Chapter V: Part 5
With all their spells and their magic, the higher minds of the Babylonians knew how to pray, and the fervent and exalted tones of such liturgies remind us of the religious poetry of Israel. And it is interesting to note that among the few deities of Babylon whose ideal reached to such a point of ethical development, the moon-god Sin appears, who gave his name to Sinai, and who has been thought by some to have had some original affinity with the God of Israel.[224.1]
As regards the liturgies of Egypt, so far as I have been able with very limited opportunities to examine them, the superstition of the spell lay so heavy on the Egyptian mind, {225} that prayer does not seem able to extricate itself from its prepossession. Not only do the deities work by means of spells and the magic of their names, but the worshipper uses the same means to work upon them; and the prayer that accompanies the spell seems usually to savour of self-confidence and command. At least this is the impression one gathers from what is published concerning the Book of the Dead and the ritual practised to secure the happiness of the deceased. By utterance of words of enchantment over pictures, the soul of the dead becomes divine.[225.1] The magic word helps to transfer the power of the deity into the fetich, and this with the word written upon it is placed on the body of the dead: for instance, an amulet with the words, “May the blood of Isis… and the word of power of Isis be mighty to protect this mighty one”;[225.2] a terra-cotta lamp of the Greco-Roman period, carved with the symbol {226} of the frog-headed goddess Heqt, and bearing the words, “I am the Resurrection.”[226.1] On an object placed under the head of the deceased to maintain the warmth of the body, we find the following words, supposed to be addressed by the spirit to Amen:[226.2] “I am a perfect spirit among the companions of Ra, and I have gone in and come forth among the perfect souls… grant thou unto me the things which my body needeth, and heaven for my soul and a hidden place for my mummy.” “May the god who himself is hidden and whose face is concealed, who shineth upon the world in his forms of existence and in the underworld, grant that my soul may live for ever.”[226.3] Here we have the statement of a conviction that gains its assurance from magic, followed by prayer. It seems that the Egyptian prayed to the gods, as if by such prayer he might gain immortality, but that he trusted equally to {227} magical means, to pictures and words of power from the sacred texts, and employed at once the methods of religion and of enchantment.[227.1]
Looking at the Christian religion, we should find it hard to give a succinct and accurate account of these phenomena in the various stages of its history. We may be able to set forth the theories and ritual-practices of the various churches and compare them with what we find elsewhere; but it is more difficult to analyse accurately the religious psychology, the thought and feeling which accompanies the ritual: the quality of the mental state would depend partly on the ancestral conditions and the strength of the ancestral instincts of the individual. And the teaching of the most spiritual Christian philosophy has not been able to prevent some touches of the old-world magic from contaminating the worship. The theory of the leading thinkers among the early Christian fathers agreed, as we have seen, with the {228} pronouncement of later Greek philosophy. Both for Clemens, who gives us the earliest theory of Christian prayer, without finding, however, a clear logical system, and for Origen, the final justification of prayer was communion with God, τὸ ἀνακραθῆναι τῷ πνεύματι,[228.1] ὁμιλία πρὸς τὸν θεὸν ἡ εὐχή.[228.2] And Clemens maintains that the true gnostic, he who has the true knowledge of God, “works himself with God in his prayer so as to attain perfection.”[228.3] The gnostic of Clemens, then, is not purely petitionary in his prayer; by his spontaneous self-projection he contributes something himself to the attainment of the end he prays for; and, as I have ventured to suggest above, we may discern in this theory the meeting-point of the more primitive and the more exalted religious views.
Meantime the actual heretic sect of the gnostics were applying much of the old magic {229} under new names and new texts, and did not even care to discard wholly the old spell-nomenclature.[229.1] And even in the orthodox churches, as we have seen, the mystic power and liturgical use of the name has continued, being the inheritance of a different religious world from that with which we are familiar or of which we are conscious. We may also legitimately compare many of the ritual acts which accompany prayer, for instance in the earlier and later Roman Church, with the suggestive or mimetic religious actions of less advanced cults. One of the most interesting examples that may be quoted is the description of the blessing of the baptismal water on the eve of the Epiphany, a custom prevalent in the earlier Church of Rome:[229.2] the priest, while praying to God to sanctify the water, dipped a crucifix thrice into it, recalling in his prayer the miracle described in Exodus, the sweetening of the bitter water with wood; then {230} followed antiphonal singing describing Christ’s baptism in Jordan, which sanctified the water. We appear to have here a combination of the great typical forms of the immemorial religious energy, prayer pure and simple, the potent use of the spiritually charged object, the fetich (in this case the crucifix), and an intoned or chanted narrative which has the spell-value of suggestion.[230.1]
What maintained the use of the spell-prayer in full vigour throughout the earlier and medieval epochs of Christendom, even in the orthodox ritual, was chiefly the practice of exorcism and the belief in demons and demoniac possession; and the legal institution of the ordeal contributed also to its maintenance. As modern society has abandoned such institutions, and the modern mind is no longer possessed with demonology, so in the modern worship prayer has become more and more purified from the associations of the spell; the traces that remain of the latter are {231} faint and usually unintelligible to the modern worshipper. And on the other side there is a progressive tendency beginning to be felt, making for a reform of our liturgy in respect of the objects for which prayer should be proffered. But in this respect, as the comparison has shown, we cannot be said to have advanced as yet beyond many of the old-world religions.
