Chapter III: Part 3
You are brought together here from all parts of the empire to fulfil your military duty, and in this holy place have just sworn fealty to your Emperor to your last breath. You are still too young to understand all this. You will, however, little by little, be made familiar with its significance. Do not imagine it too difficult, and trust in God; occasionally also say the Lord's Prayer--that has frequently given many a warrior fresh courage.
Children of my guard, to-day you have become incorporated into my army; you now stand under my command and have the privilege of wearing my uniform. Wear it honorably. Think of the famous history of your Fatherland; remember that the German army must be armed against the internal as well as the external foe. More and more unbelief and discontent raise their heads in the Fatherland, and it may come to pass that you will have to shoot down or stab your own relatives and brothers. Then seal your loyalty with your heart's blood! And now go to your homes and fulfil your duties.
--(According to the _Breslauer Lokalanzeiger_ of December 8.)
According to the _Neisser Zeitung_, the second paragraph ran as
follows:
Recruits! You have now before the consecrated servant of the Lord and before His altar, sworn fealty to me. You are still too young to understand the true meaning of what has just been said; but be diligent now and follow the directions and instructions given you. You have sworn loyalty to me; that means, children of my guard, that you are now my soldiers, you have given yourselves up to me, body and soul; there is for you but one enemy, and that is my enemy. In view of the present Socialistic agitations it may come to pass that I shall command you to shoot your own relatives, brothers, yes, parents--which God forbid--but even then you must follow my command without a murmur.
Entirely similar, but shorter, is a clipping from the Berlin paper
_Das Volk_, according to the account of one who heard the speech.
You have sworn to me the oath of loyalty; that means, from now on you know only one command, and that is my most high command; you have only one enemy, and that is my enemy! And so I may sometime--which God forbid--have to bid you to shoot upon your own relatives, yes, brothers and parents--then remember your oath!
THE EMPEROR'S FIRST ARMY BILL
BERLIN, JULY 4, 1893
The opposition between the Reichstag and the government reached
a climax when the session which opened in 1886 was dissolved in
January, 1887, because it refused to vote for the bill fixing
the army status for the ensuing seven years. The next Reichstag,
elected in February, voted the bill. In spite of the fact that
the new arrangement was to have been effective until March, 1894,
as early as the session of 1890 changes were introduced which
fixed the peace footing at 468,983 men, exclusive of the one-year
volunteers. In November, 1892, a new army bill was presented,
to run for six years, fixing the peace footing at 492,068. All
infantrymen were to serve two years. In the debates of 1887 it
was announced that Russia was an ally of Germany. The failure to
renew the neutrality agreement with that power and the growing
_rapprochement_ between France and Russia seems to have been most
in the Emperor's mind in calling for an increase. The increased
appropriation of 1887 was covered by a tax on spirits, sugar, and
grain. The new increase was to be met by indirect taxes, mostly on
beer and brandy. When the Reichstag refused to vote the bill as it
stood, it was dissolved and a new one called. The new Reichstag,
which is here addressed, accepted the bill on July 15. As much of
the opposition had been due to the fear of the less-favored classes
that the increased cost would fall heavily on them through indirect
taxes, the Chancellor assured the representatives (as the Emperor
here indicates) that there would be no tax on beer or brandy nor
any other necessities of life.
Since you have been called to work in common with the confederated governments, it is my desire at the beginning of your deliberations to greet you and bid you welcome.
The draft of the bill concerning the peace footing of the German army, through which a strengthening of our available force would have been achieved, was presented to the last Reichstag. To my great regret the project did not meet with the approval of the representatives of the people. The conviction, unanimously shared by my corulers, that in the face of the development of the military arrangements of the other powers this government could no longer put off such a shaping of its military status as should guarantee its safety and its future led to the decision to dissolve the Reichstag and, by the calling of new representatives to attain the end recognized as necessary. Since the proposal of this law the political situation of Europe has undergone no change. To my great satisfaction, the relations of the empire to the foreign states are altogether and everywhere friendly and free from any cloud. The organized military force of Germany, however, compares still more unfavorably with that of our neighbors than it did last year. Since her geographical position and her historical development impose upon Germany the duty of taking thought for a proportionately large standing army, the further development of our defensive strength, therefore, with regard to the progress of other countries becomes a pressing necessity. In order to satisfy the duties constitutionally laid upon me, it seemed to me incontrovertible that I should exercise every existing means at my command toward the restoration of a sufficient and effective defense of the honor of the Fatherland.
There will, therefore, be laid before you without delay a new bill concerning the peace footing of the army. In it the wishes which were strongly expressed during the discussion of the former bill are taken account of, and, in accordance with this, demands made upon the personal capacity and upon the people's ability to pay taxes have, in so far as this could be done without endangering the end sought, been lessened.
The interest of the realm demands, especially in looking forward to the impending expiration of the seven-year arrangement next spring, that the bill should be decided upon with all possible despatch, in order that this year's recruiting can be undertaken on the new basis. A delay in carrying out this proposal would be felt for more than twenty years, to the detriment of our defensive strength.
To make it possible for you to give your undivided attention to the discussion of the bill, the confederated governments will refrain from burdening the session with other important matters.
