Chapter XIV: The Christian Church and the Greek Philosophy. Part II (3)

82 S. Aug. serm. 272, tom. v. p. 1104 c.

83 “Quid tibi fecit Ecclesia, ut eam velis quodammodo decollare?
Tollere vis Ecclesiæ caput et capiti credere, corpus relinquere,
quasi exanime corpus. Sine caussa capiti quasi famulus devotus
blandiris. Qui decollare vult, et caput et corpus conatur occidere.”
S. Aug. tom. v. p. 636.

84 S. Aug. in Ps. ci. tom. iv. p. 1105 d.

85 S. Augustine, tom. iv. p. 1677. “Elegit hic sibi thalamum castum,
ubi conjungeretur Sponsus Sponsæ. Verbum caro factum est, ut fieret
caput Ecclesiæ.”

86 By the “Gloria in excelsis,” &c. in the Mass.

87 Οὐδὲν γὰρ αὐτῶν καθ᾽ ἑαυτὸ σῶμα δύναται ποιεῖν, ἀλλ᾽ ὁμοίως ἕκαστον
λείπεται εἰς τὸ ποιεῖν σῶμα, καὶ δεῖ τῆς συνόδου; ὅταν γὰρ τὰ πολλὰ
ἓν γίνηται, τότε ἐστὶν ἓν σῶμα.... τὸ γὰρ εἶναι ἢ μὴ εἶναι σῶμα ἐκ
τοῦ ἡνῶσθαι ἢ μὴ ἡνῶσθαι γίνεται.... τῶν γὰρ μελῶν ἡμῶν ἕκαστον καὶ
ἴδιαν ἐνέργειαν ἔχει καὶ κοινήν; καὶ κάλλος ὁμοίως καὶ ἴδιον καὶ
κοινόν ἐστιν ἐν ἡμῖν, καὶ δοκεῖ μὲν διηρῆσθαι ταῦτα, συμπέπλεκται δὲ
ἀκιβῶς, καὶ θατέρου διαφθαρέντος καὶ τὸ ἕτερον συναπόλλυται. S.
Chrys. on 1 Cor. xii. tom. x. pp. 269, 271, 273.

88 S. Aug. _Op. imp. contr. Julian._ lib. ii. tom. x. p. 1018 d.

89 “Grana illa quæ modo gemunt inter paleas, quæ massam unam factura
sunt, quando area in fine fuerit ventilata.” S. Aug. in Ps. cxxvi.
tom. iv. p. 1429.

90 See Origen on Matt. xiv. 17. καὶ ὁ κτίσας γε ἀπ᾽ ἀρχῆς τὸν κατ᾽
εἰκόνα ὃς ἐν μορφῇ Θεοῦ ὑπάρχων ἄῤῥεν αὐτὸν ἐποίησε, καὶ θῆλυ τὴν
ἐκκλησίαν, ἓν τὸ κατ᾽ εἰκόνα ἀμφοτέροις χαρισάμενος; καὶ καταλέλοιπέ
γε διὰ τὴν ἐκκλήσιαν κύριος ὁ ἀνὴρ πατέρα ὃν ἑώρα, ὅτε ἐν μορφῇ Θεοῦ
ὑπῆρχε, καταλέλοιπε δὲ καὶ τὴν μητέρα καὶ αὐτὸς υἱὸς ὢν τῆς ἂνω
Ἱερουσαλὴμ, καὶ ἐκολλήθη τῇ ἐνταῦθα καταπεσούσῃ γυναικὶ αὐτοῦ, καὶ
γεγόνασιν ἐνθάδε οἱ δύο εἰς σάρκα μίαν. διὰ γὰρ αὐτὴν γέγονε καὶ
αὐτὸς σὰρξ, ὅτε ὁ λόγος σὰρξ ἐγένετο καὶ ἐσκήνωσεν ἐν ἡμῖν, καὶ
οὐκέτι γέ εἰσι δύο, ἀλλὰ νῦν μία γέ ἐστι σὰρξ, ἔπει τῇ γυναικὶ
λέγεται τὸ, ὑμεῖς δέ ἐστε σῶμα Χριστοῦ καὶ μέλη ἐκ μέρους, οὐ γάρ
ἐστί τι ἰδιᾳ Χριστοῦ σῶμα ἕτερον παρὰ τὴν ἐκκλησίαν οὖσαν σῶμα
αὐτοῦ, καὶ μέλη ἐκ μέρους. καὶ ὁ Θεός γε τούτους τοὺς μη δύο ἀλλὰ
γεγομένους σάρκα μίαν συνέζευζεν, ἐντελλόμενος ἵνα ἄνθρωπος μὴ
χωρίζη τὴν ἐκκλησίαν ἀπὸ τοῦ κυρίου.

91 As S. Irenæus, v. 20. “Omnibus unum et eundem Deum Patrem
præcipientibus, et eamdem dispositionem incarnationis Filii Dei
credentibus, et eamdem donationem Spiritus scientibus;” and S. Aug.
tom. v. app. p. 307 f. “Ecce iterum humanis divina miscentur, id
est, Vicarius Redemtoris: ut beneficia quæ Salvator Dominus
inchoavit peculiari Spiritus Sancti virtute consummet, et quod ille
redemit, iste sanctificet, quod ille acquisivit, iste custodiat.”
This striking sermon is quoted by Petavius as genuine, but placed by
the Benedictines in the appendix.

92 There is in the original words here something which is lost both in
the Vulgate and in the English translation. First, c. xiv. 6. ἐγώ
εἰμι ἡ ὁδὸς, καὶ ἡ ἀλήθεια, καὶ ἡ ζωή; then c. xvi. 13. ὅταν δὲ ἔλθη
ἐκεῖνος τὸ Πνεῦμα τῆς ἀληθείας, ὁδηγίσει ὑμᾶς εἰς πᾶσαν τὴν
ἀλήθειαν. As Christ is the ὁδὸς, so His Spirit is the ὁδηγῶν. “Ego
sum via et veritas; ille vos docebit omnem veritatem,” does not
render this: and as little, “I am _the way_, the truth, and the
life; He shall _lead_ you into all truth.”

93 S. Aug., quoted above in note.

94 This word is used as the equivalent of λόγος, _ratio_, _Vernunft_,
in man.

95 See Petavius _de Trin._ vii. 7, where he states it to be the general
belief of the ancient writers that a new and _substantial_ presence
of the Holy Ghost began at the day of Pentecost.

96 S. Aug. tom. v. 398 g.

97 S. Aug. tom. iii. pp. 2, 527.

98 Ib. tom. v. 47.

99 Ib. tom. v. 392 e.

100 S. Thomas in Joh. i. lec. 10: “Nam unitas Spiritus Sancti facit in
Ecclesia unitatem.”

101 ὁδηγεῖν.

102 Epist. 185. tom. ii. p. 663. “Proinde Ecclesia Catholica sola corpus
est Christi, cujus ille caput est, Salvator corporis sui. Extra hoc
corpus neminem vivificat Spiritus Sanctus, quia sicut ipse dicit
Apostolus; Caritas Dei diffusa est in cordibus nostris per Spiritum
Sanctum, qui datus est nobis. Non est autem particeps divinæ
caritatis, qui hostis est unitatis. Non habent itaque Spiritum
Sanctum qui sunt extra Ecclesiam.”

103 Matt. xxiv. 14.

104 See Möhler, _Die Einheit in der Kirche_, p. 176. “Der Körper des
Menschen ist eine Offenbarung des Geistes, der in ihm sein Dasein
bekundet, und sich entwickelt. Der Staat ist eine nothwendige
Erscheinung, eine Bildung und Gestaltung des von Gott gegebenen
κοινωνικόν.”

105 Möhler, _Einheit_, &c. p. 8. “Wie das Leben des sinnlichen Menschen
nur einmal unmittelbar aus der Hand des Schöpfers kam, und wo nun
sinnliches Leben werden soll, es durch die Mittheilung der
Lebenskraft eines schon Lebenden bedingt ist, so sollte das neue
göttliche Leben ein Auströmen aus den schon Belebten, die Erzeugung
desselben sollte ein Ueberzeugung sein.”

106 For instance, two passages on the Incarnation in S. Cyril of
Alexandria, tom. iv. pp. 819-824 and 918-920, set forth the whole
sequence of the Fall and the Restoration, and how wonderfully the
gift of the Spirit replaces what was lost in Adam.

107 See S. Cyril. Alex. _in Joan._ p. 997 e. ἐν δὲ τούτοις ἤδη πως καὶ
φυσικὴν τὴν ἑνότητα δεικνῦναι σπουδάζομεν, καθ᾽ ἢν ἡμεῖς τε ἀλλήλοισ
καὶ οἱ πάντες Θεῷ συνδούμεθα; κ.τ.λ.; and p. 998. τίς γὰρ ἂν καὶ
διέλοι καὶ τῆς εἰς ἀλλήλους φυσικῆς ἑνώσεως ἐξοικέοι τοὺς δι᾽ ἑνὸς
τοῦ ἁγίου σώματος πρὸς ἑνότητα τὴν εἰς Χριστὸν ἀναδεσμουμένουσ?