The special subjects of these last two lectures, the history of purification and prayer, have only been presented in an inadequate sketch. The full and exhaustive treatment of either would serviceably fill a gap in the library of comparative religion. But they have served my present purpose, if they have been able to illustrate and to some extent test the value of the comparative study of the various theologies of mankind.
[The End]
INDEX
Aion, 36, 37.
Anthropology, value of, 5: occasional defects in its method of treating religious problems, 12-17: suggested improvements in method, 17-23.
Apostolic succession, 49-50.
Babylonian spells and prayers, 218-224.
Baptism, a cathartic ritual, 156-158: of infants, 56-57.
Buddhism, ideas concerning purity, 107.
Celibacy of priesthood, 154-156.
Christianity, comparison with earlier “Mediterranean” religions in mythology, 25-30; in terminology, 30-39; external symbols, 39-48; institutions and organisation, 48-58; in dogma and belief, 59-75: _vide_ Prayer.
Collideriani, 72.
Comparative religion, method of study, 81-85: short survey of its growth, 1-6.
Confession, 54-56, 158-160.
Cursing-ritual, a form of spell, 196-198.
Eschatological beliefs, 63-64.
Fasting, a cathartic ritual, 153-154.
Festivals, influence of pagan on Christian, 58.
Fetichism, 44-47: in Hellas, 44-45: in Christianity, 45-47.
Hellenism, influence on Christianity, 23.
Hero-worship, 75-76.
Hilaria, 62.
Homicide, cathartic origin of law concerning, 140-152.
Human incarnation of divinity, 59-60.
{233}
Human sacrifice, legends concerning, 27-28.
Idolatry, 40-44.
Indo-Germanic spell, 193.
Ischtar, legend of, 29.
Kalevala, 184, 191.
Kore, 33: gnostic-pagan worship of, 34-35, 65.
Mariolatry, 65, 69, 72.
Mexican religion, 3.
Montanism, 67.
Mother of God, 38, 66.
Names, religious influence of, 32, 184-192.
Parthenos, 37-38: _cf._ 65, 69, 70.
Peruvian religion, 3.
Phrygian religion, 24, 62, 66-68.
Prayer (_vide_ Spell) definition of, 165: distinction between prayer and spell, 167-169: antagonism between them, 193-194: objects of prayer, progress from material to spiritual, 173-174: prayer a form of communion with the deity, 174: Christian theory of prayer, 227-228: survival of spell in Christian liturgy, 228-230: Egyptian prayer, 188; dominated by spell, 224-227: English, earliest example of spell-prayer, 194: Eleusinian spell-prayer, 194: Hellenic prayer, 187, 200-205, 207; Hellenic spells, 196; spell prayer, 199-200; theory of prayer in Hellenic philosophy, 206: Iranian liturgical magic, 199; prayers and spells in Zarathustrian ritual, 213-218: Latin prayer, 185: Roman spell-prayer, 195: Peruvian prayer, 183 n. 3: savage examples of real prayer, 182-183: Umbrian prayer, 186: Vedic spell-formulæ combined with prayer, 208-213.
Purification: primitive ideas concerning pure and impure substances, 89-91: analysis of primitive sensation of impurity, 92-98: purification after battle, 94; after funerals, 96: logical development of idea of purity, 98-101: psychological effect of impure contact, 102-103: purity connected with belief in spirits, 103-104; dualism of good and evil spirits, 105: with belief in gods, 106: earliest concept non-moral, 110-111: evolution of idea of “pure heart,” 111-115: cathartic sacrifice, 120-122: opposition between spiritual and ritualistic {234} purity, 123: Iranian ideas, 97, 101, 107, 115, 127-132: Jewish, 124, 126: Hellenic, 132-139; influence on Hellenic law, 140-152: influence of idea of purity on religious institutions, 152-160.
Rebirth, mystic sense of, 57.
Resurrection, belief in, 60-62: resurrection of divinity, 68.
Sacrifice, 64, 120-122.
Saint-worship, 77.
Savagery, survival of, in higher religion, 10, 11, 15, 17.
Scapegoat, cathartic use of, 119, 120.
Spell, examples of spell-prayer, 169, 170, 175, 180: spell-value of the name in lower and higher religions, 184-192: use of narrative as a spell-form of suggestion (Navajo prayer), 181-182: knowledge of origin of person or substance useful for spell-purposes, 190-193: progress from spell to prayer, 171-173.
Teutonic religion, 41, 51, 53, 55, 57, 78-80: ideas of purity, 107-109.
Thiasoi, 48-49.
Totemism, 13.
Transference of sin, 116-119.
Trinitarian ideas, 73-74.
Virginity, exaltation of, 70-71.
ENDNOTES
LECTURES I AND II NOTES
[3.1] Garcilasso de la Vega, _Royal Commentary of the Incas_ (Hakluyt Society): Sahagun--transl. Jourdanet et Siméon.
[3.2] Jacob Laskowski, _vide_ Usener, _Götternamen_, p. 82, etc.
[6.1] _Golden Bough_, 2nd ed., vol. iii. p. 186.
[13.1] For instance, an ancestor may for certain reasons be worshipped in the form of a snake, and yet this need not imply a snake-tribe or any tribal worship of snakes in general.
[26.1] _Vide infra_, pp. 192, 193.
[26.2] _E.g._ _De Civ. Dei._, bk. 2, ch. 6: deos paganorum nunquam bene vivendi sanxisse doctrinam.