I and my honored corulers are still of the opinion that the means necessary for the reorganization of our military equipment can be raised properly, and without overburdening the people, in the manner brought forward last autumn in the draft of the proposed taxation bill. Nevertheless, the question of making good the deficit is still the object of continued discussions. I expect that a proposal will be set before you by the beginning of the next winter session in which is expressed, even more strongly than in the former bill, the principle that the providing of the necessary means must be carried out with the utmost regard for the individual's ability to pay and with as little draft as possible upon our power of levying taxes. Until the expiration of the present official year the contributions from the various states may be drawn upon to cover the excess.
Honored Sirs, we have succeeded in the difficult task of welding the German race into a strong union. The nation honors those who have given their possessions and their blood for this work and who have brought the Fatherland to political and industrial prosperity--a prosperity which is the pride and the pleasure of their contemporaries and which, if they build in the same spirit as their fathers, will guarantee to the generations to come the greatness and the happiness of the empire. To protect the glorious acquisitions with which God has blessed us in our struggle for independence is our most sacred duty. We can, however, only fulfil such a duty toward the Fatherland by making ourselves sufficiently strong in military power to defend ourselves, so that we may remain a reliable guarantor of the peace of Europe. I trust that your patriotic, self-sacrificing assistance in the pursuance of this aim will not fail me and my honored corulers.
The Emperor followed the formal address from the throne with the
following:
And now, gentlemen, go forth. May our ancient God look down upon you and bestow upon you His blessing to the end that you may bring to successful issue an honorable work for the welfare of our Fatherland! Amen.
ARRIVAL IN METZ
METZ, SEPTEMBER 3, 1893
On the 3d of September the Emperor, accompanied by the Crown Prince
of Italy, paid a visit to Metz. To Burgomaster Halm's speech of
welcome the Emperor replied as follows:
It is with a heart deeply stirred that I enter the city of Metz, and if I could not come last year, as I wished,[7] I see, nevertheless, that the reason for my remaining away has been rightly understood.
[7] The Emperor came to Metz ordinarily to review the Eighth and
Sixteenth Army Corps. Because of the cholera scare, the imperial
manoeuvres had not taken place in the previous year, 1892. The
Emperor, who was anxious to conciliate his subjects, had taken up a
domain in Urville.
I rejoice to see the monument to my late grandfather at length finished and to be able to allow my troops to pass before it. Metz and my army corps are a corner-stone in the military might of Germany, destined to protect the peace of Germany--yes, of all Europe--and it is my firm purpose to maintain this peace.
I thank the city of Metz for its festive welcome, and I pray you that my thanks be made known to the citizens through an official announcement. If I have removed my headquarters to Urville it is because as a landholder in Lorraine I could not do otherwise, since my subjects in this province wish to have me there. In token of my imperial favor I extend to the burgomaster a golden chain of office which the burgomasters of Metz shall be entitled to wear from this time forth. It gives me especial pleasure, however, to be able to bestow this chain upon the present burgomaster.
DEDICATION OF FLAGS
BERLIN, OCTOBER 18, 1894
Through a reorganization of the army which was to be made effective
in the next legislative session, a large number of partial bodies
of troops were created which were later to be increased to bring
up the peace footing of the army from 538 whole and 173 half
battalions to 624 whole battalions. Every two of these constitute
a regiment and every two regiments a brigade. On the anniversary
of the battle of Leipzig the Emperor, in the presence of a large
number of princes, including the young King of Servia, turned
over flags to these troops. His statement that the only pillar
upon which the empire rested was the army was strongly resented
by many of his loyal subjects of the empire who happened to be
merely peaceful merchants or farmers or laborers. The Emperor was
doubtless provoked into making the statement from the fact that
some of his legislative policies had met with determined opposition
on the part of representatives of the people. This he has always
regarded as disloyalty and as boding disaster to the empire. Since
the army's tradition for loyalty to the imperial war lord renders
opposition here impossible, he saw in it the only salvation of the
state.
In order that they may serve as a shining symbol of glory for the troops, we have had the blessing of Heaven called down upon the ensigns which I have bestowed upon every fourth battalion of my regiments, and I now turn them over to the regimental commanders and to the regiments themselves. This inspiring day is one whose memories move the world and which marks an epoch in our German history. I first salute the mausoleum of him[8] whose birthday was once wont to fill the entire German Fatherland with jubilation, the mausoleum of him to whom it was granted to win glorious victories under the eyes of the great, heroic Emperor, his father, and to cover the flags which were consecrated in 1861 with glory. They were nailed to their staffs in the rooms in which the history of Brandenburg and Prussia is immortalized in paintings. The monuments of the rulers and of the generals who created the glory of Prussia have looked down upon them. These flags have now been brought before the monument of the Prussian King who focussed the eyes of the world upon them in years of fierce conflict and whose last breath was a wish of blessing for his army. In the year 1861, when my grandfather undertook the reorganization of his arms, he was misunderstood by many and attacked by even more; nevertheless, the future gave him his splendid justification. Just as at that time, so now, too, distrust and discord are rife among the people. The only pillar on which the empire rested was the army. So is it to-day! The flags which are assembled here are destined for entire bodies of troops, and I hope that the half battalions to which they are to-day delivered will soon stand as entire battalions in the army of the Fatherland.
[8] Emperor Frederick III.
