ account of the causes of the sweating sickness, in | | the Appendix.—_Transl. note._ | | | | [39] _Mezeray_, Histoire de France, Tom. II. 418. Paris, 1685. | | Compare _Oudegheerst’s_ Chroniques de Flandres. Antwerp, 1571, 4to. | | Chap. 175, f. 297. | | | | [40] They spread in a direction from East to West, over most of | | the countries from which we have received intelligence. Anonym. | | Leobiens, Chron. loc. cit. | | | | [41] _Giov. Villani_ Istorie Fiorentine, L. XII. chap. 121, 122. in | | _Muratori_, T. XIII. pp. 1001, 1002. Compare Barnes, loc. cit. p. | | 430. | | | | [42] _J. Vitoduran._ Chronicon, in _Füssli. Thesaurus_ Histor. | | Helvet. Tigur. 1735. fol. p. 84. | | | | [43] _Albert. Argentiniens._ Chronic. in _Urstis._ Scriptor. rer. | | Germanic. Francof. 1585. fol. P. II. p. 147. Compare _Chalin_, loc. | | cit. | | | | [44] _Petrarch._ Opera. Basil. 1554. fol. p. 210. _Barnes_, loc. | | cit. p. 431. | | | | [45] “Un tremblement de terre universel, mesme en France et aux | | pays septentrionaux, renversoit les villes toutes entières, | | déracinoit les arbres et les montagnes, et remplissoit les | | campagnes d’abysmes si profondes, qu’il semblait que l’enfer eût | | voulu engloutir le genre humain.” _Mezeray_, loc. cit. p. 418. | | _Barnes_, p. 431. | | | | [46] _Villani_, loc. cit. c. 119. p. 1000. | | | | [47] _Guillelm. de Nangis_, Cont. alt. Chron. loc. cit. p. 109. | | | | [48] Ibid. p. 110. | | | | [49] _Villani_, loc. cit. c. 72. p. 954. | | | | [50] Anonym. Istorie Pistolesi, in _Muratori_, T. XI. p. 524. “Ne | | gli anni di Chr. 1346 et 1357, fu grandissima carestia in tutta la | | Christianità, in tanto, che molta gente moria di fame, e fu grande | | mortalità in ogni paese del mondo.” | | | | [51] According to _Papon_, its origin is quite lost in the | | obscurity of remote ages; and even before the Christian Era, we are | | able to trace many references to former pestilences. De la peste, | | ou époques mémorables de ce fléau, et les moyens de s’en préserver. | | T. II. Paris, An VIII. de la rép. 8. | | | | [52] 1301, in the South of France; 1311, in Italy; 1316, in Italy, | | Burgundy and Northern Europe; 1335, the locust year, in the middle | | of Europe; 1340, in Upper Italy; 1342, in France; and 1347, in | | Marseilles and most of the larger islands of the Mediterranean. | | Ibid. T. II. p. 273. | | | | [53] Compare _Deguignes_, loc. cit. p. 288. | | | | [54] According to the general Byzantine designation, “from the | | country of the hyperborean Scythians.” _Kantakuzen_, loc. cit. | | | | [55] _Guid. Cauliac_, loc. cit. | | | | [56] _Matt. Villani_, Istorie, in _Muratori_, T. XIV. p. 14. | | | | [57] Annal. Cæsenat, _Ibid._ p. 1179. | | | | [58] _Barnes_, loc. cit. | | | | [59] _Olof Dalin’s_, Svea-Rikes Historie, III. vol. Stockholm, | | 1747–61, 4. Vol. II. C. 12, p. 496. | | | | [60] _Dlugoss_, Histor. Polon. L. IX. p. 1086, T. I. Lips. 1711, | | fol. | | | | [61] _Deguignes_, loc. cit. p. 223, f. | | | | [62] _Matt. Villani_, Istoria, loc. cit. p. 13. | | | | [63] _Knighton_, in _Barnes_, loc. cit. p. 434. | | | | [64] _Jno. Trithem_ Annal. Hirsaugiens. (Monast. St. Gall. Hirsaug. | | 1690. fol.) T. II. p. 296. According to _Boccacio_, loc. cit. | | 100,000; according to _Matt. Villani_, loc. cit. p. 14, three out | | of five. | | | | [65] _Odoric. Raynald._ Annal. ecclesiastic. Colon. Agripp. 1691. | | fol. Vol. XVI. p. 280. | | | | [66] _Vitoduran._ Chronic. in _Füssli_, loc. cit. | | | | [67] _Tromby_, Storia de _S. Brunone_ e dell’ordine Cartusiano. | | Vol. VI. L. VIII. p. 235. Napol. 