[27.1] Plutarch, _Parallela_, 35. _Vide_ my _Cults of Greek States_, vol. i. p. 93.
[28.1] Servius, _Æn._ iii. 121.
[28.2] _Ibid._, ii. 801.
[29.1] _Sacred Books of the East_, vol. iv. (ed. Mills), p. 211.
[29.2] _Vide_ account of these in _Revue des Études grecques_, xiii. (1900), p. 233, and _Annuaire de l’Association pour l’encouragement des Études grecques_, 1871, p. 92.
[31.1] _Protrept._, 12, § 120 (p. 92 P).
[33.1] I have noticed the evidence of this in my forthcoming third volume of the _Cults of the Greek States_.
[34.1] _C.I.G._, 4697.
[34.2] _Haeres._ 51, 22; Dindorf, vol. ii. p. 483, 12-29: _vide_ Philologus, 16, p. 354. I find that the view I have taken of this important text agrees on the whole with that of Usener in his _Untersuchungen_, p. 27.
[37.1] That Aion was a real figure of Mithraic religion has been finally proved by the _Mithras-Liturgie_, published by Dieterich, p. 4, l. 21.
[37.2] Usener quotes a few examples from the liturgy of the Greek Church and one or two from patristic literature, _Religionsgesch_. _Untersuchungen_, 1, p. 28, n. 5: some of these are poetical.
[38.1] _Vide_ Artemis R. 37, in my _Cults of the Greek States_, vol. ii. p. 567.
[38.2] Paus. 4, 33, 4: inscription in Dittenberger, _Sylloge_(2), 653.
[38.3] Vide _Report of American School at Athens_, vol. i., inscr. No. xxvi.
[39.1] _Vide_ chapter on Cybele in the forthcoming third volume of my _Cults of the Greek States_.
[42.1] _Anth. Pal._ xi. 269, “I am Heracles, the triumphant son of Zeus; I am not Luke, but they compel me.”
[42.2] _Ephemeris Archaiologiké_, 1900, πίν. 5.
[43.1] Theocritus, _Id._ 7, 106.
[43.2] _Cults of Greek States_, vol. ii. p. 735: R. 25b.
[44.1] _Cf._ the method of Greco-Egyptian magic of strangling birds before the idol of Eros, in order that their breath may animate it, mentioned in an Abraxas papyrus, _Class. Rev._ 1896, p. 409.
[45.1] _Vide_ Schrader, _Real-Lexikon_, _s.v._ Eid.
[45.2] _Ad Nat._ i. 12.
[47.1] The _Tatu_, _Tat_, or _Ded_ pillar erected in the ritual of Osiris, perhaps as a symbol of the resurrection of the god, had the form of a cross: _vide_ Frazer, _Golden Bough_(2), ii. p. 141.
[48.1] Vide _Palace of Knossos_: Provisional Report for year 1903, p. 92: the writer quotes Babylonian and Assyrian examples.
[49.1] Epist. 395: the doctrines of the Orphic sects from the fourth century B.C. onwards also emphasised the kinship of man with God, as the well-known Orphic tablets, found in South Italy and Crete, reveal (_Hell. Journ._ 3, p. 112: Miss J. Harrison, _Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Religion_: Appendix by Prof. Murray, p. 660). In the pseudo-Platonic _Axiochus_, p. 371 D, the sick man is assured of salvation as being “of the family of God” γεννήτης τῶν θεῶν.
[50.1] _E.g._ a priest of Megalopolis, a hierophantes of the Great Goddesses, is spoken of as descended from “those who first established the mystic worship of the Great Goddesses among the Arcadians,” _Eph. Archaiol._ 1896, p. 122: the priests of Poseidon at Halikarnassos traced their descent from those who brought his cult from Troezen at the foundation of the city, _C.I.G._ 2655.
[50.2] At Cos, _vide_ Paton and Hicks, _Inscriptions of Cos_, No. 103 (Roman Imperial period).
[51.1] _E.g._ the priest of Cybele at Pessinus, and the priest of Ma in the two Comanas.
[52.1] _Vide_ Golther, _Handbuch der germanischen Mythologie_, p. 612, 617.
[53.1] _Vide_ my paper in the _Archiv für Religionswissenschaft_, 1904, on “The Position of Women in Ancient Religion.”
[54.1] _Vide infra_, p. 72.
[54.2] See King, _Babylonian Religion_, p. 211.
[55.1] _Vide_ chapter on “Apollo Cult” in my forthcoming fourth volume of _Cults_.
[55.2] Plutarch, _Apophtheg. Lacon._ p. 229 D: Lysander is told by the priest that before initiation he must confess his worst sin: he asks if this was the gods’ command or the priests’, and on hearing that it was the gods who enjoined it, he replied, “Then do you stand aside and I will tell the gods if they ask me.”
[55.3] _Opp. Ep._ 96.
[55.4] _Vide_ Herzog, _Real-Encyclopädie_, _s.v._ _Beichte_.
[56.1] Jourdanet et Siméon, p. 24.
[57.1] Heszch, _s.v._ Ἀμφιδρόμια.
[57.2] _Vide_ Golther, _op. cit._ p. 555.
[57.3] _Polit._ p. 1336 B.