But you, gentlemen, now take over these ensigns and with them the obligation of maintaining the tradition of devotion, of discipline unto death, of unconditional obedience toward the war lord against all inward and outward enemies. Even as heretofore, may the blessing of the Most High rest upon our army, and may the watchful eyes of our ancestors look down upon and protect Prussia's army and her flags! With God for King and Fatherland!
NAVY RECRUITS
KIEL, DECEMBER 3, 1894
It is part of the Emperor's duty to administer the oath every
year to the recruits for the navy as well as to the recruits for
the guard. He is inclined to talk to them usually in very simple
language, as here, for instance. Indeed, though they are usually
twenty years of age, he often addresses them as the "children of my
guard."
The oath is holy, and holy is the place in which you swear it. The altar and the crucifix bear witness to this; it means that we Germans are Christians, that we at all times first give the glory to God in every affair that we undertake, especially in the highest--that of strengthening the defense of the Fatherland. You wear the uniform of the Emperor; you are thereby preferred over other men, and take your rank equally with your comrades of the army and navy; you receive a special place and assume obligations. By many you will be envied because of the uniform which you wear; hold it in honor, and do not besmirch it; this you will accomplish best when you think of your oath--you especially, you people of the sea, who so often have the opportunity in your various journeyings upon the water to learn to know the almighty power of God!
Wherein lies the secret of the fact that we have often overcome our adversary with lesser numbers? In discipline. What is discipline? Single-hearted co-operation, single-hearted obedience. That our ancient forebears already clung to this ideal a single example will show: On one occasion they were marching to war against the Romans. They had climbed over the mountain and found themselves suddenly face to face with the huge masses of the army. Then they realized what a difficult moment was before them. They first prayed, giving God the glory, and then, bound together with chains, side by side, they fell upon the enemies and conquered them. To-day we no longer need the actual chains; we have a powerful religion and our oath. Remain true to it, and think of it, whether you are within the country or without. Hold your colors high, the black, white, and red which here stand before you, and think of your oath, think of your Emperor.
CHRISTENING OF A CRUISER
KIEL, MARCH 26, 1895
The Emperor, as will be plain, took much satisfaction in the
development of his navy and was to make innumerable addresses on
these occasions. The present is a fair type of a number of the
shorter speeches. Very soon they were to become occasions in which
he was to broach the idea of the greater navy. The present address
will serve to illustrate the spirit he was hoping to instil into
this branch of the service.
As a testimony to the industry of the Fatherland, after the diligent labors of the imperial dockyards, this vessel now stands before us ready to be given over to its element. Thou shalt now be enrolled in the German navy. Thou shalt serve in the protection of the Fatherland to bring defiance and annihilation to the enemy. The names of the ships which belong to the same class are taken from the old Germanic sagas. Therefore thou also shalt hark back to the ancient time of our ancestors, to the powerful divinity who was worshipped and feared by all our German seafaring forefathers and whose mighty realm stretched from the north even unto the south pole, in whose province the northern battles were fought, and whence death and destruction were brought into the land of the enemy. Thou shalt bear the name of this great and mighty god. Mayst thou prove thyself worthy of it! So do I christen thee with the name of _Ægir_.
VISIT TO BISMARCK
FRIEDRICHSRUH, MARCH 26, 1895
Historians of modern Germany have discussed and explained in
various ways the causes of the retirement of Bismarck, the "Iron
Chancellor." From the moment he became "Minister President and
Minister of Foreign Affairs," in 1862, his hand was the hand that
guided German policy, and his was the genius that presided over
and shaped the unification of Germany and the building of the
empire. It has been truly said that the biography of Bismarck is
the history of German union. He had been born in Brandenburg and
spent his life in the service of the Prussian Kings. It was he who
in the dark days preceding the victories of the sixties had given
William I heart and had prevented him from giving up his task. It
was, therefore, a great shock to the German world to learn that,
two years after the accession of William II, the great founder of
German unity had been forced into retirement. There had been rumors
of previous disagreements. The German Chancellor is responsible
not to the Reichstag but solely to the Emperor; he takes the
responsibility of shaping the imperial policy. It was said that
Bismarck resented certain interference with his authority in his
own cabinet. It is certain that he looked with disfavor on the
Emperor's policy with regard to labor legislation. With regard to
the attitude toward Russia there was likewise disagreement, and
Bismarck opposed the Emperor's visit to Constantinople. But aside
from these questions of policy, there were deep psychological
incompatibilities. Crabbed age and romantic youth could not live
together. Furthermore, the Emperor wished to take the credit for
initiating and carrying through his own policies. He was not
content to be a shadow king. Bismarck, after nearly forty years of
service, was not willing to be a puppet chancellor. He insisted
on the form of cabinet government decreed in 1852. The Emperor's
disposition of mind may be gathered from the following extracts
from a speech delivered shortly before Bismarck's retirement, and
it should be remembered that at this time Bismarck was far from
being an enthusiastic supporter of certain measures then taking
shape in the mind of William II. On the 5th of March, 1890, the
Emperor announced to the Brandenburgers: "All those who wish to
help me in this work I bid heartily welcome, whoever they may be;
but all those (whoever they may be) who oppose me in this work I
shall smash to pieces" (_zerschmettern_). Bismarck was forced to
offer his resignation two weeks later. Besides his ducal title, he
was given the honorary title of general of cavalry, with the rank
of field-marshal. Because of his opposition, he was treated in the
following years with extreme coolness and occasionally as an enemy.