1777. fol. | | | | [68] _Barnes_, p. 435. | | | | [69] Ibid. | | | | [70] _Baluz._ Vitæ Papar. Avenionens. Paris, 1693–4. Vol. I. p. | | 316. According to _Rebdorf_ in _Freher_. loc. cit. at the worst | | period, 500 daily. | | | | [71] _Königshoven_, loc. cit. | | | | [72] According to _Reimar Kork_, from Easter to Michaelmas 1350, | | 80 to 90,000; among whom were eleven members of the senate, and | | bishop John IV. Vid. _John Rud_. _Becker_, Circumstantial History | | of the Imper. and free city of Lübeck. Lübeck, 1782, 84, 1805. | | 3 Vols. 4. Vol. I. p. 269. 71. Although Lübeck was then in its | | most flourishing state, yet this account, which agrees with that | | of _Paul Lange_, is certainly exaggerated. (Chronic. Citizense, | | in _I. Pistorius_, Rerum Germanic. Scriptores aliquot insignes, | | cur. _Struve_. Ratisb. 1626. fol. p. 1214.) We have, therefore, | | chosen the lower estimate of an anonym. writer. Chronic. Sclavic. | | by _Erpold Lindenbrog_. Scriptores rerum Germanic. Septentrional. | | vicinorumque populor. diversi, Francof. 1630. fol. p. 225, and | | _Spangenberg_, loc. cit., with whom again the assurance of the two | | authors, that on the 10th August, 1350, 15 or 1700 (according to | | _Becker_ 2500) persons had died, does not coincide. Compare Chronik | | des Franciskaner Lesemeisters _Detmar_, nach der Urschrift und mit | | Ergänzungen aus anderen Chroniken herausgeg. published by F. H. | | _Grautoff_. Hamburg, 1829, 30. 8. P. I. p. 269. App. 471. | | | | [73] _Förstemann_, Versuch einer Geschichte der christlichen | | Geisslergesellschaften, in _Staüdlin’s_ und _Tzschirner’s_, Archiv | | für alte und neue Kirchengeschichte, Vol. III. 1817. | | | | [74] Limburg Chronicle, pub. by _C. D. Vogel_. Marburg, 1828. 8vo. | | p. 14. | | | | [75] _Barnes_, loc. cit. | | | | [76] Ibid. | | | | [77] _Spangenberg_. fol. 339. a. Grawsam Sterben vieler faulen | | Troppfen. Many lazy monks died a cruel death. | | | | [78] _Vitoduran_, loc. cit. | | | | [79] _Becker_, loc. cit. | | | | [80] _Hainr._ _Rebdorf._ p. 630. | | | | [81] _Guillelm. de Nang._ loc. cit. | | | | [82] _Johanna_, queen of Navarre, daughter of _Louis X._, and | | _Johanna_ of Burgundy, wife of king _Philip_ de Valois. | | | | [83] _Fulco de Chanac._ | | | | [84] _Mich. Felibien_, Histoire de la ville de Paris, Liv. XII. | | Vol. II. p. 601, Paris, 1725. fol. Comp. _Guillelm. de Nangis._ | | loc. cit. and _Daniel_, Histoire de France, Tom. II. p. 484. | | Amsterd. 1720. 4to. | | | | [85] _Torfæus_, loc. cit. | | | | [86] According to another account, 960. Chronic. Salisburg, in | | _Pez._ loc. cit. T. I. p. 412. | | | | [87] According to an anonymous Chronicler, each of these pits is | | said to have contained 40,000; this, however, we are to understand | | as only in round numbers. Anonym. Leobiens, in _Pez._ p. 970. | | According to this writer, above seventy persons died in some | | houses, and many were entirely deserted, and at St. Stephen’s | | alone, fifty-four ecclesiastics were cut off. | | | | [88] _Auger. de Biterris_ in _Muratori_. Vol. III. P. II. p. 556. | | The same is said of Paderborn, by _Gobelin Person_, in _Henr. | | Meibom._ Rer. Germanic. Script. T. I. p. 286. Helmstadt, 1688. fol. | | | | [89] _Spangenberg._ loc. cit. chap. 287. fol. 337. b. | | | | [90] _Barnes_, 435. | | | | [91] _Trithem._ Annal. Hirsaug. loc. cit. | | | | [92] Loc. cit. L. XII. c. 99. p. 977. | | | | [93] Chronic. Claustro-Neoburg. in _Pez._ Vol. I. p. 490. Comp. | | _Barnes_, p. 435. _Raynald_ Histor. ecclesiastic, loc. cit. | | According to this account, a runaway Venetian is said to have | | brought the plague to Padua. | | | | [94] _Giov. Villani_, L. XII. c. 83. p. 964. | | | | [95] _Barnes_, p. 436. | | | | [96] _Wood_, loc. cit. | | | | [97] _Wood_ says, that before the plague, there were 13,000 | | students at Oxford; a number which may, in some degree, enable us | | to form an estimate of the state of education in England at that | | time, if we consider that the universities were, in the middle | | ages, frequented by younger students, who in modern times do not | | quit school till their 18th year. | | | | [98] _Barnes_ and _Wood_, loc. cit. | | | | [99] _Gobelin. Person_, in _Meibom._ loc. cit. | | | | [100] _Juan de Mariana._ Historia General de España, illustrated | | by Don _José Sabau y Blanco_. Tom. IX. Madrid, 1819. 