[57.4] In the Attis Mysteries the reborn and initiated were fed on milk--Sallustius, _De Diis et Mundo_, 4: for a careful treatment of the whole question, _vide_ Dieterich, _Eine Mithras-Liturgie_, pp. 157-178: for various savage parallels showing the prevalence in primitive societies of the idea of death and rebirth at initiation, _vide_ Frazer, _Golden Bough_, vol. iii. pp. 424-446.
[58.1] _Vide_ Herzog, _Real-Encycl._, xii. p. 319.
[58.2] _Vide_ Trede, _Das Heidenthum in der römischen Kirche_, vol. i. p. 280, “Neue und alte Fest-Lust.”
[60.1] _Vide_ Frazer’s _Golden Bough, passim_, especially vol. ii. pp. 115-168 (death and resurrection in rites of Adonis, Attis, Osiris, Dionysos), and vol. iii. pp. 138-200: _cf._ articles by Bernard Cook in _Classical Review_, 1903, 1904, on “Zeus Jupiter and the Oak”: we must distinguish between the simulated death of the divine effigy, and the simulated or real death of the human representative of divinity. In Hellenic religion we can trace the idea in the worship of Pan, in the legends and ritual of Artemis-Iphigenia and Aphrodite, vide _Cults of the Greek States_, vol. ii. pp. 440-442, 650-652, and in the Cretan worship of Zeus, vol. i. pp. 36-38: but it had lost its vitality in the purely Hellenic cults of the classical period, and was only real and energetic in the legends and ritual of Adonis and Dionysos.
[61.1] _Vide_ Dio Chrys., vol. ii. p. 16 (Dindorf), and K. O. Müller’s _Sardon und Sardanapal_ (_Kleine Schriften_, vol. ii. p. 100): on a coin published in British Museum Catalogue, “Lycaonia,” etc., pl. xxxiii. 2, p. 180, we see the god on his lion standing on what may be his pyre.
[62.1] _Vide_ especially Hippol., _Ref. Haeres._ 5, p. 118 (Miller): Macrob., _Saturn._ 1, 21, 7: Arnobius, _Adv. Gent._ 5, 7, 16; 7, 49: Julian, _Or._ 5, 168 C.
[62.2] _De error._ c. 22.
[63.1] For the Greek origin of the Christian apocalyptical literature, _vide_ Dieterich, _Beitrage zur Erklärung der neu-entdeckten Petrus Apokalypse_, Leipzig, 1893. The clearest trace of Orphic influence on historic Christianity is the doctrine of purgatory, which was popularised for the later ages by Vergil’s VIth _Æneid_: _vide_ especially the purgatorial theory in Servius’ Commentary, _Æn._ vi. 741.
[65.1] _Hibbert Journal_, January 1904.
[66.1] Alexis in Stobæus, _Florileg._ (Meineke), vol. iii. p. 83.
[67.1] _Vide_ Herzog, _Real-Encycl._, _s.v._ “Montanismus”: _cf._ the article there on “Maria” and the chapter in Trede, _op. cit._ vol. ii., “Die grosse Mutter.”
[68.1] Euseb. _v. Const._, iii. 43, 2.
[69.1] Vide _Cults of the Greek States_, pp. 650-652.
[69.2] One of the Babylonian goddesses is addressed in the same hymn as “Mother, wife, and maid,” Jastrow, _Relig. Babyl. Assyr._, p. 459.
[70.1] Vide _Cults of the Greek States_, vol. ii., Artemis, R 133: _cf._ Paus. 8, 13, 1.
[70.2] I am treating this question in an appendix to the Cybele chapter in vol. iii. of my _Cults_, etc.
[71.1] _E.g._ fragment of Naumachius in Stobæus, _op. cit._, vol. iii. pp. 16-17.
[72.1] _Vide_ specially Trede, _Das Heidenthum in der römischen Kirche_: Renan, _Les origines du christianisme_, vol. vii. 572-573. The resemblances are particularly striking between the Catholic and the Isiac sacerdotalism.
[72.2] Hæres., 79.
[72.3] Herod., 4, 33.
[73.1] _Cf._ the prayer to Ninlil or Belit (a parallel form to Ischtar) of Asarhaddon, “may the lips of Nin-lil, the Mother of the Great God, utter daily a gracious word before Aschur for the King of Assyria” (Jastrow, _op. cit._ p. 525). Mary was chiefly worshipped in the same way as an intercessor.
[73.2] For the identity of Father and Son in the later Mithraic cult-dogma, _vide_ Dieterich, _Eine Mithras-Liturgie_, p. 68: for the Trinitarian idea in Mithraism, _vide_ Cumont, _Die Mysterien von Mithra_ (_deutsche Ausgabe_), pp. 96, 145: Mr Cook endeavours to trace it in the old Pelasgian cult of Zeus, _Class. Rev._ 1903, 1904: vide _Hell. Journ._, 1901, p. 139, for Trinitarian symbolism in Carthaginian worship. (Note a certain mystic sanctity attached to the triad in later Greek philosophy, _e.g._ in Porphyry, Serv., Verg., _Ecl._, 5, 66: Io. Lydus, _de Mens._, 2, 19.)
[74.1] _Sacred Books of the East_, vol. xxxi. pt. iii. p. 278.
[75.1] Vide _Cults of the Greek States_, vol. i. p. 306.
LECTURE III NOTES
[91.1] _De Mysteriis_, 5, 23.
[97.1] _Sacred Books of the East_, vol. iv., Zend-Avesta, pt. i. pp. 58-59.