The German ambassador at Vienna was instructed from Berlin, on
the occasion of the marriage of Bismarck's son, not to accept an
invitation to the wedding. Foreign ambassadors were informed that
for the Emperor there were two Bismarcks: the former responsible
servant and the present irresponsible subject. The honors given him
were not generally honors due a great ex-chancellor, but honors
due a military officer. "Living," said Bismarck, "they give me the
honors of the dead." On this, his eightieth birthday, the Reichstag
voted down the proposal that they send him their congratulations.
The Emperor, with an exclusively military suite, however, paid him
this visit and presented him with a sword engraved with his arms
and with the arms of the conquered provinces, Alsace-Lorraine. In
all probability, Bismarck felt the lack of mention of his services
as Chancellor; his entirely diplomatic reply printed below would
seem to indicate this.
YOUR HIGHNESS:
Our whole Fatherland decks itself out to celebrate your birthday. This day belongs to the army. Its first duty is to do honor to its comrades, to its old officers, whose efficiency made it possible for it to carry through the mighty deeds which found their reward in the crowning of a regenerated Fatherland.
The military host which stands gathered here is a symbol of the whole army, especially this regiment which has the honor of calling your Highness its commander, and especially that standard which reminds us of the fame of Brandenburg and Prussia, which dates from the time of the Great Elector and is consecrated by the blood shed at Mars-la-Tour. Your Highness will see in spirit, behind this gathering of troops, the collected army of the entire German race in battle array to celebrate this day with us.
In sight of this host, I come now to present to your Highness my gift. I could find no better token than a sword, this noblest weapon of the Germans; a symbol of that instrument which your Highness with my late grandfather helped to shape, to sharpen, and also to wield; the symbol of that great, powerful period of building whose mortar was blood and iron; that weapon which is never dismayed and which, when necessary, in the hands of kings and princes will defend against internal foes that unity of the Fatherland which it had once conquered from the foes without. May your Highness be good enough to notice the linking of your arms with those of Alsace-Lorraine here engraved and feel again all that history which found its conclusion in the events of twenty-five years ago!
But we comrades call out: His Highness, Prince Bismarck, Duke of Lauenburg--Hurrah! Hurrah! Hurrah!
Bismarck replied with more pith:
Your Majesty will allow me to lay my humblest thanks at your feet. My military position with regard to your Majesty does not permit me to further express my feelings to your Majesty. I thank your Majesty.
OPENING OF THE EMPEROR WILLIAM CANAL
KIEL, JUNE 21, 1895
In furthering Germany's economic and industrial development, the
building of canals has served an important function in reducing
the cost of transportation and in making possible competition with
other nations. Although the Emperor William Canal was an idea of
Bismarck's, his name is not here mentioned. Emperor William II
has taken a very lively interest in this development of inland
waterways and has rendered a great service to the industrial
development of his country in this regard.
In memory of Emperor William the Great, I baptize the canal "Emperor William Canal."
The Emperor then accompanied his three hammer strokes with the
following words: "In the name of the Triune God, to the honor of
Emperor William, to the blessing of Germany, and to the welfare of
the people!"
He proposed this toast at the banquet:
I behold with pleasure and with pride this brilliant and festive gathering, and in the name of my honored colleagues I bid you all, the guests of the empire, most heartily welcome. We wish to express our inmost thanks for the interest you have taken in the completion of a work which, begun in peace and accomplished in peace, is to-day given over to general trade.
It is not only in our own day that the idea first existed of joining the North and Baltic Seas by a great canal; far back in the Middle Ages we find drafts and plans for the working out of this undertaking. In the past century the Eider Canal was built, which, while it affords a wonderful example of the ability of that day, still, as it was intended only for the passage of the smaller craft, could not satisfy the increased demands of the present day. It remained for the newly founded German Empire to find a satisfactory solution for this great problem.
It was my immortal grandfather, his Majesty, Emperor William the Great, who, thoroughly appreciating the significance of the canal for increasing the national welfare and strengthening our defense, devoted his unflagging interest to the plan for the building of an effective waterway between the North and the Baltic Seas and for overcoming the many obstacles which stood in the way of its accomplishment. Joyfully and confidently the affiliated rulers of the empire, as well as the Reichstag, followed the imperial initiative, and for eight years the work was industriously carried on which, as it approached completion, aroused in ever-increasing measure the public interest. What technic on the basis of its great development has been able to accomplish, what was possible through pride and joy in the work, what finally could be done in promoting the welfare of the numberless workers engaged in the task, in accordance with the principles of the humane social politics of the empire, has been accomplished in this undertaking. Therefore the Fatherland dare rejoice with me and my noble colleagues in the success of this enterprise.
However, we have worked not only for our own interests. In accordance with the great cultural mission of the German people, we open the locks of the canal to the peaceful trading of the nations with each other, and it will give us great satisfaction if its increasing use shall prove not only that the intentions by which we were led are understood but that they are becoming fruitful in increasing the welfare of the people.