8vo. Libro | | XVI. p. 225. Don _Diego Ortiz de Zúñiga_, Annales ecclesiasticos y | | seculares de Sevilla. Madrid, 1795. 4to. T. II. p. 121. Don _Juan | | de Ferreras_, Historia de España. Madrid, 1721. T. VII. p. 353. | | | | [101] _Gobelin. Person_, loc. cit. Comp. _Chalin_, p. 53. | | | | [102] _Guillelm. de Nangis_, loc. cit. | | | | [103] _Spangenberg._ fol. 337. b. Limburg. Chronic, p. 20. “Und die | | auch von Rom kamen, wurden eines Theils böser als sie vor gewesen | | waren.” | | | | [104] _Guillelm. de Nangis_, loc. cit. and many others. | | | | [105] _Dalin’s_ Svea Rikes Historie, Vol. II. c. 12. p. 496. | | | | [106] _Saabye._ Tagebuch in Grönland. Einleit. XVIII.—_Torfæi_ | | Histor. Norveg. Tom. IV. L. IX. c. viii. p. 478–79. _F. G. Mansa_, | | De epidemiis maxime memorabilibus quæ in Dania Grassatæ sunt, et de | | Medicinæ statu. Partic. I. Havn. 1831. 8vo. p. 12. | | | | [107] _Torfæi_ Groenlandia antiqua, s. veteris Groenlandiæ; | | descriptio. Havniæ, 1715. 8vo. p. 23.—_Pontan._ Rer. danicar. | | Histor. Amstelod. 1631. fol. L. VII. p. 476. | | | | [108] _Richter_, loc. cit. | | | | [109] We shall take this view of the subject from _Guillelm. de | | Nangis_ and _Barnes_, if we read them _with attention_. Compare | | _Olof Dalin_, loc. cit. | | | | [110] Practica de ægritudinibus a capite usque ad pedes. Papiæ, | | 1486. fol. Tract VI. c. vii. | | | | [111] “Darnach, da das Sterben, die Geiselfarth, Römerfarth, | | Judenschlacht, als vorgeschrieben stehet, ein End hatte, da hub | | die Welt wieder an zu leben und fröhlich zu seyn, und machten | | die Männer neue Kleidung.” Limburger Chronik. p. 26. After this, | | when, as was stated before, the Mortality, the Processions of the | | Flagellants, the Expeditions to Rome, and the Massacre of the Jews, | | were at an end, the world began to revive and be joyful, and the | | people put on new clothing. | | | | [112] _Chalin_, loc. cit. p. 92. _Detmar’s_ Lübeck Chronicle, V. I. | | p. 401. | | | | [113] Chronic. _Ditmari_, Episcop. Mersepurg, Francof. 1580, fol. | | p.358.—“_Spagenberg_, p. 338. The lamentation was piteous; and | | the only remaining solace, was the prevalent anxiety, inspired by | | the danger, to prepare for a glorious departure; no other hope | | remained—death appeared inevitable. Many were hence induced to | | search into their own hearts, to turn to God, and to abandon their | | wicked courses: parents warned their children, and instructed them | | how to pray, and to submit to the ways of Providence: neighbours | | mutually admonished each other; none could reckon on a single | | hour’s respite. Many persons, and even young children, were seen | | bidding farewell to the world; some with prayer, others with | | praises on their lips.” | | | | [114] _Torfæi_ Hist. rer. Norvegic. L. IX. c. viii. p. 478. (Havn. | | 1711, fol.) _Die Cronica van der hilliger Stat van Coellen, off dat | | tzytboich_, Coellen, 1490, fol. p. 263. “_In dem vurss jair erhoiff | | sich eyn alzo wunderlich nuwe Geselschaft in Ungarien_,” &c. The | | Chronicle of the holy city of Cologne, 1499. In this same year, a | | very remarkable society was formed in Hungary. | | | | [115] _Albert. Argentinens._ Chronic. p. 149, in _Chr. Urstisius_. | | Germaniæ historicorum illustrium Tomus unus. Francof. 1585, | | fol.—_Guillelm. de Nang._ loc. cit.