[99.1] _E.g._ onions, pease-soup, cheese: I-Tsing, _Records of the Buddhist Religion_, p. 138, “onions have a foul smell and are impure”: _cf._ list of impure substances in ritual inscription of Rhodes, _C.I.G. Ins. Mar. Æg._ i. No. 789.
[99.2] _Sacred Books of the East_, Zend-Avesta, pt. i. p. 105.
[101.1] _C.I.A._, 3, 73.
[101.2] The purifying power that ashes possess in certain ritual may be derivative from fire.
[103.1] _Op. cit._, pt. i. p. 120.
[104.1] _E.g. op. cit._, pp. 201, 204.
[105.1] _E.g._ Porphyry in Euseb., _Præp. Evang._, 4, 22.
[106.1] Steinmetz, _Die Entwickelung der Strafe_, vol. ii. p. 355.
[106.2] _Cf._ “Ye shall be holy, for I am holy,” Lev. xi. 44; Deuteron. xxiii. 12.
[107.1] Jastrow, _op. cit._, p. 500.
[108.1] _Germania_, c. 40.
[108.2] Golther, _op. cit._ p. 570.
[108.3] Golther, _op. cit._ p. 607.
[112.1] Casalis, _Les Bassoutos_, p. 269: among the Zulus, sin and dirt are spoken of as the same,--“You have dirt, you are dirty” = “You have done wrong,” Leslie, _Among the Zulus_, p. 170. (These and other references to the evidence from savage society I owe to the kindness of my friend Mr R. Marett.)
[113.1] P. 301.
[114.1] Andoc., _De Myst._, 110.
[115.1] _Op. cit._, p. 102.
[116.1] The same kind of ceremonious logic inspires the practice of the Damaras, who, when making peace with an alien tribe, go into a river with their foes and throw water into their faces to wash away enmity.--Sir J. E. Alexander, _Expedition and Discoveries_, vol. ii. p. 171.
[117.1] Veniaminoff ap. Petroff, _Alaska_, p. 158.
[117.2] Molina, _Fables and Rites of the Yncas_ (Hakluyt Society), p. 22.
[118.1] Lev. xvii.
[118.2] 2, 39.
[119.1] The cathartic process of transference applied to plague as well as actual sin, _e.g._ Aristotle, _Frag._, 454, transference of disease into a raven.
[119.2] Serv., _Æn._ 3, 57.
[120.1] In modern India a criminal and his wife sometimes undertake to transfer into their own persons the sins of the Rajah and the Rani: _Anthrop. Journ._, 1901, p. 302.
[120.2] _Vide_ chapter on Apollo Ritual, _Cults_, vol. iv.
[121.1] _Cf._ Blood-purification in Vedic ritual, Hillebrandt, _Vedische Opfer und Zauber_, p. 179 (evil spirits driven away by a reed dipped in blood of the sacrifice, p. 176): in the Lupercalia at Rome the foreheads of youths were smeared with the blood of the sacrificed goat and dog and then wiped with wool dipped in milk, probably a piacular ceremony; _vide_ W. Fowler, _The Roman Festivals_, p. 311.
[121.2] _Cf._ Apollon. Rhod., 4, 478, for pig’s blood in purification from murder.
[122.1] Numbers c. 19.
[124.1] Levit. xvi. 2.
[125.1] Numbers xxxi. 19.
[125.2] Numbers xxxv.
[125.3] Numbers xxxv. 25.
[126.1] Deuteron. xxi.
[127.1] _Sacred Books of the East_, vol. iv. part i. p. 81.
[128.1] _Sacred Books of the East_, vol. iv. part i. p. 204.
[128.2] _Ib._ p. 88.
[128.3] _Ib._ p. 136.
[129.1] _Sacred Books of the East_, vol. iv. p. 28.
[130.1] _Sacred Books of the East_, vol. iv. p. 56; _cf._ p. 141.
[130.2] The virtue of chastity is religious rather than ethical; the courtesan is reprobated because she mingles the seed of believers and unbelievers alike, _ib._ p. 205. Yet the Zarathustrian system escaped the extravagant exaltation of mere virginity that is found in early Christian literature: “the man who has a wife is far above him who lives in continence” (Fargard, iv.-iii. _b_, p. 46).
[131.1] _Sacred Books_, vol. iv. p. 216.
[131.2] _Ib._ p. 216.
[132.1] _Sacred Books_, vol. iv. p. 87.
[135.1] Livy, 40, 6, 1-3: the whole host was led between the severed limbs of a dog.
[135.2] Herod., 8, 27.
[136.1] Plutarch, _Quæst. Græc._, 24.
[136.2] Stobæus, _Florileg._ Meineke, vol. ii. p. 184.
[137.1] Mullach, _Frag. Philos._, Adespota.
[137.2] _Anth. Pal._, 14, 71.
[137.3] _Ib._ No. 74.
[138.1] Wilamowitz, _Isyllos_, 6; _Anth. Pal._, Adespota, ccxxxiii. _b_: _cf._ inscription from Astypalaia in Collitz, _Dialect-Inschriften_, No. 3472.
[138.2] _C.I.G. Ins. Mar. Æg._ 1, 789.
[139.1] In Neæram, § 85.
[139.2] Clem. Alex., _Strom._, 619, Pott.
[140.1] I believe that the trial scene on the shield of Achilles, rightly interpreted, implies that the community are beginning to decide whether the avenger shall accept the were-gilt or not.