The interest in our celebration on the part of the powers whose representatives we see among us, and whose magnificent ships we have to-day admired, I greet with greater joy the more I have the right to see in it the complete justification of our efforts directed toward the righteous maintenance of peace. Germany will also place the work inaugurated to-day in the service of peace and will consider herself fortunate if the Emperor William Canal strengthens and promotes in this service for all time our friendly relations with the other powers.
I empty my glass to the friendly sovereigns and powers. Hurrah! Hurrah! Hurrah!
IV
THE BEGINNING OF WORLD POLITICS
JUNE 16, 1896--MARCH 22, 1905
THE BEGINNING OF WORLD POLITICS
BERLIN, JUNE 16, 1896
It is difficult to fix any definite date at which any new movement
in politics may be said to have begun. Toward the close of the
year 1894 there appear unmistakable signs of a new dispensation.
In this year Caprivi, Bismarck's successor as Chancellor, retired
in favor of Prince Hohenlohe. The latter appears in his new office
for the first time in the session of the Reichstag which opened
December 5, 1894. In that session the insufficient protection of
Germans residing in foreign lands was repeatedly insisted upon, and
the colonizing spirit and the agitation for a very considerable
increase in the navy began to make themselves felt. The building
of three new cruisers was authorized, but the plan to erect a
dry dock at Kiel was rejected. The year 1895 was to be crowded
with festivals celebrating the twenty-fifth anniversaries of
the victories of the Franco-Prussian War, and there resulted a
consequent impetus to what might be called nascent imperialism.
This was further stimulated by outward events. In 1895 France,
Germany, and Russia intervened between Japan and China, then at
war. In 1897 Germany seized and then leased Kiaochow from China
for ninety-nine years and intervened in the war between Greece and
Turkey on behalf of the Turks. She began, therefore, to take a more
prominent part in world politics and definitely entered upon her
policy of expansion. The German people felt that this was rendered
necessary by the fact that Germany had become a great industrial
and exporting nation, whose interests demanded insistence on the
"open-door" policy. Her rapidly increasing population (the annual
increase was between 800,000 and 900,000) also, we are told, made
necessary the creation of new colonies to take care of surplus
population and to provide sustenance for those at home who were
being drawn off into industrial pursuits.
It should be remembered in this connection, however, that
emigration from Germany is very far from being on the increase. It
has diminished astonishingly since 1880. In the decade from 1880
to 1890 the annual emigration averaged about 135,000, and in 1881
it reached its highest point, 220,000. In the decade from 1900 to
1910 it never in any one year ran over 37,000 and averaged about
27,000--in other words, it had declined, in spite of the increase
in population and in the number of colonies, to one fifth of its
former proportions. The figures have only a relative significance.
The annual emigration from Belgium, for instance, which has little
more than one tenth the population of Germany, was considerably
higher, averaging 35,000 annually for the years from 1906 to 1910.
The annual emigration from the United Kingdom to places outside
of Europe in the same period was approximately 532,000 annually.
As, therefore, German emigration has in the last quarter century
steadily declined, it may be safely inferred that the problem of
finding colonies for her surplus population is not now, at least, a
more pressing one for Germany than it was twenty-five years ago.
A conscientious American student of contemporary politics has said
quite justly that "the most vital and burning problem in the world
to-day" is the problem of Germany's _Weltpolitik_. It is not the
purpose of this volume to enter into questions of controversy.
He who wishes, however, to understand Germany's position and
the Emperor's position toward the world to-day must consider
carefully not only the problem itself but some of its practical
implications. In one of his bursts of enthusiasm the Emperor will
tell us later[9] that this policy implies that no question in the
world--no question of international politics, in other words--is to
be decided without Germany. This would mean, strictly interpreted,
that no transfer or change of status in colonial possessions--Cuba
or the Philippines, for instance--no international canal, like
Panama, could be made without her sanction. And there are those in
Germany, like Doctor Liman, who believe that this doctrine should
have been more rigidly maintained than had hitherto been the case.
_A priori_, Germany is, of course, as much entitled to the right
to pursue such a policy as any other power. Ethically, however--if
ethics have any place in the discussion--it must be the result
which justifies such a policy: not the results merely to the nation
pursuing the policy but the results also to the nation or tribe at
whose expense the policy is pursued. In the utilitarian phrase, it
must redound to the greater good of the greater number.
[9] "Germany's greatness makes it impossible for her to do without
the ocean--but the ocean also proves that even in the distance,
and on its farther side, without Germany and the German Emperor
no great decision dare henceforth be taken." (July 3, 1900.)
A dispassionate consideration of Prussia's treatment of her
dependencies must convince any except the most partisan that her
efforts here have been far less successful than those of most other
nations, if they are not to be qualified as utter and absolute
failures. Chancellor Caprivi had said quite justly that the worst
blow an enemy could give him would be to force more territories in
Africa upon him. Nevertheless, Germany has since Caprivi's time
and at imminent risk of war acquired further African possessions.