108 S. Iren. iv. c. 33, 7. ἀνακρινεῖ τοὺς τὰ σχίσματα ἐργαζομένους,
κένους ὄντας τῆς τοῦ Θεοῦ ἀγάπης, καὶ τὸ ἴδιον λυσιτελὲς σκοποῦντας,
ἀλλὰ μὴ τὴν ἕνωσιν τῆς ἐκκλησίας; καὶ διὰ μικρὰς καὶ τὰς ὑψούσας
αἰτίας τὸ μέγα καὶ ἔνδοξον σῶμα τοῦ Χριστοῦ τέμνοντας καὶ
διαιροῦντας, καὶ ὅσον τὸ ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἀναιροῦντας, τοὺς εἰρήνην
λαλοῦντας καὶ πόλεμον ἐργαζομένους, ἀληθῶς διυλίζοντας τὸν κώνωπα,
καὶ τὸν κάμηλον καταπίνοντας.

109 Acts ii. 3. ὤφθησαν αὐτοῖς διαμεριζόμεναι γλῶσσαι ὡσεὶ πυρὸς,
ἐκάθισέ τε ἐφ᾽ ἕνα ἕκαστον αὐτῶν, καὶ ἐπλήσθησαν ἅπαντες Πνεύματος
ἁγίου.

110 “Non jam visitator subitus, sed perpetuus consolator et habitator
æternus.” S. Aug. tom. v. d. app. p. 307.

111 Con. Crescou. lib. ii. c. 14, tom. ix. p. 418. “Hic Spiritus sanctus
veniens in eos tale signum primitus dedit, ut qui eum acciperent
linguis omnium gentium loquerentur, quia portendebat Ecclesiam per
omnes gentes futuram, nec quemquam accepturum Spiritum sanctum nisi
qui ejus unitati copularetur. Hujus fontis largo atque invisibili
flumine lætificat Deus civitatem suam, quia Propheta dixit: Fluminis
impetus lætificat civitatem Dei. Ad hunc enim fontem nullus
extraneus, quia nullus nisi vita æterna dignus accedit. Hic est
proprius Ecclesiæ Christi.”

112 Ἡ ἀλήθεια: there seems to be no one word in the New Testament of
more pregnant signification than this, which in a great number of
instances bears the sense of _the whole body of the divine
revelation_. The root of this meaning would seem to lie in Christ
Himself, who as the Divine Word is the αὐτοαλήθεια, the εἰκὼν of the
Father; on which title S. Athanasius and S. Cyril of Alexandria
specially dwell, while S. Hilary expresses the Blessed Trinity by
“Æternitas in Patre, Species in Imagine, Usus in Munere,” on which
see S. Augustine’s magnificent comment, _de Trin._ l. vi. 10, p.
850; and as our Lord is from eternity the Truth, so in and by His
Incarnation He becomes in a special sense the Truth to man: ἐγώ εἰμι
ἡ ὁδὸς, καὶ ἡ ἀλήθεια, καὶ ἡ ζωή: and so the Spirit who proceeds
from the Father and the Son, “ille ineffabilis quidam complexus
Patris et Imaginis” (S. Aug.), is τὸ Πνεῦμα τῆς ἀληθείας, who
ὁδηγήσει ὑμᾶς εἰς πᾶσαν τὴν ἀλήθειαν: and again, 1 John v. 6, τὸ
Πνεῦμά ἐστι τὸ μαρτυροῦν, ὅτι τὸ Πνεῦμά ἐστιν ἡ ἀλήθεια. This is the
first meaning. Secondly, as derived from it, the Truth is the whole
body of the divine revelation. In this sense it is used in a great
many places of S. John’s Gospel and the Apostolic Epistles, _e.g._
John i. 14, 17; viii. 31; xvi. 13; xvii. 17; xviii. 37; 1 John ii.
21; iii. 19; 2 John i. 1-3; 3 John 3, 4, 8, 12; 1 Tim. iii. 15,
where, because this whole body of truth dwells in the Church of
Christ and there alone, it is emphatically called the “House of God,
which is the Church of the living God, the pillar and ground of the
Truth;” 1 Tim. ii. 3; Rom. xv. 8; 2 Cor, iv. 2; xiii. 8; Gal. iii.
1; v. 7; Ephes. i. 13; iv. 21-24 (in which passage the Apostle
contrasts heathen man with Christian, the one, τὸν φθειρόμενον κατὰ
τὰς ἐπιθυμίας τῆς ἁπάτης; the other, τὸν κατὰ Θεὸν κτισθέντα ἐν
δικαιοσύνῃ καὶ ὁσιότητι τῆς ἀληθείας, and again, the mass of the
Gentiles, as τὰ ἔθνη περιπατεῖ ἐν ματαιότητι τοῦ νοὸς αὐτῶν,
ἐσκοτισμένοι τῇ διανοίᾳ, while Christians ἐν αὐτῷ ἐδιδάχθητε, καθώς
ἐστιν ἀλήθεια ἐν τῷ Ἰησοῦ); 2 Thess. ii. 8-13; 1 Tim. iv. 3; vi. 5;
2 Tim. ii. 15, 25; iii. 7, 8; iv. 4; Titus i. 1 and 14; Heb. x. 26;
Jac. v. 19; 1 Pet. i. 22; 2 Pet. ii. 2. In this second sense, as
signifying the whole body of the divine revelation, the expression
has been searched for, but without success, in the Gospels of S.
Matthew, S. Mark, and S. Luke, and in the Acts.

Thirdly, as the effect of this revelation to man, the Truth
signifies uprightness, as equivalent to justice or sanctity, in the
individual.

Fourthly, it means sincerity, absence of hypocrisy: and Fifthly,
correspondence to fact.

In the Apocalypse our Lord is designated “the holy, the true,” “the
Amen, the Witness faithful and true,” the rider of the white horse,
“called faithful and true,” “whose name is the Word of God.” iii. 7,
14; xix. 11.

113 “La creatura, la più amabile, la più amata, e la più amante di Dio.”
S. Alfonso, _Gran Mezzo della Preghiera_, p. 280.

114 Acts ii. 38.

115 “Non te fefellit sponsus tuus: non te fefellit qui suo sanguine te
dotavit.” S. Aug. tom. v. 1090 b.

116 “Quod tunc faciebat unus homo accepto Spiritu sancto, ut unus homo
linguis omnium loqueretur, hoc modo ipsa unitas facit, linguis
omnibus loquitur. Et modo unus homo in omnibus gentibus linguis
omnibus loquitur, unus homo, caput et corpus, unus homo, Christus et
Ecclesia, vir perfectus, ille sponsus, illa sponsa. Sed erunt,
inquit, duo in carne una; judicia Dei vera, justificata in idipsum:
propter unitatem.” S. Aug. in Ps. xviii. 2, tom. iv. 85 f.

117 Ephes. iv. 11-16. ἀληθεύοντες ἐν ἀγάπῃ. Joh. xvii. 19. ἡγιασμένοι ἐν
ἀληθείᾳ.

118 1 Cor. xii. 12. οὕτω καὶ ὁ Χριστός.

119 So says the great maintainer of episcopal power, S. Cyprian, in his
famous aphorism: “Episcopatus unus est, cujus a singulis in solidum
pars tenetur.”

120 Matt. xxiv. 14.

121 Rom. x. 15.

122 ἡ παράδοσις. It will be shown hereafter that the four great writers,
Irenæus, Tertullian, Clement of Alexandria, and Origen, unanimously
refer to Tradition in this sense.

123 See S. Irenæus, ii. 1. expressly stating this of S. Mark’s and S.
Luke’s Gospel, and of the Apostles generally: “quod (Evangelium)
quidem tunc præconaverunt, postea vero per Dei voluntatem in
Scripturis nobis tradiderunt;” which is repeated by Euseb. _Hist._
ii. 15, who declares that the Roman Christians, not content τῇ
ἀγράφῳ τοῦ θείου κηρύγματος διδασκαλία, besought Mark with many
prayers ὡς ἂν καὶ διὰ γραφῆς ὑπόμνημα τῆς διὰ λόγου παραδοθείσης
αὐτοῖς καταλείψοι διδασκαλίας, which S. Peter afterwards approved.

124 Luke i. 2-4.

125 John xx. 30.

126 As one instance out of many take the words of S. Paul, 2 Cor. i. 22:
“He that _confirms_ us with you is Christ, and that has _anointed_
us is God; who has also _sealed_ us, and given the pledge of the
Spirit in our hearts.” How differently would this passage appear to
one who had received the confirming chrism, with the words conveying
it, “_Signo_ te signo crucis, et _confirmo_ te _chrismate_ salutis;”
and to one who had lost the possession of this Sacrament. Those who
have deserted the ecclesiastical tradition and practice read the
Scriptures with a negative mind, and so fail to draw out the truth
which is in them.

127 Eine Gnadenanstalt: our language does not supply the expression.

128 Heb. iv. 2; Acts xvi. 14.

129 By Möhler.

130 See Macaulay’s Essays.

131 S. Aug. _de Trin._ iv. 11, 12, tom. viii. 817.

132 Tertullian, _Apol._ 50. “O gloriam licitam, quia humanam, cui nec
præsumptio perdita nec persuasio desperata deputatur in contemptu
mortis et atrocitatis omnimodæ, cui tantum pro patria, pro imperio,
pro amicitia pati permissum est, quantum pro Deo non licet.” See
again the instances he collects _ad Martyres_, 4; and Eusebius,
_Hist. 5_, proœm., draws the same contrast.