—Comp. also the Saxon Chronicle, | | by _Mattheus Dresseren_, Physician and Professor at Leipsig, | | Wittenberg, 1596, fol. p. 340; the above-named Limburg Chronicle, | | and the Germaniæ Chronicon, on the origin, name, commerce, &c., of | | all the Teutonic nations of Germany: by _Seb. Francken_, of Wörd. | | Tübingen, 1534, fol. p. 201. | | | | [116] _Ditmar_, loc. cit. | | | | [117] _Königshoven_, Elsassische und Strassburgische Chronicke. | | loc. cit. p. 297. f. | | | | [118] _Albert. Argentin._ loc. cit. They never remained longer than | | one night at any place. | | | | [119] Words of _Monachus Paduanus_, quoted in _Förstemann’s_ | | Treatise, which is the best upon this subject.—See p. 24. | | | | [120] _Schnurrer_, Chronicle of the Plagues, T. I. p. 291. | | | | [121] _Königshoven_, loc. cit. | | | | [122] _Förstemann_, loc. cit. The pilgrimages of the Flagellants of | | the year 1349, were not the last. Later in the 14th century this | | fanaticism still manifested itself several times, though never to | | so great an extent: in the 15th century, it was deemed necessary, | | in several parts of Germany, to extirpate them by fire and sword; | | and in the year 1710, processions of the Cross-bearers were still | | seen in Italy. How deeply this mania had taken root, is proved by | | the deposition of a citizen of Nordhäusen (1446): that his wife, | | in the belief of performing a Christian act, wanted to scourge her | | children, as soon as they were baptized. | | | | [123] _Königshoven_, p. 298: | | | | “_Stant uf durch der reinen Martel ere; | | Und hüte dich vor der Sünden mere._” | | | | [124] _Guill. de Nang._ loc. cit. | | | | [125] _Albert. Argentinens._ loc. cit. | | | | [126] We meet with fragments of different lengths in the Chronicles | | of the times, but the only entire MS. which we possess, is in the | | valuable Library of President _von Meusebach_. _Massmann_ has had | | this printed, accompanied by a translation, entitled _Erläuterungen | | zum Wessobrunner Gebet des_ 8^{ten} _Jahrhunderts. Nebst_ ZWEIEN | | _noch ungedruckten_, GEDICHTEN DES VIERZEHNTEN JAHRHUNDERTS, | | Berlin, 1824. “Elucidations of the Wessobrunn Prayer of the 8th | | century, together with two unpublished Hymns the 14th century.” | | We shall subjoin it at the end of this Treatise, as a striking | | document of the age. The Limburg Chronicle asserts, indeed, that it | | was not composed till that time, although a part, if not the whole, | | of it, was sung in the procession of the Flagellants, in 1260.—See | | Incerti auctoris Chronicon rerum per Austriam Vicinasque regiones | | gestarum inde ab anno 1025, usque ad annum 1282. Munich, 1827 8, p. | | 9. | | | | [127] _Trithem._ Annal. Hirsaugiens, T. II. p. 206. | | | | [128] He issued a bull against them, Oct. 20, 1349. _Raynald. | | Trithem._ loc. cit. | | | | [129] But as they at last ceased to excite astonishment, were no | | longer welcomed by the ringing of bells, and were not received with | | veneration, as before, they vanished as human imaginations are wont | | to do. Saxon Chronicle, by _Matt. Dresseren_. Wittenberg, 1596, | | fol. p. 340, 341. | | | | [130] _Albert. Argentinens._ loc. cit. | | | | [131] _Guillelm. de Nangis._ | | | | [132] _Ditmar._ loc. cit. | | | | [133] _Klose_ of Breslaw’s Documental History and Description, 8vo. | | Vol. II. p. 190. Breslaw, 1781. | | | | [134] Limburg Chronicle, p. 17. | | | | [135] _Kehrberg’s_ Description of Königsberg, _i. e._ Neumark, | | 1724, 4to. p. 240. | | | | [136] So says the Polish historian _Dlugoss_, loc. cit., while most | | of his contemporaries mention only the poisoning of the wells. It | | is evident, that in the state of their feelings, it mattered little | | whether they added another still more formidable accusation. | | | | [137] In those places where no Jews resided, as in Leipsig, | | Magdeburg, Brieg, Frankenstein, &c., the grave-diggers were accused | | of the crime.