The attempt to colonize Africa, begun, as we have seen, by the
Great Elector, was Germany's first venture in this field. Yet at no
time did the Germans seem to get on well with the blacks. In the
Emperor's speeches to the Reichstag he has spoken of his desire
to introduce Christian customs and Christian morality among the
negroes. Yet his attempts here were hardly successful. The Herreros
in Southwest Africa revolted and massacred German colonists,
sparing the Boers and English who had come before the German
occupation. Doctor Gibbons tells us that the suppression of this
rebellion took more than a year and cost Germany an appalling sum
of money and many lives. But it cost the natives more. Two thirds
of the nation of the Herreros were massacred, and, while only six
or seven thousand were in arms, the German official report states
that forty thousand were killed. The Germans confiscated all the
lands of the natives. In 1906, after twenty-one years of German
rule, there were in Southwest Africa sixteen thousand prisoners of
war out of a total native population of thirty-one thousand. All
the natives lived in concentration camps and were forced to work
for the government. It may be conceded that Germany's problem here
was a difficult one; it must also be recognized that her policy had
been neither of advantage to the natives nor to Germany herself.
In other cases, where the problem would seem to have been simpler,
the results have likewise been disastrous. It is not our purpose
to give the reasons but to state the facts. After one hundred
and twenty-five years of incorporation into Prussia the Poles
of East Prussia have in large part not been amalgamated and are
still the victims of discriminatory legislation. In judging such a
policy it is not merely a question as to whether Alsace-Lorraine,
for instance, did or did not once belong to Germany. Morally it
is difficult to concede to any nation the right to govern any
population which it makes permanently unhappy. After forty-four
years the problem of Alsace-Lorraine seemed to be very little
nearer a solution than it was at its inception. It is a mistake
to believe that the discontent was due principally to the fact
that the inhabitants must transfer their allegiance from France to
Germany. The discontent was due to the empire's refusal to give the
population rights and status compatible with their self-respect
as enlightened subjects of a twentieth-century government. Men of
German as well as of French descent, and even German emigrants who
were induced to settle in the province since 1870, took part in the
opposition. In a recent haphazard list of the "real leaders" of
Alsace-Lorraine, we find the following six names: Wetterlé, Preiss,
Blumenthal, Weber, Bucher, and Theodor. Of these the last five,
at least, are wholly or in part of German descent. Yet the most
serious demonstration in Metz since its annexation took place in
June, 1910. On July 25 of that same year, for the first time since
the University of Strasburg had been re-established by the Germans,
a professor was hissed out of his lecture-room; and, as we have
seen, in spite of an energetic propaganda by German newspapers, in
1912 more Alsacians enlisted in the French Foreign Legion than in
any single year since 1871. The situation in that province has been
already discussed in connection with the Emperor's speech of March
14, 1891. Quite evidently, the problem there was hardly on the
way to successful solution in August, 1914. Of course, Germany's
success in colonizing is not the only question to be considered
with regard to her _Weltpolitik_. It is, however, an essential
factor.
As will be evident from subsequent addresses, it was the Emperor
who everywhere gave the initial impulse. Whether or not he involved
himself in contradictions here, the student must decide. To
certain of his subjects he appeared to be doing so, and it was
for this reason that one of his hostile critics, Doctor Liman,
tells us in bitterness that German politics of the last twenty
years is "a fantastic mixture of tearful longing for peace and
an inflated desire for prestige." ("Der Kaiser," p. 317.) The
present empire had been proclaimed on the 18th of January, 1871,
and the anniversary marked the crowning celebration of the year.
In his speech the Emperor announces that "The German Empire has
become a world-empire." This may be said to provide the key to his
subsequent policy and to mark the dawning of a new era. The address
was delivered at a dinner held in the Royal Palace.
The present day, like the entire year in all its festivities, is a day of grateful retrospect. It is a continued high festival of gratitude for and in commemoration of the great departed Emperor. A blessing rests upon the present day, and over it hovers the spirit of him who lies in Charlottenburg,[10] and of him who sleeps in the Friedenskirche.[11] What our fathers had hoped and what German youth in her dreams had sung and desired it was granted to them, the two Emperors, to achieve; working with the princes, it was granted to them to reconquer and re-establish the German Empire. We are privileged gratefully to enjoy its advantages; we have a right to rejoice on the present day. Nevertheless, it is our earnest duty to maintain what the great lords have won for us. The German Empire has become a world-empire. Everywhere in distant quarters of the earth thousands of our countrymen are living. German guardians, German science, German industry are going across the sea. The value of what Germany has upon the seas amounts to thousands of millions. It is your earnest duty, gentlemen, to help to bind this greater German Empire firmly to our ancestral home. The vow which I made you to-day can become truth only if you are animated by a united patriotic spirit and grant me your fullest support. It is my wish that, standing in closest union, you help me to do my duty not only to my countrymen in a narrower sense but also to the many thousands of countrymen in foreign lands. This means that I may be able to protect them if I must. It is with this wish, and deeply conscious of the injunction which is issued to us all--"What you have inherited from your fathers, conquer it in order that you may possess it"--that I raise my glass to our beloved German Fatherland and call out: Long live the German Empire!--once again, may it live!--and a third time, long live the Empire!
[10] Emperor William I.
[11] Emperor Frederick III.
TO THE RECRUITS FOR THE NAVY
WILHELMSHAVEN, FEBRUARY 21, 1896
On the occasion of administering the oath to the naval recruits at
Wilhelmshaven the Emperor delivered the following address:
In the sight of God and of His servants you have sworn to me the oath of allegiance, and I expect from you that you will become good and sturdy sailors. Keep to what you have sworn, for "one man, one word." The soldiers of the army frequently have the occasion to show what they have learned and what they are capable of under the eyes of their superiors. This is not true in the navy, for many of you will be for years in foreign waters. But you must not think that on that account my eyes have been turned away from you.