133 Celsus only alleges the suffering of Socrates as a parallel to that
of the martyrs. Origen _c. Cels._ i. 3.

134 With an appeal to this fact Athenagoras begins his apology to the
Emperors Marcus Aurelius and Commodus, about A.D. 177. ἑνὶ λόγῳ κατὰ
ἔθνη καὶ δήμους θυσίας κατάγουσιν ἂς ἂν ἐθέλωσιν ἄνθρωποι καὶ
μυστήρια. οἱ δὲ Αἰγύπτιοι καὶ αἰλούρους καὶ κροκοδείλους καὶ ὄφεις
καὶ ἀσπίδας καὶ κύνας θεούς νομίζουσι. καὶ τούτοις πᾶσιν ἐπετρέπετε
καὶ ὑμεῖς καὶ οἱ νόμοι ... ἡμῖν δὲ (καὶ μὴ παρακρουσθῆτε, ὡς οἱ
πολλοὶ, ἐξ ἀκοῆς) τῷ ὀνόματι ἀπεχθάνεσθε. Ch. i. See also Kellner’s
_Hellenismus und Christenthum_, p. 79; and Champagny, _Les
Antonins_, ii. 189.

135 1 Tim. vi. 13; ii. 6.

136 “Æmulos nos ergo Sibi esse voluit, ac primus virtute cœlesti
injustorum justus obtemperavit arbitrio; dans scilicet secuturis
viam, ut pius Dominus exemplum famulis Se præbendo, ne onerosus
præceptor a quodam putaretur. Pertulit ante illa quæ aliis
perferenda mandavit.” _Epist. Ecc. Smyr._ i. Ruinart, p. 31.

137 Apoc. ii. 2, 10, 14.

138 This is what Tertullian calls “sub umbraculo insignissimæ
religionis, certe licitæ,” _Apolog._ 21; and _ad Nationes_, i. 11,
“Nos quoque ut Judaicæ religionis propinquos.”

139 See Justin Martyr, _Dial. c. Tryph._ 17, who speaks of the Jews as
sending everywhere deputies in order to defame Christians.

140 Acts xxviii. 22.

141 Tacitus, _Ann._ xv. 44.

142 Ὁ Παῦλος, μαρτυρήσας ἐπὶ τῶν ἡγουμένων, οὕτως ἀπηλλάγη τοῦ κόσμου.
S. Clem. Rom. _ad Cor._ 5.

143 Tertull. _Apol._ 10. “Sacrilegii et majestatis rei convenimur: summa
hæc causa, immo tota est.” Lassaulx says, “die beiden Hauptanklagen,
die Religion-verachtung, die Majestäts-beleidigung.” _Fall des
Hellenismus_, p. 11.

144 Matt. x. 22; xxiv. 9.

145 S. Clemens Rom., writing just after Domitian’s time, associates as
sufferers with S. Peter and S. Paul in his own time πολὺ πλῆθος
ἐκλεκτῶν, οἵτινες πολλὰς αἰκίας καὶ βασάνους διὰ ζῆλον παθόντες
ὑποδεῖγμα κάλλιστον ἐγένοντο ἐν ἡμῖν. _Ad Cor._ 6.

146 Euseb. _Hist._ iv. 25; Tertull. _Apol._ 5.

147 In Tertullian’s words, “debellator Christianorum,” _Apol._ 5.

148 Thus a late Protestant writer, Schmidt (_Geschichte der Denk- und
Glaubensfreiheit_, p. 165), remarks of the condition of Christians,
“Vollkommen gewiss ist, dass unter Domitian eine neue Drangperiode
für die Christen begann, die sich in Verfolgungen, in Hinrichtungen,
und Verbannungen äusserte. (_Dio._ 67, 14, und die Ausleger.) Damals
soll auch der Apostel Johannes nach Pathmos verwiesen worden sein.
Erst Nerva lüftete wiederum diesen Druck, indem er den Verhafteten
die Freiheit gab, und die Verbannten zurückberief. (_Dio._ 68, 1.)
_Es war dies aber doch nur als eine Amnestie, als ein Gnadenact
anzusehen, nicht als eine Anerkennung der Unsträflichkeit, wie das
schwankende Verhalten des nicht minder hochherzigen und freisinnigen
Trajan zur Genüge darthut._”

149 Döllinger, _Heidenthum und Judenthum_, Vorwort, iv.

150 Justin, _Dialog. with Tryphon_, 117. Tertullian, 50 years later,
_adv. Judæos_, 7, goes beyond this.

151 Kellner, _Hellenismus und Christenthum_, p. 85.

152 Origen _cont. Cels._ i. 27.

153 Lib. iii.3. Ἔτι ἔναυλον τὸ κήρυγμα τῶν ἀποστόλων καὶ τὴν παράδοσιν
πρὸ ὀφθαλμῶν ἔχων, οὐ μόνος, ἔτι γὰρ πολλοὶ ἐπελείποντο τότε ἀπὸ τῶν
ἀποστόλων δεδιδαγμένοι: where τὸ κήρυγμα and ἡ παράδοσις τῶν
ἀποστόλων indicate the whole body of truth which they communicated
to the Church, whether written or unwritten.

154 S. Ign. _ad Smyrn._ 1 and 8.

155 S. Ignat. _ad Ephes._ i.-iv.

_ 156 Ad Ephes._ xix.

157 Another point on which S. Ignatius dwells repeatedly is the
receiving the flesh of Christ in the Eucharist: thus he says of the
heterodox, _ad Smyrn._ 6: “They abstain from the Eucharist and
prayer, because they do not confess that the Eucharist is that flesh
of our Saviour Jesus Christ which suffered for our sins, which in
His goodness the Father raised.”

158 He says, _ad Rom._ ii.: Ὅτι τὸν ἐπίσκοπον Συρίας ὁ Θεὸς κατηξίωσεν
εὑρεθῆναι εἰς δύσιν ἀπὸ ἀνατολῆς μεταπεμψάμενος. Merivale, _Hist._
c. lxv. p. 150, note 1, says, “We are at a loss to account for the
bishop being sent to suffer martyrdom at Rome.” This passage in the
epistle confirms the acts of martyrdom. It was the wish of Trajan to
make a great example, and the Bishop of Rome, S. Alexander, was at
this time in prison, and shortly afterwards martyred.

159 See _Epist. ad Magnes._ 13.

_ 160 Ad Trall._ 6.

_ 161 Ad Smyrn._ viii.

162 Compare with this expression of S. Ignatius that of the Church of
Polycarp, fifty years later, describing how after his martyrdom, σὺν
τοῖς Ἀποστόλοις καὶ πᾶσι δικαίοις ἀγαλλιώμενος, δοξάζει τὸν Θεὸν καὶ
Πατέρα, καὶ εὐλογεῖ τὸν Κύριον ἡμῶν καὶ κυβερνήτην τῶν [ψυχῶν τε
καὶ] σωμάτων ἡμῶν, καὶ ποιμένα τῆς κατὰ τὴν οἰκουμένην καθολικῆς
ἐκκλησίας. _Acta Polycarpi_, xix Ruinart, p. 45.

163 Ephes. iv. 4-16.

164 See Eusebius, _Hist._ iii. 37, who speaks exactly in this sense; and
an important passage in Döllinger, _Kallistus und Hippolytus_,
338-343, on the force of the word πρεσβύτερος, as Ecclesiæ Doctor,
one particularly charged with the magisterium veritatis. See also
Hagemann, _die Römische Kirche_, pp. 607-8.

165 Tillemont, _Ecc. Hist._ ii. 132.

166 Tertull. _Apol._ 5, and Euseb. _Hist._ v. 21, assert the existence
of this law.

167 Tillemont, _E. H._ ii. 182-3.

168 See the singular instance given by Euseb. v. 21, in the reign of
Commodus. An informer accuses Apollonius of being a Christian, at a
time when the imperial laws made such an accusation a capital
offence. The accuser is put to death; but Apollonius, who is
supposed to have been a senator, having made a brilliant defence
before the Senate, suffers martyrdom.

169 Duci jussi (confer Acts xii. 19, ἐκέλευσεν ἀπαχθῆναι). The extreme
brevity with which the most urbane, kind-hearted, and accomplished
of Roman gentlemen, as Mr. Merivale conceives him, describes himself
as having ordered a number of men and women to be put to death for
the profession of Christianity, is remarkable and significant.
Compare it with the bearing of his friend Trajan to S. Ignatius
below. As soon as the saint’s confession of “bearing the Crucified
in his heart” is specific, Trajan without a word of remark orders
his execution. The “duci jussi” of Pliny and Trajan’s manner in
sentencing perfectly correspond and bear witness to each other’s
authenticity. So later the like tone used by Junius Rusticus,
prefect of the city under Marcus Aurelius, to Justin Martyr, as will
be seen further on.

170 Pliny, _Ep._ x. 97, chiefly Melmoth’s translation.

_ 171 Acts of S. Ignatius_, Ruinart, pp. 8, 9.

_ 172 Ad Rom._ iv.

173 Ἐκκλησίᾳ—ἥτις καὶ προκάθηται ἐν τότῳ χωρίου Ῥωμαίων—προκαθημένη τῆς
ἀγάπης.

174 S. Chrysostom, _Hom. on S. Ignatius_, tom. ii. 600.

175 S. Ignatius in the 11th sec. of his epistle to the Smyrnæans
requests them to send a messenger to congratulate the church of
Antioch, ὅτι εἰρηνεύουσιν, καὶ ἀπέλαβον τὸ ἵδιον μέγαθος,
ἀποκατεστάθη αὐτοῖς τὸ ἴδιον σωματεῖον. The word σωματεῖον, or
corpusculum, indicates the completeness of a diocesan church with
its bishop, the whole Church being σῶμα Χριστοῦ, as S. Ignatius had
said in sec. I of the same epistle, ἐν ἑνὶ σώματι τῆς ἐκκλησίας
αὐτοῦ.