—V. _Möhsen’s_ History of the Sciences in the March of | | Brandenburg, T. II. p. 265. | | | | [138] See the original proceedings, in the Appendix. | | | | [139] _Hermanni Gygantis_ Flores temporum, sive Chronicon | | Universale—_Ed. Meuschen._ Lugdun. Bat. 1743. 4to. p. 139. Hermann, | | a Franciscan monk of Franconia, who wrote in the year 1349, was an | | eye-witness of the most revolting scenes of vengeance, throughout | | all Germany. | | | | [140] _Guid. Cauliac._ loc. cit. | | | | [141] _Hermann._ loc. cit. | | | | [142] _Albert. Argentin._—_Königshoven_, loc. cit. | | | | [143] _Dies was ouch die Vergift, die die Juden döttete._ “This | | was also the poison that killed the Jews,” observes _Königshoven_, | | which he illustrates by saying, that their increase in Germany was | | very great, and their mode of gaining a livelihood, which, however, | | was the only resource left them, had engendered ill-will against | | them in all quarters. | | | | [144] Many wealthy Jews, for example, were, on their way to the | | stake, stripped of their garments, for the sake of the gold coin | | that was sewed in them.—_Albert. Argentinens._ | | | | [145] Vide preceding note. | | | | [146] _Spangenberg_, loc. cit. | | | | [147] _Guillelm. de Nangis._—_Dlugoss_, loc. cit. | | | | [148] _Albert. Argentinens._ | | | | [149] _Spangenberg_ describes a similar scene which took place at | | Kostnitz. | | | | [150] _Guillelm. de Nang.—Raynald._ | | | | [151] Histor. Landgrav. _Thuring._ in _Pistor._ loc. cit. Vol. I. | | p. 948. | | | | [152] Anonym. _Leobiens_, in _Pez._ loc. cit. | | | | [153] _Spangenberg._ In the county of Mark, the Jews were no better | | off than in the rest of Germany. Margrave _Ludwig_, the Roman, even | | countenanced their persecutions, of which _Kehrberg_, loc. cit. | | 241. gives the following official account: Coram cunctis Christi | | fidelibus præsentia percepturis, ego _Johannes_ dictus _de Wedel_ | | Advocatus, inclyti Principis Domini, _Ludovici_, Marchionis, | | publice profiteor et recognosco, quod nomine Domini mei civitatem | | Königsberg visitavi et intravi, et ex parte Domini Marchionis | | Consulibus ejusdem civitatis in adjutorium mihi assumtis, _Judæos | | inibi morantes igne cremavi_, bonaque omnia eorundem Judæorum | | ex parte Domini mei totaliter usurpavi et assumsi. In cujus | | testimonium præsentibus meum sigillum appendi. Datum A.D. 1351. in | | Vigilia S. Matthæi Apostoli. | | | | [154] _Basnage_, Histoire des Juifs. A la Haye, 1716. 8vo. T. IX. | | Part 2. Liv. IX. Chap. 23. §. 12. 24. pp. 664. 679. This valuable | | work gives an interesting account of the state of the Jews of the | | middle ages. Compare _J. M. Jost’s_ History of the Israelites from | | the time of the Maccabees to the present day. T. VII. Berlin, 1827. | | 8vo. pp. 8. 262. | | | | [155] _Albert. Argentinens._ | | | | [156] _Hermann._ _Gygas._ loc. cit. | | | | [157] On this subject see _Königshoven_, who has preserved some | | very valuable original proceedings. The most important are, the | | criminal examinations of ten Jews, at Chillon, on the Lake of | | Geneva, held in September and October, 1348.—V. Appendix. They | | produced the most strange confessions, and sanctioned, by the | | false name of justice, the blood-thirsty fanaticism which lighted | | the funeral piles. Copies of these proceedings were sent to Bern | | and Strasburg, where they gave rise to the first persecutions | | against the Jews.—V. also the original document of the offensive | | and defensive Alliance between _Berthold von Götz_, Bishop of | | Strasburg, and many powerful lords and nobles, in favour of the | | city of Strasburg, against Charles IV. The latter saw himself | | compelled, in consequence, to grant to that city an amnesty for the | | Jewish persecutions, which in our days would be deemed disgraceful | | to an imperial crown. Not to mention many other documents, which no | | less clearly shew the spirit of the 14th century, p. 1021. f. | | | | [158] _Guillelm. de Nangis_, p. 110. | | | | [159] “Curationem omnem respuit pestis confirmata.”