In relation to other navies our own navy is still small, is in the budding stage; but through our discipline we must become strong and by it compensate for all that we lack in material strength. What is discipline? Nothing but the unconditional subjection of our own will to a higher will. Even if every one intends to do good, he must none the less subordinate his intention to the good of the whole. Only by holding together can we create a firm body that will be able to accomplish something complete and great.
A TOAST TO THE RUSSIAN EMPEROR AND EMPRESS
ST. PETERSBURG, AUGUST 8, 1897
The visit which the Czar had paid Emperor William at Breslau
the year before (September 5, 1896) had led to unfortunate
consequences. The Czar, in his answer to the wishes of the Emperor
that the two empires might draw more closely together, had
announced, according to the official report, that he was animated
by the same traditional sentiments as his Majesty, Emperor William
II. Certain important papers printed a reading which made it appear
that the Czar had said that he shared the same feelings which had
moved his father (who was notoriously anti-German). The State
Secretary, Von Marschall, was drawn into an ugly suit as a result.
It was stated that the Foreign Office was involved. Although this
was not true, it left a decidedly bad impression, and several
officials resigned.
On the occasion of the visit of the German Emperor and Empress to
St. Petersburg they were greeted by a most friendly address of
welcome from the Czar, and Emperor William II was made an admiral
of the Russian fleet. On this occasion he offered the following
toast to the Russian Emperor and Empress:
In the name of her Majesty, the Empress, and in my own, I thank your Majesty warmly for the hearty and magnificent reception which you have given us and for the gracious words with which your Majesty has so lovingly bid us welcome. At the same time, with deep feeling I would like to lay at the feet of your Majesty my grateful acknowledgment for the renewed and unexpected distinction which your Majesty has conferred upon me in giving me a place in your glorious fleet. This is a particular honor, which I appreciate at its full significance and which is also a distinction conferred very particularly upon my navy. In my appointment as a Russian admiral I see not only an honor conferred upon my person but also a new evidence for the perpetuation of the close relationship, traditional and unshakable, which exists between our two empires. The unalterable decision of your Majesty to preserve now and hereafter peace for your people finds in me also a joyful echo, and wandering together in the same way we two shall strive in concert, under the blessing of this peace, to guide the cultural development of our peoples. My whole people is behind me, I know, as I confidently lay this renewed pledge in the hands of your Majesty--I shall bestow upon your Majesty my most powerful support and stand at your side with all my heart in this great work of preserving the peace for the nations and in directing my strength against any one who might attempt to disturb or break this peace. I drink to the health of their Majesties, the Emperor and the Empress! [These last words the Emperor spoke in Russian.]
THE ARMY TRADITION
COBLENTZ, AUGUST 30, 1897
On this date the Emperor reviewed the great parade of the Eighth
Army Corps, under the leadership of the commanding general, the
Grand Duke of Baden. At the dinner after the review the Emperor
offered the following toast. The address illustrates what Doctor
Liman calls the romanticism of the Emperor. He is easily impressed
by his surroundings and speaks with particular animation and fervor
on the occasions (and they are frequent) in which the memories of
his ancestors are brought back to him:
A review in the Rhine country, what an entrancing and what a beautiful picture! But a review on the shores of the River Rhine itself, and in sight of the old historic city of Coblentz--how this appeals to our hearts! The sight of the soldierly sons of the Rhine country, under the command of your Royal Highness, has moved me to deep joy. But it moves me with deep sadness, likewise, for the place on which we stand and the city in which we tarry is a witness to a great time and reminds us of great names and figures.
We, therefore, do not wish to forget that the time[12] which Emperor William the Great spent in Coblentz was of deepest significance, especially for us in the army. Here the work which he was called upon to carry through came to maturity; here it was granted him in quiet retirement to work out the organization of his army, which was often attacked with animosity and often misunderstood but which has so magnificently justified itself. His nation under arms has proved in three victorious wars that he was right.
[12] 1850-7.
And now let us turn from our glance into the past to the present day. The splendid corps which I took from the hands of a general [Vogel von Falckenstein] whose name spelled bravery, whose conduct, chivalry, and whose life, fidelity on the battle-field and in peace, I have now given over to you, the grandson of the great Emperor, the son[13] of the lofty Princess who would not be deprived of the pleasure of appearing here to-day and, in the spirit of her great departed mother, of celebrating and tarrying for a while with us in memories.
[13] The hereditary Grand Duke of Baden at this time was Frederick
William, born July 9, 1857, son of the Grand Duke Frederick I and
the Grand Duchess Louise-Marie, Princess of Prussia. The Grand
Duchess Louise-Marie was the daughter of Emperor William I. The
hereditary Grand Duke, who since the death of his father, in 1907,
has been reigning Grand Duke of Baden, is therefore a grandson
of William I and first cousin of the present Emperor, which will
explain the somewhat unusual familiarity of the Emperor's address.