176 There is some doubt about the time of S. Ignatius’s martyrdom. We
suppose it to be at the end of Trajan’s reign. S. Alexander I. is
reckoned a martyr, and placed in the canon of the Mass next after S.
Ignatius, which seems to indicate a connection between their deaths.

177 So the persecution of Diocletian is said to have arisen from Apollo
declaring that the just who were upon the earth prevented him from
uttering true oracles; and a like answer was received by Julian the
Apostate at Antioch, where the relics of S. Babylas had been
translated by Gallus to Daphne, near a celebrated temple of Apollo.
Here Julian, offering in vain a great number of sacrifices to the
demon, was at length informed that the body of the saint condemned
him to silence, and ordered the Christians to remove it. S. Chrys.
tom. ii. 560.

178 Acts of S. Symphorosa, from Dom Ruinart, pp. 23-4.

179 Justin. 1 _Apol._ 1, 2.

180 Sec. 7.

181 Sec. 11.

182 Sec. 17.

183 Sec. 45.

184 Sec. 68. Chevallier’s translation, sometimes altered.

185 Origen _c. Cels._ i. 3. Περὶ τοῦ κρύφα Χριστιανοὺς τὰ ἀρέσκοντα
αὐτοῖς ποιεῖν καὶ διδάσκειν εἰπὼν, καὶ ὅτι οὐ μάτην τοῦτο ποιοῦσιν,
ἅτε διωθούμενοι τὴν ἐπηρτημένην αὐτοῖς δίκην τοῦ θανάτου.

186 Σὲ τὸν καθωσιωμένον ὥσπερ ἄγαλμα αὐτῷ δήσας ἀπάγει καὶ
ἀνασκολοπίζει. viii. 38, 39.

187 viii. 69; by this we should judge that the work of Celsus appeared
not long after the punishment of the Jews by Hadrian.

188 Attached to Justin’s first Apology.

189 See Trajan’s remark to S. Ignatius: “You mean him that was crucified
under Pontius Pilate.”

190 See the curious letter of Hadrian about the Alexandrians, in which
the Christians spoken of are probably heretics.

191 They are first mentioned at Rome in the reign of Alexander Severus.

192 See Origen _c. Cels._ vii. 62.

193 See Trajan’s question, “Who art thou who art zealous to transgress
our commands, besides persuading others to come to an evil end?”

194 Αἷρε τοὺς ἀθέους.

195 The Roman legionary, if he wished to lay aside his helmet, was only
allowed to go bareheaded.

196 Champagny remarks, that the emperors were never in the mind of the
Romans _sovereigns_ in the modern acceptation of the word, but
_life-presidents_ with absolute power.

197 Champagny, _Les Antonins_, iii. 311.

198 “Christianos esse passus est.” Lampridius.

199 Tillemont, _Hist. Ecc._ iii. 250.

_ 200 Apolog._ iv. “Jampridem, cum dure definitis dicendo, non licet esse
vos, et hoc sine ullo retractatu humaniore describitis, vim
profitemini et iniquam ex arce dominationem, si ideo negatis licere
quia vultis, non quia debuit non licere.”

201 “Res olim dissociabiles, principatum et libertatem.” Tacit. _Agric._
3.

202 “Primo statim beatissimi sæculi ortu.” _Ibid._

_ 203 Agricola_, 2.

204 See Döllinger, _Hippolytus und Kattistus_, p. 187, who quotes from
Dio Cassius, l. 75, p. 1267, Reimar. This was A.D. 203.

205 Tillemont, _Life of Severus_, iii. 75, from Dio: A.D. 206.

206 Tertullian, _ad Martyres_, 4: about A.D. 196.

207 Dio, quoted by Döllinger, ut supra.

208 Euseb. _Hist._ v. 21.

209 Tertullian, _Apol._ i. 37; _ad Scap._ 2.

210 De Rossi, _Archeol. Cristiana_, 1866, p. 33, makes this estimate.

211 From a passage in the account of the Martyrs of Lyons, A.D. 177
(Euseb. _Hist._ v. 1, p. 201, l. 3), it appears that the word
“Church” was only given to a mother or cathedral church by writers
of that time.

212 Thus S. Irenæus (iii. 3. 3) speaks of S. Peter and S. Paul as
θεμελιώσαντες καὶ οἰκοδομήσαντες the Church of Rome, and of the
Church of Ephesus (ibid. iv.) as τεθεμελιωμένη ὑπὸ Παύλου.

213 This S. Innocent states to S. Augustine and the African bishops in
417 as a fact well known to them: “Scientes quid Apostolicæ Sedi,
cum omnes hoc loco positi ipsum sequi desideremus Apostolum,
debeatur, _a quo ipse episcopatus et tota auctoritas nominis hujus
emersit_.” Coustant, _Epist. Rom. Pontif._ 888.

214 Photius, συναγωγαὶ καὶ ἀποδείξεις, quoted by Döllinger, _Hippolytus
und Kallistus_, p. 264, 5.

215 Can. 6. Concil. Nic. τὰ ἀρχαῖα ἔθη κρατείτω, τὰ ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ καὶ Λιβύῃ
καὶ Πενταπόλει, ὥστε τὸν Ἀλεξανδρείας ἐπίσκοπον πάντων τούτων ἔχειν
τὴν ἐξουσίαν, ἐπειδὴ και τῷ εν Ῥωμῃ επισκοπῳ τοῦτο συνηθεσ εστιν.
See Hagemann, _die Römische Kirche_, 596-8.

216 “Traducem fidei et semina doctrinæ.” _De Præscrip._ 20.

217 See Döllinger, _Hipp. u. Kall._ p. 338-343, for the meaning of this
word in the time of S. Irenæus, as carrying with it a special
magisterium fidei. “Presbyteros” was added as a title of honour to
the name of Bishop. In S. Irenæus tho same persons have as Bishops
the succession of the Apostles, as Presbyteri “the charisma of the
truth.” Papias marks the Asiatic Presbyteri as those who had heard
of S. John; and Clement of Alex. speaks of Presbyteri who, occupied
with the office of teaching, and deeming it diverse from that of
composition, did not write. _Eclogæ_ xxvii. p. 996.

218 I am indebted for the above sketch of Gnosticism mainly to Schwane,
_Dogmengeschichte der vornicänischen Zeit_, p. 648-51.

219 Tillemont, _Hist. des Emp._ iii. 281, deduces it from a passage of
Origen on S. Matt. tom. iii. p. 857 c.

_ 220 Frag. Epist. ad Florin._ tom. i. p. 340.

221 He seems to refer to Matt. x. 24: οὐκ ἔστι μαθητὴς ὑπὲρ τὸν
διδάσκαλον.

222 S. Irenæus, lib. iii. c. 2; lib. iii. c. 1.

223 “Quos et successores relinquebant, suum ipsorum locum magisterii
tradentes.”

224 S. Irenæus, lib. iii. c. 3, 4.

225 “Hoc enim Ecclesiæ creditum est Dei munus.”

226 Lib. iii. c. 24.

227 Lib. v. c. 20.

228 “Qui cum episcopatus successione charisma veritatis certum secundum
placitum Patris acceperunt.” iv. 26, 2; and 5, “ubi igitur
charismata Domini posita sunt, ibi discere oportet veritatem, apud
quos est ea quæ est ab apostolis ecclesiæ successio.”

229 S. Ignatius, quoted above, p. 206.

230 Schwane, p. 661.

231 Hagemann, p. 622.

232 Letter of the Synod of Arles to Pope Sylvester: “Quoniam recedere a
partibus istis minime potuisti, in quibus et Apostoli quotidie
sedent, et cruor ipsorum sine intermissione Dei gloriam testatur.”
Mansi, _Concilia_, ii. 469.

233 Tertull. _de Præsc._ 19, 20.

234 The word here stands evidently for the whole body of Christian
truth, rites, and discipline, the communication of which was a
sacramentum.

235 That is, he opposes the word _choosers_ to the word _Christians_;
the one signifying those who believe what they _choose_, the other
those who believe what Christ taught.

_ 236 De Præscrip._ 37.

237 ἡ τοῦ κυρίου κατὰ τὴν παρουσίαν διδασκαλία.

238 Clem. Alex. _Strom._ vii. 16, p. 890-894; 17, p. 897-900. The
sections 15-17, p. 886-900, treat of the spirit and conduct of
heresy.

_ 239 De Principiis_, pref. p. 47. See also on Matt. tom. iii. 864, a
passage equally decisive.

_ 240 Cont. Cels._ vi. 48, tom. i. 670.

_ 241 De Civ. Dei_, xvi. 2.

_ 242 De dono persev._ 53.

243 Enarr. in Ps. 54, tom. iv. 513.

244 Serm. 51, tom. v. 288.

245 S. Mark’s Gospel would be referred to S. Peter, and S. Luke’s
writings to S. Paul.

246 See Schwane, p. 779-80.

247 Schwane, p. 783-4.

248 “Quia a patribus ista accepimus in ecclesia legenda.” n. 47.