—_Chalin_, p. 33. | | | | [160] _Jacob. Francischini de Ambrosiis._ In the Appendix to the | | Istorie Pistolesi, in _Muratori_, Tom. XI. p. 528. | | | | [161] _Gentilis de Fulgineo_ Consilia. De Peste Cons. I. II. fol. | | 76, 77. Venet. 1514. fol. | | | | [162] —“venenosa putredo circa partes cordis et pulmonis de quibus | | exeunte venenoso vapore, periculum est in vicinitatibus.” Cons. I. | | fol. 76, a. | | | | [163] _Dr. Maclean’s_ notion that the doctrine of contagion was | | first promulgated in the year 1547, by Pope Paul III., &c., thus | | falls to the ground, together with all the arguments founded on | | it.—See _Maclean_ on Epid. and Pestilent. Diseases, 8vo, 1817, Pt. | | II. Book II. ch. 3, 4.—_Transl. note._ | | | | [164] Lippitudo contagione spectantium oculos afficit.—_Chalin de | | Vinario_, p. 149. | | | | [165] See the Author’s Geschichte der Heilkunde, Vol. II. P. III. | | | | [166] Compare _Marx_, Origines contagii. Caroliruh. et Bad. 1824. 8. | | | | [167] _Cæl. Aurelian._ Chron. L. IV. c. 1. p. 497. _Ed. Amman._ | | “Sed hi ægrotantem destituendum magis imperant, quam curandum, quod | | a se alienum humanitas approbat medicinæ.” | | | | [168] _Geschichte der Heilkunde_, Vol. II. p. 248. | | | | [169] _Chalin_ assures us expressly, that many nunneries, by | | closing their gates, remained free from the contagion. It is worthy | | of note, and quite in conformity with the prevailing notions, | | that the continuance in a thick, moist atmosphere, was generally | | esteemed more advantageous and conservative, on account of its | | being more impenetrable to the astral influence, inasmuch as the | | inferior cause kept off the superior.—_Chalin_, p. 48. | | | | [170] This was called _Affluxus_, or _Forma specifica_, and was | | compared to the effect of a magnet on iron, and of amber on | | chaff.—_Chalin de Vinario_, p. 23. | | | | [171] Causa universalis agens—causa particularis patiens. To this | | correspond, in _Chalin_, the expressions Causa superior et inferior. | | | | [172] Purging with alöetic pills; bleeding; purification of the air | | by means of large fires; the use of treacle; frequent smelling to | | volatile substances, of which certain “poma,” were prepared; the | | internal use of Armenian bole,—a plague-remedy derived from the | | Arabians, and, throughout the middle ages, much in vogue, and very | | improperly used; and the employment of acescent food, in order to | | resist putridity. _Guy de Chauliac_ appears to have recommended | | flight to many. Loc. citat. p. 115. Compare _Chalin_, L. II., who | | gives most excellent precepts on this subject. | | | | [173] _Auger. de Biterris_, loc. cit. | | | | [174] L. I. c. 4. p. 39. | | | | [175] Fol. 32. loc. cit. | | | | [176] _Galeacii de Sancta Sophia_, Liber de Febribus. Venet. 1514, | | fol. (Printed together with _Guillelmus Brixiensis, Marsilius de | | Sancta Sophia, Ricardus Parisiensis._ fol. 29. seq.) | | | | [177] Warmth, cold, dryness and moisture. | | | | [178] The talented _Chalin_ entertains the same conviction, | | “Obscurum interdum esse vitium aëris, sub pestis initia et menses | | primos, hoc est argumento: _quod cum nec odore tetro gravis, | | nec turpi colore fœdatus fuerit, sed purus, tenuis, frigidus, | | qualis in montosis et asperis locis esse solet, et tranquillus, | | vehementissima sit tamen pestilentia infestaque_,” etc. p. 28. The | | most recent observers of malaria have stated nothing more than this. | | | | [179] Compare _Enr. di Wolmar_, Abhandlung über die Pest. Berlin, | | 1827. 8vo. | | | | [180] Tractatus de Febribus, fol. 48. | | | | [181] De Peste Liber, pura latinitate donatus a _Jacobo | | Dalechampio_. Lugdun. 