[142.1] _Die Entwickelung der Strafe_, vol. ii. p. 347.
[143.1] An example is given by Steinmetz, _op. cit._ ii. p. 336, of the punishment of incest among the _Pasemaher_: the guilty pair were buried alive with a hollow pipe reaching from their mouths to the top of the earth: if they survived seven days of this agony their lives were spared: no explanation is offered, but it is not improbable that the law is inspired by the idea that the earth could absorb their impurity.
[144.1] _Sacred Books_, vol. iv. p. 169 (pt. i.).
[145.1] Vide _Cults of the Greek States_, vol. i. pp. 66-69: Steinmetz, _op. cit._, vol. ii. p. 345, discusses a record concerning the Ossetes, who live habitually in the system of the blood-feud, to the effect that a person guilty of parricide was surrounded and burnt in his house by the whole people, and he suggests that this may be the first example among them of a State cognisance of murder.
[147.1] Antiphon, _Or._ 6, p. 764: _cf._ Eurip., _Hecuba_, pp. 291-292.
[148.1] Demosthenes, _c. Aristocrat._, pp. 643-644.
[148.2] Antiphon, p. 686.
[149.1] Plato, _Laws_, 873 A-B: Demosth., _c. Euerg._, p. 1160.
[149.2] P. 749; _cf._ 764.
[149.3] _Laws_, pp. 854, 865.
[149.4] Demosthenes, _c. Aristocrat._, p. 643.
[149.5] Antiphon, p. 709.
[150.1] Demosthenes, _op. cit._, p. 645: _cf._ the account in Pausanias, 5, 27, 10, of the purification by the Eleans at Olympia of the bronze ox which had caused the death of a boy.
[151.1] Drako appears to have systematised it, but it may have existed as custom-law before his period.
[151.2] Paus., 1, 19, 1; 1, 28, 10: Plut., _vit. Thes._, 12, 18: Demosth., _c. Aristocrat._, 74.
[152.1] We note the legend that purification was refused to Ixion, and the express statement that no one would purify King Pausanias from his brutal crime against the Olynthian maiden.
[152.2] The procedure by ordeal, prevalent in the ancient world and common among contemporary savages, is probably derived from an animistic conception of purity: the primitive theory appears to be that, if the person is innocent, the pure spirit within him makes his body able to resist the trial, and is not dependent upon any idea of a higher god of righteousness. The ordeal procedure is very common in African society: Post, _Afrikanisch. Jurisprud._, 2, p. 110.
[154.1] _E.g._ the Eleusinian, Mithraic, and Phrygian Mysteries: for examples of it in savage initiation rites, see _Annual Report Smithsonian Institute_, 1899-1900, p. 435.
[157.1] Sahagun, Jourdanet, pp. xxxix. and 455.
[157.2] _Vide supra_, p. 57.
[157.3] Vide _Archiv für Religionswissenschaft_, 1904, pp. 401-409.
[158.1] Duchesne, _Origines du culte Chrétien_, transl. by M’Clure, p. 296.
[159.1] Sahagun, _op. cit._, pp. 340-341.
[159.2] _Vide_ Herzog, _Real-Encyclop._, _s.v._ _Beichte._
[160.1] King, _Babylonian Religion_, p. 212.
[160.2] _Vide_ Von der Goltz, _Das Gebet_, p. 297: Cabrol, _Prière Antique_, p. 316: the aspersion with holy water in the present Roman ritual does not seem to have been obligatory in the early period: _vide_ Duchesne, _Origines_, p. 404, Engl. transl.
LECTURE IV NOTES
[164.1] An interesting and original contribution to the solution of the question will be found in a recent paper by Mr R. Marett in _Folk-Lore_, 1904, “From Spell to Prayer.”
[166.1] _Vide_ A. Lang, _The Making of Religion_.
[167.1] Vide _Anthropolog. Journ._, 1904, p. 165.
[169.1] R. Marett, _op. cit._, p. 145.
[170.1] _Man_, 1902, p. 104.
[170.2] Frazer, _Golden Bough_(2) iii. 83.
[170.3] Plutarch, 693 F.
[170.4] At the Anthesteria, Photius, _s.v._ θύραζε κῆρες: Hesych., _s.v._
[171.1] Frazer, _op. cit._, iii. 98: _vide_ Marett, _op. cit._, p. 163.
[171.2] _Primitive Culture_, vol. ii. (concluding chapter).
[175.1] Marett, _op. cit._, p. 152.
[176.1] Tylor, _op. cit._, ii. p. 334.
[176.2] Frazer, _Golden Bough_,(2) vol. ii. p. 212.
[177.1] _Annual Report of Smithsonian Institute_, “Study of Sioux Cults, by Dorsey,” 1899-1900, p. 381, etc.
[178.1] _Peabody Museum Reports_, vol. iii. p. 276, etc.
[178.2] _Annual Report Smithsonian Institute_, 1899-1900, pp. 420-421.
[178.3] Tylor, _op. cit._, ii. p. 331.
[178.4] _Folk-Lore_, 1904, p. 168: _Toda Prayer_, W. H. R. Rivers.
[179.1] Published by Carl Sapper in _Nördliches Mittel-Amerika_, vide _Archiv für vergl. Relig. Wiss._, 1904, p. 468.
[180.1] Budge, _Egyptian Magic_, p. 49.