249 Stromata, vii. c. 16, p. 896.

250 See Kleutgen, _Theologie der Vorzeit_, iii. 957; Schwane, vol. i. 3.

251 L. iv. 26. 2, p. 262. “Quapropter _iis qui in Ecclesia sunt_
presbyteris obaudire oportet,” &c.

252 L. iii. 24, p. 223.

253 Schwane, p. 683.

254 Observed by Hagemann, p. 618, referring to the words of S. Irenæus,
“ad hanc enim Ecclesiam propter potiorem prinicipalitatem _necesse
est_ omnem convenire Ecclesiam,” &c. It must be remembered that the
proper word for the power which held together the whole Roman empire
was Principatus, the very word used by S. Augustine to express the
_original_ authority of the Roman See: “Romanæ Ecclesiæ, in qua
_semper_ apostolicæ cathedræ viguit _principatus_.” _Ep._ 43.

255 See Kuhn, _Einleitung in die katholische Dogmatik_, i. 345-6.

256 Guizot ranks Marcus Aurelius with S. Louis, as the only rulers who
preferred conscience to gain in all their conduct.

257 Maximus Tyrius, diss. 17, 12; Reiske, and diss, ii. 2. 10.

_ 258 Acta Martyrum sincera_, Ruinart, p. 58-60.

259 Ruinart, p. 67.

260 Ruinart, p. 68.

261 Ruinart, p. 69.

_ 262 Hist._ v. i. μυριάδας μαρτύρων διαπρέψαι στοχασμῷ λαβεῖν ἔνεστιν.

263 Ib, v. 21.

264 Clem. Alex. _Strom._ ii. c. 20, p. 494.

265 Euseb. _Hist._ vi. 1.

266 Champagny, _les Antonins_, iii. 326, 338.

267 Philostratus in his _Life of Apollonius of Tyana_, written at the
request of the empress Julia Domna. See Kellner, _Hellenismus und
Christenthum_, c. v. s. 4, 81-4.

268 Orig. _c. Cels._ viii. 68, tom. i. p. 793.

269 Churches in private houses, under cover of that great liberty which
invested with a sort of sacred independence the Roman household, it
had from the beginning: the church of S. Pudentiana in the house of
the senator Pudens still guards the altar on which S. Peter offered.

270 The reign of Louis XIV.

271 Am. Thierry, _Tableau de l’Empire Romain_, p. 412.

272 Zach. ii. 11, Is. ii. 2, Mich. iv. 1, compared with Titus ii. 14 and
1 Pet. ii. 9.

_ 273 Ep. ad Diognetum_, 5, 6.

274 S. Justin Martyr, _Tryphon_, sec. 135, 42, 116; where he refers to
and explains the vision of the high-priest Jesus in the prophet
Zacharias iii. 1.

275 ὡς υἱὸν Θεοῦ, Θεὸν ἐληλυθότα ἐν ἀνθρωπίνῃ ψυχῇ καὶ σώματι. _Cont.
Cels._ iii. 29.

276 Ibid. viii. 74.

_ 277 Cont. Cels._ viii. 75.

278 Ibid. vi. 48, p. 670.

_ 279 Cont. Cels._ vi. 79, p. 692.

280 Κωλύοντος τοῦ Θεοῦ τὸ πᾶν ἐκπολεμηθῆναι αὐτῶν ἔθνος; συστῆναι γὰρ
αὐτὸ ἐβούλετο καὶ πληρωθῆναι πᾶσαν τὴν γῆν τῆς σωτηρίου ταύτης καὶ
εὐσεβεστάτης διδασκαλίας. _Cont. Cels._ iii. 8. It must be
remembered that Celsus in the passage to which this is an answer had
asserted that the Christians had arisen out of the Jews through a
sedition; which makes the train of thought pertinent. For Origen is
contrasting the losses which occur through exterminating wars, such
as a sedition, or civil war, excites, with the losses to the
Christian body through martyrdom. The comparison therefore lies
between the whole number of Christians viewed _en masse_ and the
martyrs. Lasaulx remarks that this was written before the Decian
persecution.

281 Preface to the Oxford edition of S. Cyprian’s treatise on the Unity
of the Church.

_ 282 De Unitate_, iii. &c.

283 Epist. 70 and 73.

284 τῇ γὰρ ἐλπίδι ἐσώθημεν.

285 Ep. 1, Oxford translation.

286 S. Irenæus, lib. iv. 33 g.

287 Dan. ii. 44. Compare Apoc. i. 9. ὁ ἀδελφὸς ὑμῶν καὶ συγκοινωνὸς ἐν
τῇ θλίψει καὶ ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ καὶ ὑπομονῇ Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ.

288 Κατανοήσατε τὸν ἀπόστολον καὶ ἀρχιερέα τῆς ὁμολογίας ἡμῶν Χριστὸν
Ἰησοῦν. Heb. iii. 1.

289 Thus S. Gregory the Great wrote to Eulogius, Patriarch of
Alexandria, that the three original patriarchal Sees were all Sees
of Peter: “Cum multi sint Apostoli, pro ipso tamen principatu sola
Apostolorum Principis Sedes in auctoritate convaluit, quæ in tribus
locis unius est.” _Epist._ lib. vii. 40. The Patriarchal authority
is a derivation from the Primacy, which is the well-head.

290 Κηρύσσων τὸ εὐαγγέλιον τῆς βασιλείας. Matt. iv. 23.

291 S. Dionys. Alex. Ep. 2. Gallandi, iii. 512.

292 Answer of Pope Innocent I. to the Council of Carthage in 416, among
the letters of S. Augustine.

293 Constant. _Epist. Rom. Pontif._ p. 1037.

294 Ephes. iv., written during S. Paul’s imprisonment at Rome.

295 This text is continually used by S. Augustine against the Donatists,
as containing an express divine prophecy that the one Catholic
Church should continue to the end of the world. The Gospel _of_ the
Kingdom, and the Gospel _without_ the Kingdom, are ideas far as the
poles apart.

_ 296 De Pudicitia_, § 1. See Hagemann, p. 54.

297 He is so represented by Hippolytus, _Philosophumen_, lib. ix. p.
209. See Hagemann, p. 59.

298 “Nec hoc nobis nunc nuper consilium cogitatum est, nec hæc apud nos
adversus improbos modo supervenerunt repentina subsidia: sed antiqua
hæc apud nos severitas, antiqua fides, disciplina legitur antiqua;
quoniam nec tantas de nobis laudes Apostolus protulisset dicendo:
Quia fides vestra prædicatur in toto mundo, nisi jam exinde vigor
iste radices fidei de temporibus illis mutuatus fuisset: quarum
laudum et gloriæ degenerem fuisse maximum crimen est.” _Epist. Cleri
Rom. ad Cyprian._ 31.

299 Hagemann, p. 77.

300 In Matt. tom. iii. 857 c.

301 “Cum Fabiani locus, id est, cum locus Petri et gradus cathedræ
sacerdotalis vacaret.” _Epist._ lii. p. 68. “Sedisse intrepidum Romæ
in sacerdotali cathedra eo tempore cum tyrannus infestus
sacerdotibus Dei fanda atque infanda comminaretur, cum multo
patientius et tolerabilius audiret levari adversus se æmulum
principem quam constitui Romæ Dei sacerdotem.” Ibid. p. 69.

_ 302 Epist._ lii. p. 69.

303 Compare with the savageness of the Prefect of Rome in torturing S.
Laurence the following incident which occurred five years later.
Valerian had been captured by the Persian monarch, and his son the
Emperor Gallienus bore the reproach with great tranquillity. In the
great festival which he held at Rome about 263, to commemorate the
victory of Odenatus over Sapor, some revellers mixed themselves with
the pretended Persian captives, and examined their faces closely.
When asked what they meant, they replied, “We are looking for the
emperor’s father.” The jest so stung Gallienus that he had them
burnt alive. Weiss, _Lehrbuch der Weltgeschichte_, ii. 224. It was
for showing him the Church’s spiritual treasures, the poor, the
helpless, and the suffering, instead of the coveted gold and silver,
that the Prefect burnt S. Laurence alive.

_ 304 De Lapsis_, iv. p. 182-3, Oxford translation.

305 Euseb. _Hist._ l. vii. c. 10.

306 Ib. l. vii. c. 13.

307 See the martyrdom of the favourite chamberlain Peter, who, says
Eusebius (_Hist._ viii. 6), was violently scourged, and then slowly
roasted alive.

308 “Diocletianus ... excarnificare omnes suos protenus cœpit. Sedebat
ipse atque innocentes igne torrebat.... Omnis sexus et ætatis
homines ad exustionem rapti; nec singuli, quoniam tanta erat
multitudo, sed gregatim circumdato igni amburebantur,” &c. Lactant.
14, 15.

309 Eusebius, _Hist._ viii. 2.

310 Lactantius, _de Morte Persecutorum_, 13.

311 Euseb. viii. 4.

312 “Statim productus non modo extortus sed etiam legitime coctus cum
admirabili patientia, postremo exustus est.” Lact. _de Mort. Pers._
13; Euseb. viii. 5.

313 Euseb. _de Vita Constant_. 1. i. 13.

314 Lactant. _Divin. Institut._ 1. v. 9. Gallandi, tom. iv. 313-4.

315 Ib. 1. v. 11.

316 Euseb. _Hist._ viii. 11.

317 Lactantius, as above.

_ 318 Hist._ viii. 9.