1552. 16. p. 40. 188. “Longe tamen plurimi | | congressu eorum qui fuerunt in locis pestilentibus periclitantur | | et gravissime, quoniam e causa duplici, nempe et aëris vitio, et | | eorum qui versantur nobiscum, vitio. _Hoc itaque modo fit, ut unius | | accessu in totam modo familiam, modo civitatem, modo villam, pestis | | invehatur._” Compare p. 20, “Solæ privatorum ædes pestem sentiunt, | | _si adeat qui in pestilenti loco versatus est_.”—“Nobis proximi | | ipsi sumus, nemoque est tanta occœcatus amentia, qui de sua salute | | potius quam aliorum sollicitus non sit, maxime in contagione tam | | cita et rapida.” Rather a loose principle, which might greatly | | encourage low sentiments, and much endanger the honour of the | | medical profession, but which, in _Chalin_, who was aware of the | | impossibility of avoiding contagion in uncleanly dwellings, is so | | far excusable, that he did not apply it to himself. | | | | [182] Morbos omnes pestilentes esse contagiosos, audacter ego | | equidem pronuntio et assevero. p. 149. | | | | [183] Vide preceding note, pp. 162, 163. | | | | [184] Ibid. p. 97. 166. “Qualis (vita) esse solet eorum, qui | | sacerdotiorum et cultus divini prætextu, genio plus satis indulgent | | et obsequuntur, ac Christum speciosis titulis ementientes, Epicurum | | imitantur.” Certainly a remarkable freedom of sentiment for the | | 14th century. | | | | [185] Ibid. p. 183. 151. | | | | [186] Ibid. p. 159. 189. | | | | [187] Canonica de Febribus, ad Raynerium Siculum, 1487, s. 1. | | cap. 10, sine pag. “Febris pestilentialis est febris contagiosa | | ex ebullitione putrefactiva in altero quatuor humorum cordi | | propinquorum principaliter.” | | | | [188] _Valesci de Tharanta_, Philonium. Lugduni, 1535. 8. L. VII. | | c. 18. fol. 401. b. seq.—Compare _Astruc._ Mémoires pour servir à | | l’Histoire de la Faculté de Médecine de Montpellier. Paris, 1767. | | 4. p. 208. | | | | [189] Chronicon Regiense, _Muratori_, Tom. XVIII. p. 82. | | | | [190] _Adr. Chenot_, Hinterlassene Abhandlungen über die ärztlichen | | und politischen Anstalten bei der Pestseuche. Wien, 1798, 8vo. p. | | 146. From this period it was common in the middle ages to barricade | | the doors and windows of houses infected with plague, and to suffer | | the inhabitants to perish without mercy.—_S. Möhsen_, loc. cit. | | | | [191] Chron. Reg. loc. cit. | | | | [192] _Muratori_, Tom. XVI. p. 560.—Compare _Chenot_, loc. cit. p. | | 146. | | | | [193] _Papon_, loc. cit. | | | | [194] _Chenot_, p. 145. | | | | [195] _Le Bret_, Staatsgeschichte der Republik Venedig. Riga, 1775. | | 4, Part II. Div. 2. p. 752. | | | | [196] _Zagata_, Cronica di Verona, 1744. 4, III. p. 93. | | | | [197] _Le Bret_, loc. cit. Compare Hamburger Remarquen of the year | | 1700, pp. 282 and 305. | | | | [198] Göttinger gelehrte Anzeigen, 1772, p. 22. | | | | [199] The forty days’ duration of the Flood, the forty days’ | | sojourn of Moses on Mount Sinai, our Saviour’s fast for the same | | length of time in the wilderness; lastly, what is called the Saxon | | term (Sächsische Frist,) which lasts for forty days, &c. Compare | | _G. W. Wedel_, Centuria Exercitationum Medico-philologicarum. _De | | Quadragesima Medica._ Jenæ, 1701. 4. Dec. IV. p. 16. | | | | [200] We hence perceive with what feelings subterraneous thunders | | were regarded by the people. | | | | [201] For the sake of thy Trinity. | | | | [202] An appearance of justice having been given to all later | | persecutions by these proceedings, they deserve to be recorded as | | important historical documents. The original is in Latin, but we | | have preferred the German translation in Königshoven’s Chronicle, | | p. 1029. | | | +----------------------------------------------------------------------+

THE DANCING MANIA.