[180.2] Jastrow, _Religion Babyloniens Assyriens_, p. 490: _cf._ the formula in the prayer of one of the early kings to the goddess Ga-túm-dug: “I have no mother--Thou art my mother: I have no father--Thou art my father,” Jastrow, p. 395.
[180.3] _Sacred Books_, vol. xlvi. p. 23.
[181.1] Vol. I.
[183.1] Tylor, _Prim. Cult._, ii. p. 333.
[183.2] Tylor, _op. cit._, ii. p. 335.
[183.3] I have only space to make a summary reference here to the very noteworthy collection of Peruvian prayers preserved by De Molina, _Fables and Rites of the Yncas_, p. 28, etc., 38, 56: they have all the character of pure prayer, and occasionally reach a high spiritual level: the only appearance of magic is in the sacrifice that accompanies the singular petition “that the Creator and the sun may remain ever young.”
[184.1] _Vide_ also Andrian in _Deutsch. Gesellsch. Anthropol._, xxvii., 1896, p. 109.
[185.1] Serv., _Æn._, 2, 351.
[185.2] _Fr._ 781, _Phaethon._
[185.3] _Vedic Hymns_ (_Sacred Books_, etc.), pt. ii. p. 378.
[187.1] l. 160: cf. _Plat. Crat._, 400 E., “It is our custom in our prayers to call the gods by whatsoever name they most rejoice to be called by.”
[187.2] _Vedic Hymns_, pt. ii., pp. 281, 372.
[188.1] Budge, _op. cit._, p. 161.
[188.2] Budge, _op. cit._, pp. 137-141.
[188.3] _Vide_ examples quoted by Ausfeld, _De Græcorum Precationibus_, p. 519.
[189.1] Ps. 54, 31.
[189.2] c. 23, v. 21.
[189.3] Joseph, _De bell. Jud._, 2, 8.
[189.4] Acts 8, 16; 19, 5.
[190.1] Von der Goltz, _Das Gebet_, p. 353.
[191.1] _Hymns of the Atharva-Veda_ (_Sacred Books_, etc., xlii. p. 167).
[191.2] _Vedic Hymns_, pt. ii. p. 391.
[192.1] _Cf._ a formula in an Egyptian papyrus published by Kenyon (122, v. 13), “I know thee, Hermes, who thou art and whence thou art and what city is the city of Hermes”: quoted by Ausfeld, _op. cit._ p. 524, _n._ 1.
[193.1] The “Merseburg charm,” old High German tenth-century MS.: _cf._ R. Chambers, _Fireside Stories_, Edinburgh, 1842. My attention was called to the great antiquity of this Norse charm by Prof. Napier, to whose kindness I owe these references.
[193.2] _Sacred Books_, xlii. p. 20.
[194.1] Golther, _op. cit._, pp. 647-648.
[194.2] In a pre-Conquest Cotton MS. in the British Museum, _vide_ Grein’s _Bibliothek der ängelsächsischen Poesie_: ed. Mülcker, vol. i. p. 316.
[195.1] Livy, 22, 10.
[196.1] De Re Rustica, 139, 141: Wordsworth, _Fragments and Specimens of Early Latin_, p. 335.
[196.2] Clemens, _Strom._, p. 754, Pott.
[197.1] _Eumen._, 332.
[198.1] Dittenberger, _Sylloge_(2), vol. iii. 816.
[198.2] Post, _Afrikanisch. Jurisprud._, 2, p. 128.
[199.1] Paus., 10, 12, 10.
[200.1] πλεῖστον οὖλον ἵει, ἴουλον ἵει, Athenæ., 618 E.
[200.2] The song sung by the children, probably an old weather-spell, called φιληλίας, with the refrain, ἔξεχ᾽ ὦ φίλ᾽ ἥλιε, Pollux, 9, 123, Athenæ., 619 B.
[201.1] _Ephem. Archaiol._, 1891, p. 82.
[201.2] Plato, _Alcibiad._, 2, p. 148 C.
[202.1] Collitz, _Dialect-Inschrift._, 1562, 1563, early fourth century B.C.
[202.2] Collitz, 3648.
[203.1] Roberts, _Greek Epigraphy_, vol. i. p. 304.
[203.2] Nem., 8, 35.
[203.3] Ol., 13, 115.
[203.4] Med., 635.
[203.5] Bergk, _Frag. Lyr. Græc._, vol. iii., Scolia 2.
[204.1] _Œcon._, 11, 8.
[204.2] _De Superst._, p. 116 D.
[204.3] Plat., _Phædr._, 279 B.
[204.4] Philostr., _Vit. Apoll._, 4, 41.
[205.1] Plat., _Alcib._, 2, p. 143 A.
[205.2] Epictet. (Schenkle), p. 479.
[205.3] _Id._, p. 158.
[205.4] Von der Goltz, _Das Gebet_, p. 292.
[206.1] Diog. Laert. 8, 16, 7: yet, according to Clemens, “The Pythagoreans enjoin that prayer should be uttered aloud, so that one might never pray for what one would be ashamed that others should hear,” _Strom._, p. 641, Pott.
[206.2] Porphyry ap. Proclus _in Tim._, 2, 64 B: Procl. _in Tim._, 2, 65: Sallustius, _De Diis et Mundo_, c. 16: _cf._ Max. Tyr., _Dissert._ xi.