319 Euseb. _Hist._ viii. 10.

320 Σωκ. Ἀναγκαῖον οὖν ἐστὶ περιμένειν ἕως ἄν τις μάθῃ ὡς δεῖ πρὸς θεοὺς
καὶ πρὸς ἀνθρώπους διακεῖσθαι.

Αλκ. Πότε οὖν παρέσται ὁ χρόνος οὗτος, ὦ Σώκρατες? καὶ τίς ὁ
παιδεύσων? ἥδιστα γὰρ ἄν μοι δοκῶ ἰδεῖν τοῦτον τὸν ἄνθρωπον τίς
ἐστιν.

Σωκ. Οὗτος ἐστιν ᾧ μέλει περὶ σοῦ.

321 1 Cor. i. 21.

322 Zeller, _die Philosophie der Griechen_, 2te Aufl. vol. i. pp. 6 and
35. “Philosophy,” says Grote, _Plato_, vol. i. v. “is, or aims at
becoming, reasoned truth: an aggregate of matters believed or
disbelieved after conscious process of examination gone through by
the mind and capable of being explained to others:” who quotes
Cicero’s “Philosophia ex rationum collatione consistit.”

323 Thus Herodotus says of Solon, τῆς θεωρίης ἐκδημήσας εἵνεκεν, i. 30;
and presently, ξεῖνε Ἀθηναῖε, παρ᾽ ἡμέας γὰρ περὶ σέο λόγος ἀπῖκται
πολλὸς, καὶ σοφίης εἵνεκεν τῆς σῆς καὶ πλάνης, ὡς φιλοσοφέων γῆν
πολλὴν θεωρίης εἵνεκεν ἐπελήλυθας.

324 Zeller, i. 39, quoted.

325 Zeller, i. p. 38.

326 Newman, _Verses on various occasions_; Heathen Greece, p. 158.

327 Zeller, i. p. 43. “Aber es liegt überhaupt nicht in der Weise des
Alterthums, die gottesdienstlichen Handlungen zur Belehrung durch
Religionsvorträge zu benützen. Ein Julian mochte in Nachahmung
christlicher Sitte dazu den Versuch machen, aus der klassischen Zeit
selbst ist uns kein Beispiel hievon überliefert.”

328 Zeller, i. p. 141.

329 Ib. i. pp. 449-452.

330 Ueberweg, _Grundriss der Geschichte der Philosophie_, drit. Aufl. i.
p. 65.

331 Ueberweg, i. 68.

332 Ib. i. 72.

333 Döllinger, _Heidenthum und Judenthum_, p. 272, and Zeller, i. p.
139, who states this of the Eleatics, Heracleitus, Democritus, and
even the Pythagoreans, who, though they put Number instead of
Matter, yet conceived incorporeal principles as material, and so
considered from the same point of view the soul and the body, the
ethical and the physical, in man.

334 Zeller, ibid.

335 Ueberweg, i. 75. “Die Sophistik bildet den Uebergang von der
kosmologischen zu der auf das denkende und wollende Subject
gerichteten Philosophie.” p. 76. “Sokrates... theilt mit den
Sophisten die allgemeine Tendenz der Reflexion auf das Subject,
tritt aber zu ihnen dadurch in Gegensatz, das seine Reflexion sich
nicht bloss auf die elementaren Functionen des Subjects, die
Wahrnehmung und Meinung und das sinnliche und egoistische Begehren,
sondern auch auf die höchsten gestigen, zur Objectivität in
wesentlicher Beziehung stehenden Functionen, nämlich auf das Wissen
und die Tugend richtet.”

336 Ib. i. 76.

337 Thus Zeller throughout his great work perpetually deplores that
through this long period, and with increasing force after
Aristotle’s time, pure science, _die reine Wissenschaft_, was not
studied for its own sake, but was subordinate to a moral purpose,
the question, that is, of man’s greatest good, and his happiness.

338 Simplicius, in the sixth century.

339 Zeller, i. p. 117.

340 Ueberweg, i. p. 88.

341 xiii. 4.

_ 342 Metaph._ i. 6.

343 Σωκράτης φρονήσεις ᾤετο εἶναι πάσας τὰς ἀρετάς ... λόγους τὰς ἀρετὰς
ᾤετο εἶναι; ἐπιστήμας γὰρ εἶναι πάσας. _Ethic. Nic._ vi. 13.

344 Xen. _Mem._ i. 1. 16.

345 Xen. _Mem._ iv. 6. 1.

346 Ibid. iii. 4. 9.

347 Ibid. iii. 9, iv. 6; _Sympos._ ii. 12. Plat. _Apol._ 25 e; _Protag._
p. 329 b.

_ 348 Memor._ i. 6, 10.

_ 349 Tusc._ v. 4.

350 ἡ μαιευτική, Plat. _Theæt._ p. 149.

351 ἐξέτασις, Plat. _Apol._ p. 20.

352 Xen. _Mem._ i. 4. 7. σοφοῦ τινὸς δημιουργοῦ καὶ φιλοζώου.

353 Ibid. iv. 3.

354 ὁ τὸν ὅλον κόσμον συντάττων τὲ καὶ συνέχων, ἐν ᾣ πάντα τὰ καλὰ καὶ
ἀγαθά ἐστι, καὶ ἀεὶ μὲν χρωμένοις ἀτριβῆ τε καὶ ὑγιᾶ καὶ ἀγήρατον
παρέχων, θᾶττον δὲ νοήματος ἀναμαρτήτως ὑπηρετοῦντα, οὗτος τὰ
μέγιστα μὲν πράττων ὁρᾶται, τάδε δὲ οἰκονομῶν ἀόρατος ἡμῖν ἐστι.
Compare the famous passage of S. Paul, Rom. i. 19, 20. διότι τὸ
γνωστὸν τοῦ Θεοῦ φάνερόν ἐστιν ἐν αὐτοῖς; ὁ γὰρ Θεὸς αὐτοῖς
ἐφανέρωσε; τὰ γὰρ ἀόρατα αὐτοῦ ἀπὸ κτίσεως κόσμου τοῖς ποιήμασι
νοούμενα καθορᾶται, ἥτε ἀΐδιος αὐτοῦ δύναμις καὶ θειότης εἰς τὸ
εἶναι αὐτοὺς ἀναπολογήτους. Socrates draws precisely the conclusion
which S. Paul asserts that the premises warrant.

355 τὸ δαιμόνιον.

356 Plato, _Apol._, at the end.

_ 357 Phædo_, p. 118.

358 The view here taken would be powerfully confirmed by citing at
length the interview of Socrates with the hetæra Theodote, as given
by Xen. _Mem._ iii. 11. The unconscious absence from the mind of
Socrates of any notion of turpitude in the occupation of Theodote is
very striking indeed. One is reminded that Socrates took lessons in
rhetoric of that Aspasia, herself the hetæra of Pericles, who is
recorded to have educated a school of Theodotes. Thus Plutarch,
_Pericles_, 24, says of her, παιδίσκας ἑταιρούσας τρέφουσα. In the
Meneximus, p. 235, Socrates claims her as being his διδάσκαλος οὖσα
οὐ πάνυ φαύλη περὶ ῥητορικῆς, quoted by Wallon, _de l’Esclavage_,
vol. i. p. 190.

359 Ueberweg, i. 92, 93.

360 Ueberweg, i. 91.

361 Ibid. i. 117.

362 Ibid. i. 118.

363 Ueberweg, i. 120, from Aristotle, _Metaph._ i. 6 and 9, and xiii. 4.

364 Zeller, i. 119.

365 Ueberweg, i. 120, remarks: “Die Eintheilung der Philosophie in
Ethik, Physik und Dialektik (die Cicero _Acad. pos._ i. 5, 19, Plato
zugeschreibt), hat nach Sextus Empir (_adv. Math._ vii. 16) zuerst
Plato’s Schüler Xenocrates förmlich aufgestellt: Plato aber sei,
sagt Sextus mit Recht, δυνάμει ihr Urheber, ἀρχηγός.”

366 See Zeller, vol. ii. part 2, p. 599. Döllinger, p. 299, sec. 122; p.
279, sec. 87.

367 Zeller, ii. part 1, p. 598. “Ueber diese beiden Gegenstände (die
Religion und die Kunst) hat sich Plato ziemlich häufig, aber immer
nur gelegenheitlich geäussert.”

368 Döllinger, p. 290, sec. 110.

_ 369 Timæus_, 28.

370 Thus Grote, _Plato_, i. 230, speaks of “the early caution produced
by the fate of Socrates,” and believes “such apprehension to have
operated as one motive deterring him from publishing any
philosophical exposition under his own name, any Πλάτωνος
σύγγραμμα,” p. 231.

371 This has been done by Zeller, vol. ii. part 1, pp. 599-602, from
whom I take it. He supports his analysis with a great number of
references to various works of Plato.