TRANSLATOR’S PREFACE.

Dr. Hecker’s account of the “Black Death” having, in its English translation, met with a favourable reception, I am led to believe that the “Dancing Mania,” a similar production by the same able writer, will also prove acceptable. Should this be the case, it is my intention to complete the series by translating the history of the “Sweating Sickness,” the only remaining epidemic considered by our author to belong to the Middle Ages.

The mind and the body reciprocally and mysteriously affect each other, and the maladies which are the subject of these pages, are so intimately connected with the disordered state of both, that it is often difficult to determine on which they more essentially depend, or which they more seriously influence.

The physician will probably be led by their contemplation to admit that the imagination has a larger share in the production of disease than he might, without a knowledge of the striking facts here recorded, have supposed to be within the limits of possibility. He has, no doubt, already observed, that joy will affect the circulation, grief the digestion; that anger will heat the frame as perniciously as ardent spirits, and that fear will chill it as certainly as ice; but he may not have carried his observation to the extent of perceiving, that not only single and transient effects, but specific diseases are produced through the agency of mental impressions, and he may therefore still be surprised to find that the dances of St. John and of St. Vitus, as they formerly spread by sympathy from city to city, gave rise to the same deviations from bodily health, in all the individuals whom they attacked; that Tarantism was the same disease, whether medically or morally considered, all over Italy; and that the “Lycanthropia,” of the past, and the “Leaping Ague” of the present times, have each its respective train of peculiar symptoms.

The moralist will view these records of human frailty in a different light; he will examine the state of society which favoured the propagation of such maladies; he will inquire how far they have been the offspring of the ages in which they appeared, and although he may not be disposed to think with our author, that they can never return, he will at least deduce from the facts here laid before him, that they originate in those minds, whether ignorant or ill-educated, in which the imagination is permitted to usurp the power of sober sense, and the ideal is allowed to occupy the thoughts to the exclusion of the substantial.

That such minds are most frequently to be met with in an age of ignorance, we should naturally suppose, and we are borne out in that supposition by the fact, that these diseases have been declining in proportion to the advance of knowledge; but credulity and enthusiasm are not incompatible with a high degree of civilization: and if, among the educated classes, the female sex is more sentimental than the male, and the affluent are more credulous than those who are dependent on their own exertions for their support, it is to be accounted for by the fact, that they usually devote more leisure to the pleasurable contemplation of works of imagination, and are less imperatively called on to improve their judgment by the dry study of facts, and the experience acquired in the serious business of life. But there is no class, even in this age of boasted reason, wholly exempt from the baneful influence of fanaticism; and instances are not wanting, in our own days, and in this very capital, to prove, that disorders (how can we more charitably designate them?) much resembling some of those described in the following pages, may make their appearance among people who have had all the advantages of an enlightened education, and every opportunity of enlarging their minds by a free intercourse with refined society.

I thus venture to hope, that by bestowing a leisure hour on this small portion of medical history, the physician may enlarge his knowledge of disease, and the moralist may gather a hint for the intellectual improvement of his fellow-men. The author has, however, a more extended object in view—the histories of particular epidemics are with him but the data from which we are to deduce the general laws that govern human health in the aggregate. Whether there be such an _entity_ as collective organic life, and whether, as a consequence, there exist general laws which regulate its healthy or morbid condition, I do not here undertake to determine; but the notion is peculiar, and in order that it may be more fully exposed to the reader, I have translated as an introduction to the present volume[203], an Appeal which Dr. Hecker has made to the medical profession of his own country for assistance in his undertaking. If, in the course of the remarks contained in this address, he has been somewhat severe in his censure of the neglect, both in this country and in France, of the study of Medical History, I freely confess myself to be one of those who are more anxious to profit by his castigation than to dispute its justice.

I have added a few Notes, which I trust will be found not inapplicable. They consist chiefly of parallel accounts in illustration of what is set forth in the text; and with the same view, I have thrown together in No. V. of the Appendix, some Histories of Local Epidemics, and have referred to some single cases, which seem to me to have a peculiar interest in connexion with the subject of this work, and to render it, on the whole, more complete.