[207.1] Vide _Archiv für vergl. Religionswissensch._, 1904, p. 395.
[207.2] The remarkable ethical fragment of an unknown philosopher, Eusebios, in Ionic dialect, quoted by Stobæus, περὶ ἀρετῆς, § 85 (vol. i. p. 39, Meineke), contains moral aspirations that strikingly resemble New Testament doctrine, and may possibly have been intended as a prayer, but it contains no appeal to a divinity: he may belong to the Neo-Platonic sect, _vide_ Orelli, _Opusc. Græc. Sentent._, vol. ii. p. 728.
[208.1] _Vedic Hymns_, pt. ii. p. 61.
[209.1] _E.g._, “Protect our people all around with those undeceived guardians of thine, oh Agni,” _ib._, p. 158.
[210.1] Atharva-Veda (_Sacred Books_, vol. xlii. p. 138).
[210.2] _Vedic Hymns_, pt. ii. p. 376.
[210.3] _Ib._, p. 273.
[210.4] _Ib._, p. 383.
[210.5] _Ib._, p. 352.
[211.1] Quoted by Prof. Tylor, _Primitive Culture_, vol. ii. p. 339, from Rig Veda, vii. 89, 3.
[211.2] _Vedic Hymns_, pt. ii. p. 181.
[211.3] _Ib._, p. 249.
[211.4] _Ib._, p. 354.
[211.5] Atharva-Veda, p. 164.
[212.1] Atharva-Veda, p. 163.
[212.2] _Ib._, p. 165.
[212.3] “Bring ye forward an ancient mighty speech to Agni.… May our prayers increase Agni,” _Vedic Hymns_, pt. ii. p. 259: _cf._ p. 391, “The prayers fill thee (oh Agni) with power and strengthen thee, like great rivers the Sindhu.”
[214.1] _Sacred Books_, etc., vol. iv. (_Zend-Avesta_, pt. i. p. 228).
[214.2] _Ib._, pp. 145-147.
[214.3] _Sacred Books_, etc., vol. xxxi. (_Zend-Avesta_, pt. iii. p. 262.)
[215.1] _Zend-Avesta_, pt. i. p. 246.
[215.2] _Cf._ the Greek sentiment, θυσία ἀρίστη γνώμη ἀγαθή, Joann. Damascen., _Sacr. Par._, tit. ix. p. 640.
[215.3] _Zend-Avesta_, pt. iii. p. 247.
[216.1] _Zend-Avesta_, pt. i. p. 138.
[217.1] Pt. i. p. 147.
[217.2] Pt. iii. pp. 33-34.
[217.3] _Ib._, p. 179.
[217.4] _Ib._, p. 106.
[217.5] _Ib._, p. 49.
[218.1] Pt. iii., p. 170.
[218.2] _Archiv f. Religionswiss._, 1904, p. 395.
[218.3] Von der Goltz, _Das Gebet_, p. 288.
[219.1] Jastrow, _Religion Babyloniens w. Assyriens_, vol. i. pp. 391-393, 423, 427.
[219.2] _Ib._, p. 497.
[219.3] S. Aug., _De Civ. Dei._, 10, 9.
[220.1] King, _Babylonian Religion_, p. 83.
[220.2] Jastrow, _op. cit._, p. 401.
[220.3] _Ib._, p. 402.
[221.1] Jastrow, _op. cit._, p. 408.
[221.2] _Ib._, p. 411.
[221.3] _Ib._, p. 501: the elevated tone of the old Babylonian royal liturgy was still preserved under the later Seleukid rule, _vide_ p. 414.
[222.1] Jastrow, _op. cit._, p. 501.
[222.2] _Ib._, p. 533.
[222.3] _Ib._, p. 536.
[223.1] Jastrow, _op. cit._, p. 509.
[224.1] Jastrow, _op. cit._, pp. 439-440.
[225.1] Budge, _Egyptian Magic_, pp. 108, 110, 120.
[225.2] _Ib._, p. 127.
[226.1] Budge, _Egyptian Magic_, p. 63.
[226.2] _Ib._, p. 119.
[226.3] _Ib._, p. 119.
[227.1] Budge, _Egyptian Magic_, p. 184.
[228.1] Origen, περὶ εὐχῆς, c. 10, 2.
[228.2] Clemens, _Strom._, vii., ch. 7, § 39, p. 854, Pott.
[228.3] _Ib._, § 38, p. 853, Pott.
[229.1] _Vide_ Von der Goltz, _op. cit._, p. 310.
[229.2] _Vide_ Usener, _Archiv für Religionswiss._, 1904, p. 293.
[230.1] _Vide supra_, pp. 181-182.
Transcriber’s Notes
This book is twelfth in the _Crown Theological Library_ series.
Page numbers are given in {curly} brackets.
Plain text version only: endnote markers are given in [square] brackets.
Minor spelling inconsistencies (_e.g._ childbirth/child-birth, Ahura-Mazda/Ahura Mazda, etc.) have been preserved.
Add title and author’s name to cover image.
Alterations to the text:
Convert footnotes to endnotes, relabel note markers (append the original note number to the page number), and add a corresponding entry to the TOC.
[Lecture IV]
Change “employs the same method as the Navajo _Sharman_ employed” to _Shaman_.
“all evil thoughts, all _evils_ words, all evil deeds I do unwillingly” to _evil_.
[End of text]
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The evolution of religionChapter V: Part 5
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