372 Zeller, vol. ii. part 1, p. 487, remarks of Plato’s doctrine: “So
far as things are the appearance and the image of the Idea, they
must be determined by the Idea; so far as they have in themselves a
proper principle in matter, they must be determined likewise by
necessity: since, certain as it is that the world is the work of
reason, it is as little to be left out of mind that in its formation
beside reason another blindly working cause was in play, and that
even the Godhead could make its work not absolutely perfect, but
only so good as the nature of the finite permitted;” and he refers
to many passages of the _Timæus_, of which one will suffice, wherein
at the conclusion of a review of the physical causes of things Plato
says: ταῦτα δὴ πάντα τότε ταύτῃ πεφυκότα ἐξ ἀνάγκης ὁ τοῦ καλλίστου
τε καὶ ἀρίστου δημιουργὸς ἐν τοῖς γιγνομένοις παρελάμβανεν ἡνίκα τὸν
αὐτάρκη τε καὶ τὸν τελεώτατον Θεὸν ἐγέννα, χρώμενος μὲν ταῖς περὶ
ταῦτα αἰτίαις ὑπηρετούσαις, τὸ δὲ εὖ τεκταινόμενος ἐν πᾶσι τοῖς
γιγνομένοις αὐτὸς; διὸ δὴ χρὴ δὔ αἰτίας εἴδη διορίζεσθαι, τὸ μὲν
ἀναγκαῖον, τὸ δὲ θεῖον, καὶ τὸ μὲν θεῖον ἐν ἅπασι ζητεῖν κτήσεως
ἕνεκα εὐδαίμονος βίου, καθ᾽ ὅσον ἡμῶν ἡ φύσις ἐνδέχεται, τὸ δὲ
ἀναγκαῖον ἐκείνων χάριν, λογιζομένους ὡς ἄνευ τούτων οὐ δυνατὰ αὐτὰ
ἐκεῖνα, ἐφ᾽ οἷς σπουδάζομεν, μόνα κατανοεῖν, οὐδ᾽ αὖ λαβεῖν, οὐδ᾽
ἄλλως πως μετασχεῖν. p. 68. Compare p. 48. μεμιγμένη γὰρ οὖν ἡ τοῦδε
τοῦ κόσμου γένεσις ἐξ ἀνάγκης τε καὶ νοῦ συστάσεως ἐγεννήθη; κ.τ.λ.

373 Döllinger, p. 297, sec. 119, quoted.

374 So likewise Zeller remarks, vol. ii. part 1, p. 604: “Die Gesetze,
welchen die philosophischen Regenten fehlen, behandeln die
Volks-religion durchweg als die sittliche Grundlage des
Staatswesens.”

375 Ibid. p. 605.

376 Here Zeller remarks: “Diese Voraussetzung liegt der ganzen
Behandlung dieser Gegenstände bei Plato zu Grunde.... Dass die
philosophische Erkenntniss immer auf eine kleine Minderheit
beschränkt sein müsse ist Plato’s entschiedene Ueberzeugung.”

377 Döllinger, p. 293.

378 See Zeller, vol. ii. part 1, pp. 448-457.

379 “Wie es sich aber in dieser Beziehung mit der Persönlichkeit
verhalte, dies ist eine Frage, welche sich Plato wohl schwerlich
bestimmt vorgelegt hat, wie ja dem Alterthum überhaupt der schärfere
Begriff der Persönlichkeit fehlt, und die Vernunft nicht selten als
allgemeine Weltvernunft in einer zwischen Persönlichem und
Unpersönlichem unsicher schwankenden Weise gedacht wird.” _Zeller_,
p. 454.

380 Döllinger, p. 286, sec. 103. Zeller, vol. ii. part 1, p. 538.

_ 381 Theætetus_, p. 176. Σωκ. Ἀλλ᾽ οὔτ᾽ ἀπόλεσθαι τὰ κυκὰ δυνατόν, ὦ
Θεόδωρε; ὑπενάντιον γὰρ τι τῷ ἀγαθῷ ἀεὶ εἶναι ἀνάγκη; οὔτ᾽ ἐν θεοῖς
αὐτὰ ἴδρυσθαι, τὴν δὲ θνητὴν φύσιν καὶ τόνδε τὸν τόπον περιπολεῖ ἐξ
ἀνάγκης.

382 See Zeller, vol. ii. part 1, pp. 541-4, who points out a string of
difficulties on the subject of personality, free-will, as maintained
by Plato, and his doctrine that no one is willingly wicked.

383 See Grote’s _Plato_, i. pp. 133, 4.

384 Ueberweg, i. p. 116.

385 So Zeller sets forth at length, i. p. 206; and Ueberweg, i. p. 47.

386 Ueberweg, i. p. 50. Plato calls it ὁδόν τινα βίου, for which
Pythagoras αὐτός τε διαφερόντως ἠγαπήθη, καὶ οἱ ὕστερον ἔτι καὶ νῦν
Πυθαγόρειον τρόπον ἐπονομάζοντες τοῦ βίου διαφανεῖς πη δοκοῦσιν
εἶναι. _Polit._ x. p. 600.

387 Grote, _Plato_, i. p. 221.

388 Ueberweg, i. 115.

_ 389 Phæd._ sec. 135, p. 274.

390 τὸν τοῦ εἰδότος λόγον λέγεις ζῶντα καὶ ἔμψυχον, οὗ ὁ γεγραμμένος
εἴδωλον ἄν τι λέγοιτο δικαίως.

391 ἔχοντες σπέρμα, ὅθεν ἄλλοι ἐν ἄλλοις ἤθεοι φυόμενοι τοῦτ᾽ ἀεὶ
ἀθάνατον παρέχειν ἱκανοί.

392 See his averseness to write on such doctrines at all set forth in
his 7th epistle.

393 Grote observes, _Plato_, i. 216: “Plato was not merely a composer of
dialogues. He was lecturer and chief of a school besides. The
presidency of that school, commencing about 386 B.C., and continued
by him with great celebrity for the last half (nearly forty years)
of his life, _was his most important function_. Among his
contemporaries he must have exerted greater influence through his
school than through his writings.”

394 Grote, _Plato_, i. p. 138.

395 Ueberweg, i. p. 140, from Diogenes.

396 Aulus Gellius, _N. A._ xx. 5, quoted by Ueberweg.

397 Ἐν κοινῷ γιγνόμενοι λόγοι ... ἐκδεδομένοι λόγοι; οἱ κατὰ φιλοσοφίαν
λόγοι, or διδασκαλικοὶ λόγοι, οἱ ἐκ τῶν οἰκείων ἀρχῶν ἑκάστου
μαθήματος καὶ οὐκ ἐκ τῶν τοῦ ἀποκρινομένου δοξῶν συλλογιζόμενοι,
which last are λόγοι πειραστικοὶ. Simplicius calls τὰ ἐξωτερικὰ, τὰ
κοινὰ καὶ δι᾽ ἐνδόξων περαινόμενα; Philoponus, λόγοι μὴ
ἀποδεικτικοὶ, μηδὲ πρὸς τοὺς γνησίους τῶν ἀκροατῶν εἰρημένοι, ἀλλὰ
πρὸς τοὺς πολλοὺς, ἐκ πιθανῶν ὡρμημένοι. Quoted by Ueberweg, i. p.
146.

398 Vidi il maestro di color che sanuo
Seder tra filosofica famiglia.

Dante, _Inf._ iv. 131.

399 διδασκαλία.

400 ὑπόμνησις.

401 Ueberweg, i. p. 188, from Diogenes and Themistius.

402 Ibid, from Noack, _Psyche_, v. i. sec. 13.

403 Zeller, vol, iii. part 1, p. 343.

404 Ep. vii. p. 341. οὔκουν ἐμόν γε περὶ αὐτῶν ἐστι σύγγραμμα, οὐδὲ μή
ποτε γένηται; ῥητὸν γὰρ οὐδαμῶς ἐστὶν ὡς ἄλλα μαθήματα, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκ
πολλῆς συνουσίας γιγνομένης περὶ τὸ πρᾶγμα αὐτὸ καὶ τοῦ συζῇν
ἐξαίφνης, οἷον ἀπὸ πυρὸς πηδήσαντος ἐξαφθὲν φῶς, ἐν τῇ ψυχῇ
γενόμενον αὐτὸ ἑαυτὸ ἤδη τρέφει and much more to the same effect;
after which he says, ὧν ἕνεκα νοῦν ἔχων οὐδεὶς τολμήσει ποτὲ εἰς
αὐτὸ τιθέναι τὰ νενοημένα, καὶ ταῦτα εἰς ἀμετακίνητον, ὃ δὴ πάσχει
τὰ γεγραμμένα τύποις. So again in his second letter, p. 314.
πολλάκις δὲ λεγόμενα καὶ ἀεὶ ἀκουόμενα καὶ πολλὰ ἔτη μόγις, ὥσπερ
χρυσὸς, ἐκκαθαίρεται μετὰ πολλῆς πραγματείας.... μεγίστη δὲ φυλακὴ
τὸ μὴ γράφειν ἀλλ᾽ ἐκμανθάνειν; οὐ γὰρ ἔστι τὰ γραφέντα μὴ οὐκ
ἐκπεσεῖν. Grote seems to me fully justified in counting these
epistles as genuine, against the attacks of some modern German
sceptics.

405 Μετὰ τριβῆς πάσης καὶ χρόνου πολλοῦ, ὅπερ ἐν ἀρχαῖς εἶπον; μόγις δὲ
τριβόμενα πρὸς ἄλληλα αὐτῶν ἕκαστα, ὀνόματα καὶ λόγοι ὄψεις τε καὶ
αἰσθήσεις, ἐν εὐμενέσιν ἐλέγχοις ἐλεγχόμενα καὶ ἄνευ φθόνων
ἐρωτήσεσι καὶ ἀποκρίσεσι χρωμένων, ἐξέλαμψε φρόνησις περὶ ἕκαστον
καὶ νοῦς, συντείνων ὅτι μάλιστ᾽ εἰς δύναμιν ἀνθρωπίνην. _Ep._ vii.
p. 344.