The corps has been honored by the fact that his Royal Highness, the Duke of Cambridge, who was for a long time the highest in command of the brave British army, has decided to appear here and to lead before me his gallant historic regiment. I express my hearty thanks to your Royal Highness. The corps, is indeed, highly fortunate in this. We are privileged to greet in the noble person of your Royal Highness an associate, a contemporary of our departed great Emperor, about whom I know particularly that he always spoke with deepest respect and greatest friendship of your Royal Highness, and that he always praised your Royal Highness's military achievements.
My dear Fritz [turning to his Royal Highness, the hereditary Grand Duke], to-day's parade does you and the corps great honor in every respect, and we can say with a clear conscience that the sons of the Rhineland who have marched by to-day will do their duty as completely, and that they are as well trained and as brave as they were in the time of the great Emperor. _It is our duty to maintain, in all its parts, the army, the work of the great Emperor, against every influence and to defend it against every opposition from without_, and I hope that every general will be as faithful and as upright as you are, and that he will strive to achieve this aim in his field with as good results as you have done.
With this hope I raise my glass and drink to the health of the Eighth Army Corps and its commanding general. The Eighth Army Corps! Hurrah! Hurrah! Hurrah!
TOAST TO THE ITALIAN KING AND QUEEN
HOMBURG, SEPTEMBER 4, 1897
On this day the Emperor reviewed the Eleventh Army Corps, which was
under the command of General von Wittich, in the presence of the
Empress and of the King and Queen of Italy. At the banquet which
followed in the Castle of Homburg, the Emperor offered this toast:
MY DEAR WITTICH:
I am happy to be able to express to you before our royal and princely guests and to the whole army corps my heartiest congratulations on this day. I am pleased to be able to say that the present day in its achievements does not suffer in the least by comparison with the day when, many years ago,[14] the corps defiled before my late grandfather, my dear father, and the late Grand Duke. I thank his Royal Highness, the Grand Duke, for the splendid division which he has led, and I am pleased to see him at the head of the magnificent troops which have done such great things under his father.
[14] September 25, 1883.
A great honor has been conferred upon the corps through the fact that riding at the head of one of his regiments [13th Hessian Hussar Regiment] his Majesty, King Humbert of Italy, has led it before us.
Your Majesty! My army thanks your Majesty whole-heartedly for the great honor which has been conferred upon it. Not only my army but also the whole German Fatherland greets in the person of your Majesty the lofty prince, the close friend of my departed father, the faithful ally, whose coming here shows again to us and to the world that the bond of the triple alliance stands firm and inviolate, the triple alliance which was founded in the interest of peace and which, as time goes on, strikes deeper and firmer root in the consciousness of the peoples, in order finally to bring forth greater fruit.
In deepest gratitude I bid the great Queen welcome in the name of my people. We rejoice that she has not disdained to come here, leaving behind her her repose and her activities dedicated to art and literature, and that she should have graced with her fair presence this camp of our soldiers. Her Majesty is particularly dear and precious to us Germans, because she is like the image of the great constellation to which her people and Fatherland look up with confidence; because the artist, the wise man, the musician, and the student always have free access to her, and because under the protection of her Majesty so many a German can fulfil his life devoted to learning and so many an invalid can go in search of his health to the beautiful sunny south.
With a whole heart I bid you both welcome, and call out with my Eleventh Corps: Their Majesties, the King and Queen of Italy!--Hurrah! Hurrah! Hurrah!
ADDRESS AT A DEDICATION OF FLAGS
BERLIN, OCTOBER 18, 1897
On this occasion sixty-three new flags were dedicated to the newly
formed regiments of the guard, of the First to the Eleventh and of
the Fifteenth to the Seventeenth Army Corps. The Emperor and people
celebrate this anniversary of the battle of Leipzig, 1813, with
particularly patriotic demonstrations, and he almost invariably
makes it the occasion for a military address. After the religious
ceremony the Emperor addressed the following words to his troops:
The flags which have just now been consecrated before the altar of God and which have received His blessing I now turn over to the new regiments which spring from their old and proved predecessors in accordance with the custom of our army, which forever renews itself and its youth out of the ranks of its older and proved regiments. I do this in a hallowed place, before the statue of the great King and before the windows of the great Emperor. If the site is holy, so too is the day. It is the anniversary of the great victory after which the German people for the first time dared look forward in prospect to the dawn of coming union and the future greatness which was conditioned thereby. The day on which, for everlasting memory, the October fires leap from Germany's hills is the birthday of the heroic first German Crown Prince and of the second German Emperor.[15]
[15] Frederick III.
Out of the old and proved regiments which he led to battle and victory the shoots have been taken for these new ones to which I now turn over their field insignia. May Almighty God, who has ever been so faithful and well intentioned to our Prussia and to the whole German Fatherland, help always to maintain the vows of the thousands of German youths who shall stream from the circles of the people to these new flags and who before them shall swear their oath of allegiance!
I hope that in these regiments the qualities of the great Emperor will live on--the absolutely unselfish devotion to the whole, the unreserved sacrifice of one's own capacity, bodily as well as spiritual, for the honor of the army and for the safety of the beloved Fatherland. Then, I am convinced, will the foundations remain firm and intact in these new regiments, the foundations upon which the discipline of our army rests--bravery, sense of honor, and absolute and unconditional obedience.
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The German Emperor as Shown in His Public UtterancesChapter III: Part 3
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