406 Grote, _Plato_, i. 229. “When we see by what Standard Plato tests
the efficacy of any expository process, we shall see yet more
clearly how he came to consider written exposition unavailing. The
standard which he applies is, that the learner shall be rendered
able both to apply to others and himself to endure a Socratic
Elenchus or cross-examination as to the logical difficulties
involved in all the steps and helps to learning.” Without this
“Plato will not allow that he has attained true knowledge”
(ἐπιστήμη). Compare the system pursued in the mediæval schools and
universities.

407 Ueberweg, i. pp. 242, 3.

408 Zeller, vol. ii. part 2, p. 632.

409 Döllinger, pp. 304, 305.

410 Döllinger, pp. 309, 310, sec. 137, 138.

411 Döllinger, p. 310, sec. 139.

412 Ibid. p. 311, sec. 140.

413 See p. 411, above.

414 Döllinger, pp. 307 and 311.

415 Διὸ καὶ πειρᾶσθαι χρὴ ἐνθένδε ἐκεῖσε φεύγειν ὅτι τάχιστα; φυγὴ δὲ
ὁμοίωσις Θεῷ κατὰ τὸ δυνατόν; ὁμοίωσις δὲ δίκαιον καὶ ὅσιον μετὰ
φρονήσεως γενέσθαι. κ.τ.λ. _Theætet._ p. 176.

416 Zeller, vol. ii. part 2, p. 623.

417 Zeller, ii. 2, p. 625.

418 Ibid. p. 629.

419 Zeller, vol. iii. part 1, p. 7.

420 Zeller, vol. iii. part 1, p. 14.

421 Ibid. p. 18.

422 Zeller, vol. iii. part 1, p. 12. Döllinger, p. 318.

423 Döllinger, pp. 319-321.

424 The doctrine of Hylozoismus.

425 Döllinger, pp. 322-324.

426 Ibid. p. 324.

427 Döllinger, p. 326.

428 ὁμολογουμένως τῇ φύσει ζῆν. Ueberweg, i. p. 198.

429 Döllinger, p. 340.

430 Ibid. p. 330.

431 Zeller, vol. iii. part 1, p. 370.

432 Zeller, vol. iii. part 1, p. 398.

433 Döllinger, pp. 331-333. Zeller, vol. iii. part 1, p. 392.

434 Döllinger, p. 335.

435 Zeller, vol. iii. part 1, p. 427. ἀπαθία and ἀταραξία.

436 Zeller, vol. iii. part 1, i. p. 107.

437 Ibid. p. 435.

438 Döllinger, p. 336, who quotes Sextus, _Hypot._ i. 8.

439 Zeller, vol. iii. part 1, p. 477.

440 Döllinger, p. 338.

441 For a full account of the line of thought followed by Carneades, see
Zeller, vol. iii. part 1, pp. 454-477.

442 Zeller, vol. iii. part 1, p. 436.

443 Ibid. pp. 482, 492.

444 Ueberweg, i. p. 218; and Zeller, iii. part 1, p. 593, calls him
“neben seinem Lehrer Antiochus den eigentlichsten Vertreter des
philosophischen Eklekticismus in dem letzen Jahrhundert vor dem
Anfang unserer Zeitrechnung.”

445 Ueberweg, i. pp. 221-2.

446 Ueberweg, i. 219, 223.

447 Döllinger, p. 313.

448 Döllinger, p. 254.

449 Döllinger, p. 307. “Er wirkt also zwar auf die Welt, aber ohne sie
zu kennen, wie der Magnet auf das Eisen, und seine Action auf die
Welt ist keine freiwollende.”

450 Ibid. pp. 340, 572.

451 Ζεῦ, φύσεως ἄρχηγε, νόμου μέτα πάντα κυβερνῶν;—
Σοὶ δὴ πᾶς ὅδε κόσμος ἐλισσόμενος περὶ γαῖαν
Πείθεται ᾗ μὲν ἄγης, καὶ ἑκὼν ὑπὸ σεῖο κρατεῖται—
Ἀλλὰ σὺ καὶ τὰ περισσὰ, ἐπίστασαι ἄρτια θεῖναι,
Καὶ κοσμεῖς τὰ ἄκοσμα, καὶ οὐ φίλα σοὶ φίλα ἐστίν.
Ὧδε γὰρ εἰς ἓν ἅπαντα συνήρμοκας ἐσθλὰ κακοῖσιν,
Ὥσθ᾽ ἕνα γίγνεσθαι πάντων λόγον ἀὲν ἔοντα.

452 Cleanthes preferred expressly the poetic form; see the note in
Zeller, vol. iii. part 1, p. 289: for poetry and music are better
suited to reach the truth of divine contemplation than the bare
philosophical expression.

453 Ueberweg, i. p. 195.

454 Zeller, vol. iii. pp. 130, 131: see the many authorities he
produces, pp. 126-131.

455 He says of the opposite theory of Epicurus, the construction of the
world from the chance falling-together of atoms: “Hoc qui existimat
fieri potuisse, non intelligo, cur non idem putet, si innumerabiles
unius et viginti formæ literarum, vel aureæ vel quales libet, aliquo
conjiciantur, posse ex his in terram excussis annales Ennii, ut
deinceps legi possint, effici: quod nescio an ne in uno quidem versu
possit tantum valere fortuna.” _De Nat. Deor._ ii. 37.

456 So Zeller remarks, iii. 1, p. 296: “A Pantheism, such as the stoic,
could take up into itself the most boundless polytheism, a double
liberty only being allowed, that of passing on to derived beings the
name of deity, from the Being to whom alone originally and in the
strict sense it belonged, and that of personifying as God the
impersonal, which is an appearance of divine power.”

457 See Hasler, _Verhältniss der heidnischen und christlichen Ethik_, p.
28; and Zukrigl’s commentary on the same, _Tübingen theol.
Quartalschrift_, 1867, pp. 475-482.

458 Zeller, iii. 1, pp. 288-9.

459 Zeller, iii. 1, 12.

460 Καὶ μὴν ἡ πολὺ θαυμαζομένη πολιτεία τοῦ τὴν Στωϊκῶν αἵρεσιν
καταβαλλομένου Ζήνωνος εἰς ἓν τοῦτο συντείνει κεφάλαιον, ἵνα μὴ κατὰ
πόλεις μηδὲ κατὰ δήμους οἰκῶμεν, ἰδίοις ἕκαστοι διωρισμένοι
δικαίοις, ἀλλὰ πάντας ἀνθρώπους ἡγώμεθα δημότας καὶ πολίτας, εἷς δὲ
βίος ᾖ, καὶ κόσμος, ὥσπερ ἀγέλης συννόμου νόμῳ κοινῷ τρεφομένης.
Plutarch, _Alex. M. Virt._ i. 6, p. 329, quoted by Zeller, iii. 1,
p. 281.

_ 461 De Finibus_, iii. sec. 19.

_ 462 De Legibus_, i. 7, 6.

463 Zeller, iii. 1, p. 278, from Seneca and Marcus Aurelius, who here,
however, only enlarge on Cicero’s idea, or rather Zeno’s.

464 “Jam vero virtus eadem in homine ac Deo est, neque ullo alio ingenio
præterea. Est autem virtus nihil aliud quam in se perfecta, et ad
summum perducta natura.” _De Legibus_, i. 8.

_ 465 De Officiis_, i. 5.

466 Cic. _de Nat. Deor._ iii. 36. “Virtutem nemo unquam acceptam deo
retulit. Nimirum recte. Propter virtutem enim jure laudamur, et in
virtute recie gloriamur: quod non contingeret, si id donum a deo,
non a nobis, haberemus.”

467 Champagny, _les Césars_, iii. 333.

468 “Ἐξαγωγὴ ist bei den Stoïkern der stehende Ausdruck für den
Selbstmord.” Zeller, vol. iii. part 1, p. 284 n. 2, who quotes Diog.
vii. 130. Ἐλλόγως τέ φασιν ἐξάξειν ἑαυτὸν ἀπὸ τοῦ βίου τὸν σοφὸν καὶ
ὑπὲρ πατρίδος καὶ ὑπὲρ φίλων, κὰν ἐν σκληροτέρᾳ γένηται ἀλγηδόνι, ἢ
πηρώσεσιν, ἢ νόσοις ἀνιάτοις.

469 “Qui omnem orbem terrarum unam urbem esse ducunt.” Cicero,
_Paradoxon_ 2.

470 Grote, _Plato_, vol. i. p. 87.

471 Döllinger, p. 315, from Numenius, quoted by Eusebius. Ueberweg, i.
205, says of them, that up to the rise of Neoplatonism they were the
most numerous of all.

472 See Döllinger, pp. 341 and 572-584; so Champagny, _les Césars_, iii.
294.

473 Ueberweg gives them thus: to the first Academy belong Plato’s
successor Speusippus, who taught 347-339 B.C.; Xenocrates, 339-314;
Polemo, 314-270; Crates, a short time. The second Academy was
founded by Arcesilaus, who lived 315-241, taking more and more a
sceptical direction, which was carried out to the utmost by
Carneades, 214-129, in the third: in the fourth, Philo of Larissa,
about 80 B.C., returned to the dogmatic direction; and Antiochus of
Ascalon, Cicero’s friend, founded the fifth, in which he fused
Platonic, Aristotelian, and Stoic doctrines together. S. Augustine,
_de Civ. Dei_, viii. 3, puts his finger on the variations of the
Socratici.